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THE  CAMBRIDGE  BIBLE 
FOR  SCHOOLS  &:  COLLEGES 


THE   SECOND  BOOK  OF 

SAMUEL 


EDITED  BY 


A.F.KmKPATRICK.M.A. 


GENERAL    EDITOR 

J.  J.  S.PEROWNE,  D.D. 

DEAN  OF   PETERBOROUGH 


._!-  V-^JL' 


JOHN  S.  McKEE. 

Ho Cost...f.P 

r-  :g  3  -  F  ? 


tihrary  of t:he  t:heolo0ical  ^emmar;p 

PRINCETON    .    NEW  JERSEY 


PRESENTED  BY 

Edward   Bates   Turner 


C|)e  Camibrttifle  MUt  (or  ^t|)0J3ls 
antj  Colleges^ 


THE    SECOND    BOOK 

OF 

SAMUEL. 


lontion:    C.  J.  CLAY  AND  SONS, 

CAMBRIDGE   UNIVERSITY   PRESS   WAREHOUSE, 

Ave  Maria  Lane. 


Cambrittge:  DEIGHTON,  BELL,  AND  CO. 
ILeipjig:  F.  A.   BROCKHAUS. 


I 


.L 


Cije  Cambvitijje  MhU  for  ^t^ools 
anti  Collejjes* 

General  Editor;— J.  J.  S.  PEROWNE,  D.D  _ 

Dean  of  Peterborough.        y^Sf^        rnlnQ 

^JUN    6    1951 
THE    SECOND    BOOK% 

VESICAL  St^ 

OF 

SAMUEL, 

WITH  MAPS,    NOTES    AND    INTRODUCTION 

BY    THE 

REV.   A.   F.    KIRKPATRICK,   M.A., 

FELLOW   OF  TRINITY  COLLEGE,    AND   REGIUS 
PROFESSOR   OF   HEBREW   IN   THE   UNIVERSITY   OF  CAMBRIDGE. 


EDITED  FOR    THE   SYNDICS  OF   THE   UNIVERSITY  PRESS. 


AT   THE   UNIVERSITY   PRESS. 
1886 

\All  Rights  reserved?^ 


Etiam  quae  plana  videntur  in  Scripturis 
plena  sunt  quaestionibus. 

HiERONYMUS. 


2000  .  9  .  87 


PREFACE 
BY   THE    GENERAL    EDITOR. 


The  General  Editor  of  Tlie  Cambridge  Bible  for 
Schools  thinks  it  right  to  say  that  he  does  not  hold 
himself  responsible  either  for  the  interpretation  of 
particular  passages  which  the  Editors  of  the  several 
Books  have  adopted,  or  for  any  opinion  on  points  of 
doctrine  that  they  may  have  expressed.  In  the  New 
Testament  more  especially  questions  arise  of  the 
deepest  theological  import,  on  which  the  ablest  and 
most  conscientious  interpreters  have  differed  and 
always  will  differ.  His  aim  has  been  in  all  such 
cases  to  leave  each  Contributor  to  the  unfettered 
exercise  of  his  own  judgment,  only  taking  care  that 
mere  controversy  should  as  far  as  possible  be  avoided. 
He  has  contented  himself  chiefly  with  a  careful 
revision  of  the  notes,  with  pointing  out  omissions,  with 


PREFACE. 


suggesting  occasionally  a  reconsideration  of  some 
question,  or  a  fuller  treatment  of  difficult  passages, 
and  the  like. 

Beyond  this  he  has  not  attempted  to  interfere, 
feeling  it  better  that  each  Commentary  should  have 
its  own  individual  character,  and  being  convinced 
that  freshness  and  variety  of  treatment  are  more 
than  a  compensation  for  any  lack  of  uniformity  in 
the  Series. 

Deanery,  Peterborough. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGES 

I,     Introduction. 

Chapter  I.     The  Book  of  Samuel  9 — 17 

Chapter  II.     Analysis    of   the    Second    Book    of 

Samuel    17 — 21 

Chapter  III.     The  Relation  of  the  Book  of  Chroni- 
cles to  the  Book  of  Samuel 22 — 25 

Chapter  IV.     The  Chronology  of  the  Second  Book 

ofSamuel  25 — 27 

Chapter  V.     The  Place  of  the  Books  of  Samuel  in 

the  History  of  the  Kingdom  of  God  27 — 32 

Chapter  VI.     The  Reign  of  David    32 — 41 

Chapter  VII.    The  Typical  Significance  of  David's 

Reign  and  Life  42 — 45 

Chapter  VIII.    Psalms  illustrative  of  David's  Reign  45 — 48 

II.    Text  and  Notes 49—232 

III.  Additional  Notes  I— VI 233—241 

IV,  Index 243 

Map  of  the  Holy   Land  to  illustrate   the 

Books  of  Samuel to  face  title-page. 

Map  of  the  Environs  of  Jerusalem  to  face  p.  49. 


*  The  Text  adopted  in  this  Edition  is  that  of  Dr  Scrivener's 
Cambridge  Paragraph  Bible.  A  few  variations  from  the  ordi- 
nary Text,  chiefly  in  the  spelling  of  certain  words,  and  in  the 
use  of  italics,  will  be  noticed.  For  the  principles  adopted  by 
Dr  Scrivener  as  regards  the  printing  of  the  Text  see  his  Intro- 
duction to  the  Paragraph  Bible,  published  by  the  Cambridge 
University  Press. 


I   HAVE   FOUND  DAVID   MY   SERVANT 

With  my  holy  oil  have  I  anointed  him. 
I  will  give  you  the  sure  mercies  of  David. 

HE  SHALL   be  great  AND  SHALL  BE  CALLED 

The  Son  of  the  Most  High. 
And  the  Lord  God  shall  give  unto  HIM 
The  throne  of  his  father  David. 


INTRODUCTION. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 

I.  Titles  and  Division  of  the  Books.  The  two  Books  of 
Samuel,  like  the  two  Books  of  Kings,  originally  formed  an  un- 
divided whole  ^,  and  must  be  considered  as  one  book  for  critical 
purposes  in  general  introductory  remarks.  The  Septuagint 
translators,  regarding  the  Book  of  Samuel  and  the  Book  of 
Kings  as  a  complete  History  of  the  Kingdom  from  its  founda- 
tion to  its  fall,  divided  the  work  into  four  books,  which  they 
styled  Books  of  the  Kingdoms  {^i^Xoi  ^acrikeiwv).  Jerome  fol- 
lowed this  division  in  the  Vulgate,  altering  the  name  to  Books 
of  the  Kijtgs  (Libri  Regum),  which  is  retained  as  an  alternative 
title  in  the  English  Bible.  This  division  was  first  introduced 
into  printed  Hebrew  Bibles  by  the  Venice  printer  Bomberg  in 
1518. 

2.  Meani7tg  of  the  Title.  The  title  Samuel  does  not  denote 
authorship,  but  like  the  titles  Joshua,  Ruth,  and  Esther,  com- 
memorates the  prominent  actor  in  the  events  recorded  in  the 
book.  Its  adoption  shews  a  true  insight  into  the  connexion  of 
the  history  it  contains.     It  stands  as  a  monument  of  the  great- 

^  The  Masoretic  note  of  the  number  of  verses,  &c.,  appended  at  the 
close  of  the  Second  Book  in  the  Hebrew  Bible,  still  treats  the  two 
books  as  one.  Origen  (quoted  by  Euseb.  H.  E.  vi.  25.  3)  mentions 
that  the  Jews  of  his  day  regarded  Samuel  as  one  book. 


10  INTRODUCTION. 


ness  of  the  Prophet  who  was  Jehovah's  instrument  for  establish- 
ing the  Kingdom  of  Israel,  and  guiding  the  chosen  people 
through  a  crisis  in  its  history  second  in  importance  only  to  the 
Exodus.  The  book  begins  with  the  account  of  his  birth  :  and 
his  direct  influence  extends  to  the  close  of  it,  in  the  reign  of 
the  king  whom  he  anointed  as  Jehovah's  choice. 

The  Second  Book  of  Samuel  must  seem  a  strange  title  for  a 
book  of  which  not  a  line  was  written  by  Samuel,  and  in  which 
his  name  is  not  once  mentioned,  unless  these  two  considerations 
are  borne  in  mind,  (i)  that  the  division  of  the  book  into  two 
parts  is  not  original,  (2)  that  Samuel's  direct  work  really  reaches 
all  through  the  book. 

3.  Who  was  the  Author  of  the  Book  of  Samuel?  To  this 
question  no  answer  can  be  given.  A  late  Jewish  tradition 
ascribes  the  authorship  to  Samuel  himself.  This  obviously 
could  only  apply  to  the  first  twenty- four  chapters  of  the  First 
Book,  and  as  the  work  forms  a  connected  whole,  it  is  improbable 
that  these  in  their  present  form  proceeded  from  his  pen.  It  is 
generally  agreed  that  the  Book  is  a  compilation  from  different 
sources,  but  who  was  the  compiler  there  is  no  evidence  to  shew. 

4.  What  then  were  these  sources  ?  Ingenious  attempts  have 
been  made  to  analyse  the  component  parts  of  the  book.  But 
apart  from  these  conjectural  theories  we  have  several  indications 
of  the  sources  from  which  the  compiler  drew  his  materials. 

{a)  The  chief  sources  were  probably  contempo7'ary  prophetical 
histories.  The  compiler  of  the  Book  of  Chronicles  (probably 
Ezra)  expressly  names  as  the  original  authority  for  the  history 
of  David's  reign  "the  chronicle  (lit.  words)  of  Samuel  the  seer 
iroeJi)  and  the  chronicle  of  Nathan  the  prophet,  and  the 
chronicle  of  Gad  the  seer  {ch6zeh)\^^  It  has  been  maintained 
that  Samuel,  Nathan,  and  Gad  were  the  subjects,  not  the  authors, 
of  the  works  referred  to.  Even  if  this  was  so,  it  is  evident  that 
they  contained  much  valuable  material  for  the  history  of  David's 
reign.  But  the  corresponding  reference  to  the  original  autho- 
rities  for  the   history   of  Solomon's  reign   in  2  Chron.  ix.  29 

1  For  the  distinction  between  rdeh  and  chSzeh  see  note  on  i  Sam. 
ix.  9. 


INTRODUCTION.  ii 

(among  which  the  chronicle  of  Nathan  the  prophet  is  again 
mentioned),  and  the  constant  references  to  similar  prophetic 
writings  as  authorities  for  the  reigns  of  later  kings  ^,  make  it 
almost  certain  that  the  three  prophets  mentioned  were  them- 
selves the  historians  of  the  period. 

It  has  been  also  maintained  that  the  works  referred  to  by  the , 
compiler  of  Chronicles  actually  were  the  present  Book  of 
Samuel.  But  it  is  evident  that  the  document  which  he  was 
using  contained  much  more  than  these  books,  while  at  the  same 
time  certain  sections  of  Samuel  and  Chronicles  agree  almost 
verbally.  The  most  natural  conclusion  is  that  both  compilers 
drew  from  the  same  authority,  which  the  Chronicler  expressly 
names.  From  this  each  felt  at  liberty  to  select  such  facts  as 
bore  upon  the  special  object  of  his  work  2. 

If  then  the  Book  of  Samuel  was  compiled  largely  from  the 
chronicles  of  Samuel,  Nathan,  and  Gad,  supplemented  by  other 
records  preserved  in  the  Schools  of  the  Prophets,  it  follows  that 
it  rests  upon  the  best  possible  authority.  Samuel  is  the  historian 
of  his  own  life-time,  which  included  the  greater  part  of  Saul's 
reign  :  Nathan  and  Gad  together  give  the  history  of  David's 
reign.  The  events  of  David's  life  must  have  been  familiarly 
known  in  the  Schools  of  the  Prophets  at  Ramah.  It  is  expressly 
mentioned  that  when  he  fled  from  Saul  he  "came  and  told 
Samuel  all  that  Saul  had  done  to  him,  and  he  and  Samuel  went 
and  dwelt  in  Naioth  V  the  college  of  prophets  which  Samuel 
had  established  at  Ramah.  To  this  intercourse  may  be  referred 
the  full  and  vivid  account  of  David's  friendship  with  Jonathan, 
preserved  perhaps  almost  in  the  very  words  in  which  he  related 
his  story  to  the  prophets. 

An  incidental  notice  suggests  that  Gad  was  the  medium  of 
communication  between  the  college  at  Ramah  and  David  during 

1  To  the  writings  of  Shemaiah  and  Iddo  for  the  reign  of  Rehoboam 
(2  Chron.  xii.  15) :  to  the  commentary  {midrash)  of  Iddo  for  that  of 
Abijah  {1  Chron.  xiii.  22).  Isaiah  is  expressly  said  to  have  written  the 
history  of  Uzziah's  reign  (2  Chron.  xxvi.  22).  See  also  2  Chron.  xx.  34, 
xxxii.  32,  xxxiii.  18,  19. 

2  See  further  in  Ch.  ill.  of  this  Introduction. 

3  I  Sam.  xix.  18. 


12  INTRODUCTION. 


his  outlaw  life^;  both  Gad''  and  Nathan^  appear  to  have  oc- 
cupied official  positions  in  David's  court ;  and  both  appear  as 
his  monitors  in  important  crises  of  his  life*.  To  Nathan  we 
probably  owe  the  full  history  of  David's  sin  and  repentance, 
together  with  the  series  of  calamities  by  which  it  was  punished, 
which  occupies  so  large  a  portion  of  the  Second  Book :  to  Gad 
may  be  due  the  account  of  the  Numbering  of  the  People  and 
its  consequences. 

{b)  The  chronicles  of  king  David  (i  Chron.  xxvii.  24),  which 
appear  from  this  allusion  to  have  been  of  the  nature  of  statisti- 
cal state-records,  may  also  have  been  consulted.  From  them 
may  have  been  derived  the  formal  summaries  of  wars  such  as 
are  given  in  2  Sam.  viii.  i — 15,  and  lists  of  officials  such  as 
those  in  2  Sam.  viii.  6 — 18,  xx.  23 — 26,  xxiii.  8 — 39. 

{c)  Express  mention  is  made  in  i  Sam.  x.  25  of  the  fact 
that  Samuel  committed  to  v/riting  the  charter  of  the  kingdom^ 
and  "laid  it  up  before  the  Lord,"  possibly  as  an  addition  to  the 
book  of  the  Law. 

{d)  The  natio7ial  poetic  literature  was  laid  under  contribu- 
tion. From  this  were  taken  Hannah's  song  (i  Sam.  ii.  i — 10)  ; 
David's  lament  for  Abner  (2  Sam.  iii.  33,  34) ;  David's  thanks- 
giving (2  Sam.  xxii.  =  Ps.  xviii.) ;  the  last  words  of  David 
(2  Sam.  xxiii.  i — 7).  Whether  these  were  preserved  in  writing 
or  by  oral  tradition  is  uncertain  :  of  David's  Lament  for  Saul 
and  Jonathan  it  is  expressly  said  that  it  was  written  in  the  "na- 
tional anthology"  known  as  the  Book  of  Jashar  (2  Sam.  i.  18). 

{e)  Oral  traditioii  may  perhaps  have  supplied  some  particu- 
lars, though  this  must  be  a  matter  of  conjecture. 

5.    At  what  date  was  the  couipilation  made  ? 

{a)  The  language  points  to  an  early  date.  It  is  pure  Hebrew, 
free  from  Aramaisms^  and  late  forms.  Constructions  which  are 
common  in  the  later  books,  eg.  Kings,  are  comparatively  rare. 

^  I  Sam.  xxii.  5.  ^2  Sam.  xxiv.  11 ;  2  Chron.  xxix.  25. 

2  2  Sam.  vii.  2  ff.,  xii.  25 ;   i  Kings  i.  8  ff. 

4  2  Sam.  xii.  i  ff.,  xxiv.  11  ff. 

^  i.e.  grammatical  forms  and  words  derived  from  Aramaic  or  Chaldee, 
a  dialect  akin  to  Hebrew,  used  in  eastern  Aram  (Syria)  and  Babylonia. 
These  are,  generally  speaking,  found  in  later  Hebrew. 


INTRODUCTION.  13 

(J?)  Some  time  however  had  elapsed  since  the  events  narrated 
in  the  book  had  occurred.  The  explanation  of  archaic  terms 
(i  Sam.  ix.  9)  and  reference  to  obsolete  customs  (2  Sam.  xiii. 
18),  as  well  as  the  use  of  the  formula  "unto  this  day"  (i  Sam. 
V.  5,  vi.  18,  xxvii.  6,  xxx.  25  ;  2  Sam.  iv.  3,  vi.  8,  xviii.  18)  indicate 
this.  Moreover  "no  grand  survey  of  a  period  and  selection  of 
its  events,  such  as  is  demanded  from  the  historian,  is  generally 
possible  until  the  period  itself  has  retired  in  some  degree  into 
the  background ^" 

{c)  It  must  certainly  have  been  after  the  death  of  David, 
since  the  whole  length  of  his  reign  is  mentioned  (2  Sam.  v.  5) ; 
and  if  the  Septuagint  text  is  correct,  there  are  two  allusions  to 
events  in  the  reign  of  Rehoboam.  In  2  Sam.  viii.  7  that  version 
reads,  "And  Shishak  king  of  Egypt  took  them  when  he  came 
up  against  Jerusalem  in  the  days  of  Rehoboam  the  son  of  Solo- 
mon:" and  in  2  Sam.  xiv.  27,  "And  she  [Tamar]  became  the 
wife  of  Rehoboam  the  son  of  Solomon  and  bare  him  Abia." 

(d)  But  even  if  these  additions  are  not  accepted  as  part  of 
the  original  text,  other  indications  point  to  a  date  not  earlier 
than  the  reign  of  Rehoboam.  The  mention  of  "the  kings  of 
Judah"  in  i  Sam.  xxvii.  6  presupposes  the  separation  of  the 
kingdoms.  The  distinction  between  Judah  and  Israel  in  several 
passages  ^  has  been  supposed  to  point  to  the  same  conclusion ; 
but  this  cannot  be  pressed  as  evidence.  The  division  which 
existed  in  the  early  part  of  David's  reign  was  quite  sufficient  to 
account  for  it. 

{e)  On  the  other  hand  there  is  nothing  in  the  book  which 
points  to  a  later  date  than  this  :  and  the  conclusion  may  fairly 
be  arrived  at  that  the  Book  of  Samuel  was  compiled  substan- 
tially in  its  present  form  soon  after  the  Division  of  the 
Kingdoms. 

6.  The  Cajtonicity  of  the  book  has  never  been  questioned. 
Its  acceptance  in  the  Christian  Church  rests  upon  the  fact  that 
it  formed  an  integral  part  of  those  Jewish  Scriptures,  which  were 

^  Ewald,  Hist,  of  Israel^  i.  139. 

2  I  Sam.  xi.  8,  xvii.  52,  xviii.  i6;  2  Sam.  ii.  9,  10,  iii.  10,  v.  i — 5, 
xix.  41—43,  XX.  2. 


INTRODUCTION. 


received  by  our  Lord  and  His  Apostles  as  "given  by  inspiration 
of  God,  and  profitable  for  doctrine,  for  reproof,  for  correction, 
for  instruction  in  righteousness."  Our  Lord  appealed  to  one  of 
the  narratives  contained  in  it  as  teaching  the  great  principle 
that  the  ceremonial  law  must  give  way  to  the  law  of  mercy^: 
the  Magnificat  shews  evident  familiarity  with  the  Song  of 
Hannah  :  St  Peter,  St  Stephen,  and  St  PauP  refer  to  the 
history  contained  in  it^. 

7.  The  historical  accuracy  of  the  book  is  remarkably  borne 
out  by  the  internal  evidence.  It  is  not  to  be  denied  that  diffi- 
culties and  discrepancies  exist,  which  it  is  hard,  perhaps  impos- 
sible, to  explain  or  reconcile.  But  the  forcible  simplicity  and 
grace  of  the  narrative  ;  the  vividness  with  which  the  actors  in 
the  various  events  stand  out  before  us  ;  the  minuteness  of  detail 
with  regard  to  time  and  circumstance  ;  the  accurate  descriptions 
of  places^;  all  agree  to  confirm  the  conclusion  arrived  at  in  §  4, 
that  the  greater  part  of  the  work  is  derived  from  the  testimony 
of  eyewitnesses  and  contemporaries,  and  in  many  cases  handed 
down  to  us  in  their  actual  words.  The  apparent  inconsistencies 
are  in  fact  an  evidence  that  the  compiler  faithfully  embodied  the 
authorities  he  consulted,  instead  of  harmonizing  them  into  what 
might  have  seemed  a  more  consistent  whole. 

8.  The  text  of  the  book  presents  some  interesting  problems. 
Our  materials  for  determining  the  text  are  : 

{a)  The  Hebrew  MSS.  most  of  which  are  not  older  than  the 
tenth  and  eleventh  centuries  A.D.  They  all  present  substan- 
tially the  same  text.  Two  points  must  be  mentioned  here  in 
order  to  explain  some  of  the  notes,  (i)  Hebrew  was  originally 
written  without  vowels,  except  such  long  vowels  as  are  repre- 


^  Matt.  xii.  3,  4;  Mk.  ii.  25,  26;  Lk.  vi.  3,  4.  Note  the  phrase, 
"Have  ye  not  read,"  a  regular  formula  of  reference  to  the  Scriptures. 

^  Acts  iii.  24,  vii.  46,  xiii.  20 — 22. 

^  Add  the  references  to  2  Sam.  vii.  12 — 16  in  Lk.  i.  32,  33;  Acts 
ii.  30;  and  to  2  Sam.  vii.  14  in  Heb.  i.  5. 

*  Remarkably  confirmed  by  the  recent  surveys  of  Palestine.  See  e.g. 
the  notes  on  i  Sam.  xiv.  4,  xvii.  3.  In  2  Sam.  the  account  of  David's 
flight  from  Jerusalem  (chaps,  xv.  13 — xvi.  14)  is  the  best  proof  of  the 
assertions  made  above. 


INTRODUCTION.  15 


sented  by  consonants.  The  present  elaborate  vowel  system, 
stereotyping  a  traditional  pronunciation  and  reading  of  the 
Old  Testament,  was  not  reduced  to  writing  till  about  the 
seventh  or  eighth  century  A.D.  (2)  In  some  passages  the 
traditional  method  of  reading  (Qri)  did  not  agree  with  the 
consonants  of  the  written  text  (Kthibh).  In  such  cases  the 
scribes  did  not  alter  the  text,  but  appended  a  note  giving  the 
consonants  to  be  read  with  the  vowels  shewn  in  the  text. 

{b)  The  Versions.  Of  these  the  oldest  and  most  valuable 
is  the  Greek  Version  commonly  called  THE  Septuagint 
(Sept.  or  LXX),  or  Version  of  the  Seventy  Elders,  because 
it  was  long  believed  to  have  been  made  by  seventy  or  seventy- 
two  elders  despatched  from  Jerusalem  to  Alexandria  at  the 
request  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus.  But  the  document  on  which 
the  story  with  its  embellishments  rests  is  now  known  to  be  a 
forgery,  and  all  that  can  be  asserted  about  the  origin  of  the 
Septuagint  is  that  it  was  made  (i)  at  Alexandria,  (2)  at  different 
times  and  by  different  hands,  (3)  during  the  third  and  second 
centuries  B.C.,  (4)  before  written  vowel-points  had  been  added 
to  the  text.  The  reference  in  Ecclus.  xlvi.  19  to  the  Sept.  ver- 
sion of  I  Sam.  xii.  3  (see  note  there)  proves  that  this  part  of  the 
version  was  in  existence  before  150  B.C. 

The  two  most  important  MSS.  of  the  LXX  containing  the 
Book  of  Samuel  are  the  Alexandrine  MS.  (denoted  by  the  letter 
A)  written  in  the  fifth  century,  and  now  preserved  in  the  British 
Museum  ;  and  the  Vatican  MS.  (denoted  by  the  letter  B) 
assigned  to  the  fourth  century,  and  preserved  in  the  Vatican 
Library  at  Rome.  The  text  of  the  former  in  the  Book  of 
Samuel  has  been  corrected  for  the  most  part  to  agree  with  the 
existing  Hebrew  text :  that  of  the  latter  differs  considerably 
from  it,  and  although  disfigured  by  mistakes,  glosses,  marginal 
notes  inserted  in  the  text  by  ignorant  scribes,  and  similar 
defects,  appears  to  preserve  evidence  for  an  original  text  older 
and  in  some  places  more  correct  than  the  existing  Hebrew 
recension^ 

^  The  most  striking  variations  of  the  LXX.  from  the  Hebrew  text  in 
2  Samuel  will  be  found  in  the  notes  on  ch.  iv.  6,  viii.  7,  xiv.  27,  xvii.  3. 


i6  INTRODUCTION. 

That  the  Hebrew  text  of  Samuel  is  by  no  means  free 
from  errors  is  clear  from  internal  considerations  and  from 
a  comparison  of  the  passages  which  exist  in  duplicate  else- 
where^. The  principal  readings  in  which  the  Septuagint  differs 
from  the  Hebrew  are  mentioned  in  the  notes,  partly  with  a  view 
to  the  criticism  of  the  text,  partly  to  exhibit  the  form  of  the 
text  which  was  current  in  a  great  part  of  the  Christian  Church 
for  many  centuries  after  its  first  foundation. 

This  Version,  with  all  its  defects,  must  be  of  the  greatest 
interest :  (i)  as  preserving  evidence  for  the  text  far  more  ancient 
than  the  oldest  Hebrew  MSS.  :  (2)  as  the  means  by  which  the 
Greek  language  was  wedded  to  Hebrew  thought,  and  the  way 
prepared  for  the  New  Testament :  (3)  because  it  is  the  source 
of  the  great  majority  of  the  quotations  made  from  the  O.  T. 
by  the  writers  of  the  N.  T.  :  (4)  because  it  was  the  version  in 
which  the  O.  T.  was  studied  by  the  fathers  of  the  Eastern 
Church,  and  indirectly  by  those  of  the  Western,  until  Jerome's 
new  translation  (the  Vulgate)  superseded  the  Old  Latin  versions 
made  from  the  Septuagint. 

Next  to  the  Septuagint  must  be  mentioned  the  Chaldee  or 
Aramaic  Version  known  as  the  Targum^  of  Jonathan  Ben 
UzziEL.  This  was  probably  not  reduced  to  writing  before  the 
middle  of  the  fourth  century  A.D.,  though  based  on  much  earlier 
oral  translations.  It  is  for  the  most  part  an  accurate  version ; 
but  in  some  passages  it  becomes  a  loose  paraphrase,  interspersed 
with  comment,  illustration,  and  fragments  of  Jewish  tradition. 
A  translation  of  the  Targum  of  David's  Last  Words  is  given 
in  Additional  Note  IV.,  p.  237,  as  an  example  of  this  style  of 
paraphrase. 

Second  in  importance  only  to  the  LXX.  is  the  Vulgate 
( Versio  vulgata)  or  Latin  Version  made  by  St  Jerome  (Hiero- 
nymus)  directly  from  the  Hebrew.  This  great  work  was  com- 
menced by  him  about  the  year  a.d.  389,  when  he  was  already 

^  See  note  2  on  p.  22  for  a  list  of  the  passages  which  are  common 
to  Samuel  and  Chronicles ;  and  for  a  discussion  of  the  texts  of  ch.  xxii. 
and  Ps.  xviii.  see  Additional  Note  ill.,  p.  235. 

^  Targiim  signifies  mterpreiation  or  translation. 


INTRODUCTION.  17 


sixty  years  of  age,  and  took  fourteen  years  to  complete.  The 
Books  of  Samuel  and  Kings  were  the  part  first  issued.  It  is  a 
valuable  evidence  for  the  state  of  the  Hebrew  text  in  the  fourth 
century,  and  proves  that  that  text  has  suffered  comparatively 
little  change  since.  Many  of  the  variations  found  in  the  editions 
of  the  Vulgate  are  really  interpolations  from  the  Old  Latin 
Version,  which  as  mentioned  above  was  made  from  the  LXX. 
Jerome's  work  "remained  for  eight  centuries  the  bulwark  of 
Western  Christianity  ;  and  as  a  monument  of  ancient  linguistic 
power  the  translation  of  the  O.  T.  stands  unrivalled  and  unique." 


CHAPTER   II. 

ANALYSIS   OF  THE   SECOND   BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 

PART  I. 

The  Reign  of  David  over  Judah:  i. — iv. 

Section  i.     DaviiTs  behaviour  on  licaring  of  SauVs  death. 

(r)     Tidings  of  Saul's  death  brought  to  David i.  i — 16. 

(2)     David's  lamentation  for  Saul  and  Jonathan  ...i.  17 — 27. 

Section  2.     The  rival  kingdoms. 

(i)     David  anointed  king  of  Judah    ii.  i — 4. 

(2)  His  message  to  the  men  of  Jabesh  ii.  5 — 7. 

(3)  Ish-bosheth  made  king  of  Israel  by  Abner  ...ii.  8 — 11. 

(4)  The  civil  war. 

(a)  The  combat  at  Glbeon ii.  ii — 17. 

[h)  The  death  of  Asahel ii.  iS— 23, 

{c)  The  pursuit    ii.  24 — 31. 

{d)  Asahel's  burial   ii- S^- 

(^)  Progress  of  David's  cause iii.  i. 

(/)  His  family iii.  2 — 5. 

II.  SAMUEL  2 


i8  INTRODUCTION. 

Section  3.     Events  leading  to  DavicTs  elevation  to  the  throne  oj 
Israel. 

(i)     Quarrel  between  Ahner  and  Ish-bosheth  iii.  6 — 11. 

(2)  Abner's  overtures  to  David iii.  12 — 21. 

Michal  restored  to  David. 

(3)  Abner  murdered  by  Joab     iii.  22 — 27. 

(4)  David's  indignation iii.  28 — 30. 

(5)  His  lamentation  for  Abner  iii.  31 — 39. 

(6)  Murder  of  Ish-bosheth iv.  i — 7. 

(7)  Execution  of  the  murderers iv.  8 — 12. 

Note  {a)  David's  generosity  to  enemies  :  {b)  liis  patience,  and  willing- 
ness to  wait  God's  time  for  his  elevation :  {c)  continuous  rise  of  David's 
power  and  declension  of  Saul's  house :  {d)  disappointment  of  Abner's 
ambitious  schemes. 


PART  II. 

The  Reign  of  David  over  all  Israel:  v.— xxiv. 

Division  I.    Rise  of  David's  power. 

Section  i.     The  Foundation  of  David's  Kingdom  at  yeriisalein. 
(i)     His  election  and  anointing  v.  i — 5. 

(2)  Jebus  captured  and  made  the  capital v.  6 — 12. 

Alliance  with  Tyre. 

(3)  David's  family  v.  13 — 16. 

(4)  Philistine  opposition  overcome  v.  17 — 25. 

(5)  David's  care  for  religion. 

(a)     Removal    of   the   Ark   from   Kirjath- 

jearim vi.  i — 5. 

(/;)     Uzzah's  death     vi.  6 — 11. 

{c)     Removal  of  the  Ark  to  Jerusalem  vi.  12 — 19. 

[d)   Michal  rebuked vi.  20 — 23. 

Section  2.     The  Promise  of  eternal  Dominioji  to  the  house  of  David. 

(i)     David's  desire  to  build  a  temple     vii.  i— 3. 

( 2)     The  Lord's  answer  through  Nathan  vii.  4 — 1 7. 

{3)     David's  prayer  and  thanksgiving    vii.  18 — 29. 


INTRODUCTION.  19 

Section  3.     The  Extcnsioii  of  David's  Kingdom. 
(i)     Foreign  conquests. 

(fl)     Philistines  and  Moabitcs viii.  i,  1. 

(^)     Zobah  and  Damascus   viii.  3 — S. 

(r)     Submission  of  Hamath viii.  9 — 12. 

{d)    Edom  viii.  13,  14. 

(2)  Internal  administration. 

David's  officers  of  state     viii.  15 — 18. 

(3)  David's  kindness  to  Mephibosheth     ix.  i — 13. 

Note  [a)  the  silence  of  the  narrative  about  details  of  conquest  and 
national  progress :  {b)  David's  zeal  for  religion :  {c)  the  almost  unbroken 
prosperity  of  this  period. 

Division  II.     David's  Fall  and  its  Punishment :  x. — xs. 
Section  i.     The  preliminary  circtimstances. 

(i)     David's  ambassadors  insulted  by  the  Ammo- 
nites      X.  I — 5. 

(2)  First  campaign.     Defeat  of  the  Ammonites 

and.  their  Syrian  allies  x.  6 — 14. 

(3)  Second,  campaign.     Total  defeat  of  the  Sy- 

rians     X.  r 5 — 19. 

(4)  Third  campaign.     Siege  of  Rabbah  xi.  i. 

Note  (a)  a  full  account  of  these  wars  is  introduced  because  of  their 
connexion  with  David's  sin:  {b)  rapid  growth  of  David's  power  implied 
by  such  extensive  wars. 

Section  1.     David'' s  Fall. 

(i)     David's  adultery  with  Bath-sheba  xi.  2 — 5. 

(2)  Uriah  summoned  to  Jerusalem    xi.  6 — 13. 

(3)  David's  letter  to  Joab.     Uriah's  death  xi.  14 — 17. 

(4)  The  news  brought  to  David    xi.  18 — 25. 

(5)  Marriage  of  David  and  Bath-sheba    xi.  26,  27. 

Section  3.     David's  Repentance. 

(i)     Nathan's  parable  xii.  i — 6. 

(2)  The  King  rebuked    xii.  7 — 14. 

(3)  Death  of  Bath-sheba's  child    xii.  15 — 23. 

(4)  Birth  of  Solomon xii.  24,  25. 

(5)  Capture  of  Rabbah  xii.  26 — 31. 

2 — 2 


INTRODUCTION. 


Section  4.     Fajnily  troubles. 

■    (i)     Amnon's  outrage xiii.  i — 22. 

(2)  Absalom's  vengeance  and  flight xlii.  23 — 39. 

(3)  Recall  of  Absalom. 

(a)     Joab's  stratagem   xiv.  i — 20. 

{b)     Absalom's  return  xiv.  21 — 24. 

(<:)     His  person  and  family  xiv.  25 — 27. 

(<3^)    His  readmission  to  the  king's  presence  xiv.  28 — 33. 

Section  5.     Absalom'' s  Rebellion  and  David's  Flight. 

(i)     Absalom's  preparations  xv.  i — 6. 

(2)  Outbreak  of  the  rebellion    xv.  7 — 12. 

(3)  David's  Flight  xv.  13— iS. 

(4)  Incidents  of  the  Flight. 

{a)     Ittai's  fidelity     xv.  19 — 23. 

{b)     The  priests  and  the  Ark  xv.  24 — 29. 

(r)     Hushai's  commission     xv.  30 — 37. 

{d)    Ziba's  present xvi.  i — 4. 

(^)      Shimei's  cursing    xvi.  5 — 14. 

(5)  Absalom's  entrance  into  Jerusalem     xvi.  15 — 19. 

(6)  Events  at  Jerusalem. 

{a)  Ahithophel's  counsel    xvi.  20 — 23. 

{b)  Hushai's  counsel    xvii.  i — 14. 

{c)  Hushai's  message  to  David  xvii.  15 — 22. 

{d)  Ahithophel's  suicide  xvii.  23. 

{7)     The  Civil  War. 

{a)  Progress  of  the  rebellion xvii.  24 — 26. 

{b)  Reception  of  David  at  Mahanaim xvii.  27 — 29. 

{c)  The  battle  xviii.  1—8. 

(d)  The  death  of  Absalom  xviii.  9 — 1 8. 

{c)  The  news  brought  to  David.   His  grief,  xviii.  19 — 33. 

Section  6.     Restoration  of  David''s  antJiority. 

(i)     David  reproved  by  Joab xix.  i — S. 

(2)  Negotiations  for  the  king's  recall  xix.  9 — 15. 

(3)  David's  return.     Incidents  on  the  journey. 

{a)     Shimei  pardoned  xix.  16 — 23. 

{b)     Meeting  with  Mephibosheth    xix.  24 — 30. 

(t)     Barzillai's  farewell     xix.  31 — 40. 

(4)  Dispute  between  Judah  and  Israel     xix.  41 — 43. 


INTRODUCTION.  21 

(5)  Sheba's  insurrection. 

(a)     The  outbreak     xx.  i,  2. 

David's  arrival  at  Jerusalem    xx.  3. 

{l>}     Pursuit  of  Sheba.    Amasa  murdered  by 

Joab     XX.  4 — 13. 

(c)    Siege  of  Abel  Beth-Maachah.     End  of 

the  insurrection xx.  14 — 22. 

(6)  Officers  of  state  after  the  restoration  xx.  23 — 26. 

Note  (a)  how  large  a  portion  of  the  book  is  devoted  to  tracing  the 
punishment  of  David's  sin:  {d)  the  graphic  detail  in  the  narrative  of 
Absalom's  rebellion :  (c)  David's  resignation :  {d)  the  ominous  discord 
between  Judah  and  Israel. 

Division  III.     Supplementary  Appendix:  x:d.— xxiv. 
Section  I.     The  Famine. 

(i)     Execution  of  Saul's  sons  xxi.  i — 10. 

(2)     Burial  of  the  bones  of  Saul  and  his  sons  xxi.  11 — 14. 


Section  2.     Heroic  exploits  in  the  Philistine  wars    ...xxi 


Section  3.     DavicTs  Psalm  of  Thanksgiving     xxii. 

Section  4.     DaviiVs  Last  Words    xxiii.  i — 7. 

Section  5.     DavicTs  heroes. 

(i)     The  first  Three xxiii.  8—12. 

(2)  The  well  of  Bethlehem    xxiii.  13 — 17. 

(3)  Abishai  and  Benaiah    xxiii.  18 — 23. 

(4)  The  Thirty    xxiii.  24 — 39. 

Section  6.     DaviTs  sin  in  munbering  the  people. 

(i)     The  census  taken xxiv.  i — 9. 

(2)  Gad  sent  to  offer  choice  of  punishments    xxiv.  10 — 14. 

(3)  The  plague     xxiv.  15 — 17. 

(4)  Purchase   of  Araunah's    threshing-floor    and 

erection  of  an  altar    xxiv.   18 — 25. 

This  appendix  forms  a  general  supplement  to  the  history  of  David's 
reign,  illustrating  {a)  God's  providential  discipline  of  Israel,  by  two 
national  punishments:  {b)  David's  character,  by  two  of  his  own  writings  : 
{c)  the  heroic  spirit  of  the  age,  by  the  catalogue  of  his  mighty  men,  and 
examples  of  their  valorous  exploits. 


22  INTRODUCTION. 


CHAPTER  III. 


THE  RELATION   OF  THE   BOOK  OF   CHRONICLES   TO  THE  LOOK 
OF    SAMUEL. 

1.  The  First  Book  of  the  Chronicles  contains  another  history 
of  David's  reign.  Many  passages  are  word  for  word  the  same 
as  the  corresponding  passages  in  the  Book  of  Samuel i;  and 
many  passages  agree  in  substance,  though  differing  more  or 
less  in  detaiP.  But  much  that  is  contained  in  Samuel  is  omitted 
in  Chronicles,  and  much  of  the  information  in  Chronicles  is 
supplementary  to  the  narrative  of  Samuel.  Neither  book  is  a 
complete  history  of  David's  reign,  each  compiler  selected  irovsi 
the  materials  before  him  such  portions  as  suited  his  purpose. 
It  is  important  therefore  to  endeavour  to  ascertain  the  principle 
of  the  selection.     With  this  object  let  us  examine  the  facts. 

2.  Ouiissioiis  in  Ch7'oiiicles.  The  following  are  the  most 
important  matters  contained  in  Samuel  and  omitted  in 
Chronicles  : 

1  This  verbal  coincidence  is  frequently  obscured  in  the  E.Vc  by  dif- 
ferent renderings  of  the  same  original.  Tliis  may  be  partly  due  to  the 
fact  that  the  books  of  Samuel  and  Chronicles  fell  to  the  lot  of  different 
companies  of  translators  (see  Dr  Westcott's  History  of  the  Ejiglish  Bible ^ 
p.  147  ff.) ;  but  unfortunately  the  false  principle  of  introducing  variety  by 
different  renderings  of  the  same  words  was  deliberately  adopted  by  the 
translators  of  161 1. 

-  The  parallel  sections  are  as  follows : 

,     I  Chr.  X.  I — 12     =  I  Sam.  xxxi. 

„       xi.  I — 9 =  2Sam.  V.  I — 3,6 — 10. 

,,       xi.  10 — 41 =       ,,       xxiii.  8 — 39. 

,,       xiii =       ,,      vi.  1 — II. 

,,       xiv —       ,,      v.  II — 25. 

,,       XV.,  xvi.  (in  part  only)  =       ,,       vi.  12 — 23. 

,,       xvii.,  xviii.,  xix —       ,,       vii.,  viii.,  x. 

,,       XX.  I — 3 =       „       xi.  I,  xii.  26 — 31. 

,,       XX.  4 — 8 =       ,,       xxi.  iS — 22. 

,,      xxi =       „      xxiv. 


INTRODUCTION. 


{a)  The  history  of  David's  reign  at  Hebron  and  the  civil  war 
with  the  house  of  Saul  (2  Sam.  i — iv.). 

{b)     David's  kindness  to  Mephibosheth  (2  Sam.  ix.). 

{c)  David's  adultery  and  its  punishment,  including  the  history 
of  Absalom's  rebellion  (2  Sam.  xi.  2 — 27,  xii.  i — 25,  xiii. — xx.). 

{d)     The  execution  of  Saul's  sons  (2  Sam.  xxi.  i — 14). 

{e)  David's  Thanksgiving  and  Last  Words  (2  Sam.  xxii., 
xxiii.  I — 7). 

3.  Additions  in  Chronicles.  The  following  are  the  most 
striking  additions  in  Chronicles  to  the  history  contained  in 
Samuel : 

{a)  The  catalogues  of  the  warriors  who  joined  David  at 
Ziklag,  and  of  those  who  came  to  Hebron  to  make  him  king 
(i  Chr.  xii.). 

{]?)  Elaborate  details  of  the  arrangements  on  the  occasion  of 
the  translation  of  the  Ark  to  Jerusalem  (i  Chr.  xiii.  i — 5,  xv., 
xvi.). 

{c)     Many  details  in  the  account  of  the  Plague  (i  Chr.  xxi.)- 

id)  David's  preparations  for  the  building  of  the  Temple 
(l  Chr.  xxii.). 

{e)  The  organization  of  the  Priests  and  Levites,  the  army, 
and  the  civil  service  (i  Chr.  xxiii. — xxvii.). 

(/)  The  assembly  of  the  people  at  Solomon's  accession 
(i  Chr.  xxviii.,  xxix.). 

4.  In  general  then  the  compiler  of  the  Book  of  Samuel  gives 
a  history  of  David's  reign  with  special  reference  («)  to  the 
vicissitudes  through  which  he  was  raised  by  the  care  and  guid- 
ance of  Jehovah  to  be  the  head  of  a  mighty  kingdom  :  {b)  to 
matters  of,  comparatively  speaking,  private  interest  in  his  life  : 
{c)  to  the  chastisements  by  which  he  was  punished  for  his  sin. 
He  thus  portrays  David  the  man  as  well  as  David  the  King. 

The  compiler  of  Chronicles  gives  prominence  {a)  to  all  matters 
of  religious  ceremonial,  calhng  special  attention  to  the  agency 
of  the  Priests  and  Levites^:  {b)  to  the  chief  steps  in  the  rise  and 


1  Tile  Levites  are  only  mentioned  twice  in  Samuel  (i  Sam.  vi. 
1  Sam.  XV.  24),  and  above  thirty  times  in  i  Chron.  alone. 


24  INTRODUCTION. 

progress  of  David's  kingdom,  omitting  the  reverses  which  from 
time  to  time  checked  its  growth. 

5.  These  differences  correspond  remarkably  to  the  age  and 
object  of  the  two  historians.  The  unknown  compiler  of  Samuel 
was  undoubtedly  a  prophet,  and  his  narrative  is  penetrated  by  a 
prophetic  spirit \  He  drew  up,  no  long  time  after  the  events,  a 
narrative  of  the  foundation  of  the  Theocratic  Monarchy,  selecting 
such  matter  as  illustrated  God's  providential  dealings  with  the 
king  He  had  chosen. 

6.  The  Book  of  Chronicles  was  written  after  the  Return  from 
the  Captivity.  Its  author  was  most  probably  Ezra,  who  was 
a  priest  J  and  his  main  objects  in  compihng  it  were  {a)  to  publish 
trustworthy  genealogical  records  with  a  view  to  the  re-settle- 
ment of  the  land,  and  the  re-establishment  of  regular  services 
in  the  restored  temple  ;  {U)  to  rekindle  something  of  national 
life  and  spirit,  and  make  the  people  feel  that  they  vv^ere  still  the 
representatives  of  the  Kingdom  of  God,  and  that  national 
prosperity  depended  upon  faithfulness  to  Jehovah.  With  this 
design  he  drew  up  a  compendious  history,  tracing  the  fortunes 
of  the  kingdom  of  David  from  its  foundation,  and  selecting 
especially  such  passages  of  the  history  as  present  the  best  kings 
engaged  in  promoting  the  cause  of  religion,  and  regulating  the 
services  of  the  house  of  God  ;  and  moreover  laying  particular 
stress  upon  the  direct  intervention  of  God  for  the  reward  of 
righteousness  and  the  punishment  of  evil-doing.  Its  purpose  is 
didactic  rather  than  historical,  and  its  tone,  in  accordance  with 
the  profession  of  its  author, /r/Vi-//j/  rather  thsin  prophetic. 

7.  Hence  the  prominence  given  to  religious  ceremonial  and 
Levitical  and  priestly  work  in  the  history  of  David's  reign: 
hence  the  silence  with  which  the  darker  episodes  of  that  reign 
are  passed  over.  The  historian  must  not  be  accused  of  un- 
faithfulness, or  inaccuracy,  or  prejudice,  for  adopting  such  a 
method  of  treatment ;  his  history  does  not  profess  to  be  complete. 


1  Note  for  example  the  use  of  the  title  "Lord  of  Hosts,"  found 
thirteen  times  in  Samuel,  but  only  thrice  in  i  Chron.,  and  then  in 
passages  copied  from  Samuel.     See  Additional  Note  i.  to  i  Sam.  p.  235. 


INTRODUCTION. 


and  his  selection  of  facts  is  justified  by  the  special  purpose 
which  he  has  in  view. 

Such  a  review  of  its  past  history  was  well  calculated  to 
quicken  the  energies  of  the  nation  for  the  new  era  of  its  exist- 
ence upon  which  it  was  entering  ;  and  to  us  the  preservation  of 
the  work  is  most  valuable,  presenting  as  it  does  another  side  of 
the  national  life,  and  adding  in  no  small  degree  (so  far  as  con- 
cerns the  period  covered  by  the  Second  Book  of  Samuel)  to  the 
completeness  and  truthfulness  of  the  picture  which  we  can 
draw  of  David's  reign,  and  the  lessons  which  we  can  derive 
from  it. 

8.  It  remains  to  inquire  whether  the  matter  common  to 
Chronicles  and  Samuel  was  taken  from  the  latter  book,  or 
derived  from  the  original  authorities  used  by  the  compiler  of 
Samuel.  The  verbal  agreement  of  some  sections  favours  the 
first  supposition ;  but  the  original  authorities  for  the  history  of 
David's  reign  were  still  extant,  and  are  referred  to  for  fuller 
information  ;  and  while  it  seems  probable  that  the  compiler  of 
Chronicles  had  the  Book  of  Samuel  before  him,  it  is  clear  that 
he  also  drew  largely  from  other  sources  to  which  he  had  access, 
in  all  probability  the  state  records  and  the  prophetical  histories 
which  he  mentions  by  name-^. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  CHRONOLOGY  OF  THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 

1.  The  chronology  of  the  Second  Book  of  Samuel  is  prac- 
tically the  chronology  of  David's  reign.  Unfortunately  the 
historian  has  arranged  his  work  according  to  the  subject-matter 
rather  than  the  sequence  of  events,  and  the  definite  marks  of 
time  are  few  and  unconnected. 

2.  The  subjoined  table  is  offered  as  a  conjectural  arrange- 

1  The  Chronicles  of  King  David  (i  Chr.  xxvil.  24)  and  the  Chronicles 
of  Samuel,  Nathan,  and  Gad  (i  Chr.  xxix.  29).    See  Introd.  Ch.  i.  §  4. 


26  INTRODUCTION. 

ment  of  the  principal  events  in  David's  reign,  but  the  dates 
rnust  be  distinctly  understood  to  be  only  approximate.  The 
year  of  David's  accession  may  be  fixed  at  about  B.C.  1055. 

Reign  of  David  at  Hebron  (2  Sam.  ii.  11)  1055 — 1*^48 

Absalom's  birth    (?)  1052  or  1050 

Reign  of  Ish-bosheth  and  civil  war  (2  Sam.  ii.  10) 1050 — 1048 

Reign  of  David  at  Jerusalem  (2  Sam.  v.  4,  5)     1048 — 1015 

Period  of  foreign  wars  (2  Sam.  viii.) 1045 — ^^55 

in  which  are  to  be  placed 

A  period  of  peace  (2  Sam.  vii.  i), 

Mephibosheth's  elevation^, 

The  famine^  (?). 

Adultery  with  Balh-sheba 1035 

Amnon's  outrage 1034 

Absalom's  rebellion     1023 

Period  of  tranquillity  and  steady  national  growth^ 1023 — 1015 

The  plagiie  (?)  i o 1 8 

David's  death  1015 

3.  This  table  is  based  upon  the  following  considerations  : 
{a)  Solomon  was  young  at  his  accession^,  according  to 
Josephus  {Afif.  VIII.  7,  8),  only  fourteen.  The  natural  inference 
from  I  Chr.  iii.  5,  where  he  is  placed  last  of  Bath-sheba's  four 
sons,  is  that  he  was  the  youngest  of  her  children,  if  not  of  all 
David's  sons^  David's  adultery  with  Bath-sheba  may  therefore 
be  placed  about  twenty  years  before  the  close  of  his  reign. 

(d)  Between  Amnon's  outrage  and  Absalom's  rebellion  about 
eleven  years  intervened.  Two  years  passed  before  Absalom's 
revenge  (2  Sam.  xiii.  23) ;  three  years  were  spent  by  Absalom 
at  Geshur  (ch.  xiii.  38);  two  more  at  Jerusalem  before  he  was 
admitted  to  David's  presence  (ch.  xiv.  28) ;  and  four^  in  plotting 
for  his  conspiracy  (ch.  xv.  7).     Absalom's  rebellion  cannot  be 

1  See  preliminaiy  note  to  ch.  ix. 

^  See  note  on  ch.  xxi.  i. 

^  See  Introd.  Ch.  Vi.  §  1 1,  p.  37. 

'^   I  Chr.  xxii.  5;   i  Rings  ii.  2,  iii.  7. 

^  This  is  distinctly  stated  by  Josephus,  AnL  VII.  14.  2.  It  is  true 
that  a  different  impression  is  left  by  2  Sam.  xii.  24,  25;  but  Hebrew 
history  not  seldom  passes  over  a  long  interval  in  silence  without  a  hint 
of  the  intervening  events.  See  a  striking  example  of  this  in  i  Chr.  xi.  i, 
where  the  whole  of  David's  reign  at  Hebron  is  thus  passed  over. 

"  KtSidmg  Jour  instead  oi  forty  in  ch.  xv.  7.     See  note  there. 


INTRODUCTION. 


placed  much  less  than  ten  years  before  the  close  of  David's  reign, 
for  the  kingdom  had  recovered  from  the  shock,  and  was  in  such 
a  condition  of  prosperity  and  tranquillity  during  several  years, 
that  David  was  tempted  by  the  spirit  of  pride  which  induced 
him  to  take  the  census,  and  could  make  extensive  preparations 
for  building  the  Temple.  Nor  can  it  well  be  placed  much 
earher,  for  Absalom  was  born  at  Hebron  (2  Sam.  iii.  3),  and 
he  can  hardly  have  been  less  than  eighteen  or  twenty  when 
he  killed  Amnon. 

{c)  If  this  calculation  is  approximately  correct,  Amnon's 
outrage  occurred  shortly  after  David's  adultery,  and  the  son's 
indulgence  of  his  passions  was  encouraged  by  the  evil  example 
of  his  father's  still  recent  crime.  Thus  David's  punishment 
sprang  immediately  out  of  his  offence,  for  Amnon's  act  was 
the  seed  of  a  long  series  of  calamities. 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  PLACE  OF  THE  BOOKS  OF    SAMUEL   IN    THE  HISTORY    OF 
THE  KINGDOM   OF   GOD. 

I.  The  Old  Testament  differs  from  ordinary  histories  (i)  in 
its  subject,  because  it  is  the  history  of  the  special  traming  and 
discipline  of  God's  chosen  people  :  (2)  in  its  method^  because  it 
is  "a  history  of  facts  as  God  sees  them  referred  to  their  true 
centre  in  Kim,  explained  by  His  dealings  with  men,  and  His 
workings  within  them^ :"  or,  in  other  words,  its  writers  were 
inspired  by  God  the  Holy  Ghost  to  discern  the  true  signi- 
ficance of  events,  and  to  relate  such  parts  of  the  naiional 
history  as  should  truly  set  forth  the  gradual  evolution  of  God's 
purpose  towards  His  people'-^. 

1  Barry's  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament,  p.  45. 

-  According  to  the  Jewish  arrangement  the  books  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment are  divided  into  three  classes:  The  Law,  the  Prophets,  and  the 
Writings,  a  division  which  is  already  recognised  in  the  words  of  the 


INTRODUCTION. 


2.  The  Old  Testament  is  the  history  of  a  dispensation  which 
\yas  partial,  progressive,  preparatory.  It  can  only  be  rightly 
understood  in  view  of  the  great  fact  to  which  it  looked  forward. 
It  must  be  studied  as  the  record  of  the  Divine  Preparation  for 
the  Incarnation  of  the  Son  of  God,  which  is  the  central  event 
of  the  world's  history,  the  hope  of  all  humanity,  the  final  revela- 
tion of  God  to  the  world^.  "  It  does  not  simply  contain  pro- 
phecies of  Christ  :  it  is  from  first  to  last  a  prophecy  of  Him." 

3.  This  preparation  included  three  main  elements  which 
must  be  carefully  traced  in  each  successive  epoch  of  Jewish 
history :  (i)  the  discipline  and  training  of  the  chosen  nation  of 
Israel  that  it  might  be  "the  home""  to  which  in  "the  fulness 
of  the  times"  God  might  send  His  Son^  ;  and  the  instrument 
by  which  the  knowledge  of  God  might  be  communicated  to  the 
world  at  large*:  (ii)  the  gradual  development  under  the  various 
types  of  Priest,  Prophet,  and  King,  of  the  expectation  of  a 
Deliverer  who  should  unite  in  himself  all  these  offices,  and  be 
at  once  a  Mediator,  a  Teacher,  a  Monarch :  (iii)  God's  pro- 
gressive revelation  of  Himself,  "in  many  parts  and  in  many 
fashions^,"  that  men  might  at  length  be  enabled  to  recognise 
"the  light  of  the  knowledge  of  the  glory  of  God  in  the  face 
of  Jesus  Christ^'." 

We  must  examine  how  the  period  of  which  the  history  is 
contained  in  this  book  contributed  to  the  preparation  in  each 
of  these  respects. 

4.  (i)  The  Book  of  Samuel  is  the  record  of  a  most  critical 
epoch  in  the  training  of  the  nation  of  Israek  To  understand 
its  significance  a  brief  survey  of  their  whole  history  is  necessary. 

Three  great  periods  must  be  distinguished  in  the  history  of 

prologue  to  Ecclesiasticus  (about  B.C.  150),  "the  law,  and  the  prophets, 
and  the  rest  of  the  books,"  and  in  Lk.  xxiv.  44,  "the  law  of  Moses,  and 
the  prophets,  and  the  psalms."  It  should  be  remembered  that  the 
so-called  "historical  books"  of  Joshua,  Judges,  Samuel,  and  Kings 
belong  to  the  second  group,  and  are  entitled  "The  Former  Prophets." 
True  history  is  prophecy. 

^  There  is  a  most  suggestive  sketch  of  the  Preparation  for  Christianity 
in  ch.  I.  of  Prof.  Westcott's  Gospel  of  the  Resurrection. 

-  John  i.  II,  ets  rd  Ihia.  ^  Gal.  iv.  4. 

4  John  iv.  22.  ^  Heb.  i.  i.  ^  2  Cor,  iv.  6. 


INTRODUCTION.  29 


Israel ;  the  Theocracy,  the  Monarchy,  the  Hierarchy  ;  corre- 
sponding in  some  degree  to  the  three  divisions  of  the  Old 
Testament,  the  Law,  the  Prophets,  the  Writings. 

(a)  The  Theocracy.  The  history  of  the  Jewish  nation  begins 
with  Abraham,  the  friend  of  God,  the  father  of  the  faithful, 
"  the  ancestor  of  all  nations  which  have  held  a  monotheistic 
belief  practically."  With  him  and  with  his  family  was  made 
the  first  covenant  of  promise.  In  Egypt  the  family  became  a 
nation.  The  stern  discipline  of  toil  and  suffering  in  the  presence 
of  their  common  enemy  bound  them  together.  The  great  signs 
and  wonders  of  the  Exodus  .declared  their  high  destiny.  At 
Sinai  the  covenant  made  with  their  forefathers  was  renewed, 
confirmed,  and  amplified  to  the  nation.  The  Law  was  given  as 
a  schoolmaster  for  the  childhood  of  the  new-born  nation,  "  a 
kind  of  external  conscience"  to  train  it  to  obedience.  The 
Israelites  entered  Canaan,  and  the  first  part  of  the  promise  to 
Abraham  was  fulfilled. 

But  for  a  long  time  the  nation  seemed  to  make  no  progress. 
The  period  which  intervened  between  the  Entry  into  Canaan 
and  the  Life  of  Samuel  was  a  time  of  anarchy  and  apostasy. 
The  Book  of  Judges  is  a  record  of  two  centuries  of  national 
disintegration  and  religious  declension.  It  was  necessary, 
humanly  speaking,  in  order  that  they  might  learn  their  weak- 
ness. They  were  unable  as  yet  to  bear  the  pure  Theocracy,  the 
direct  government  of  God  without  the  intervention  of  an  earthly 
ruler.  Some  visible  bond  must  be  found  to  unite  into  a  solid 
mass  the  scattered  tribes  which  could  not  as  yet  be  firmly  bound 
together  into  one  by  the  invisible  tie  of  a  common  allegiance 
to  Jehovah.  Material  and  political  means  must  prepare  the 
way  for  the  spiritual  and  religious  end.  Otherwise  the  nation 
must  cease  to  exist,  ground  to  pieces  between  the  enemies  which 
surrounded  it  on  all  sides.  In  order  to  make  solid  advance, 
retrogression  was  inevitable. 

At  this  critical  juncture  God  raised  up  Samuel,  "  a  prophet 
second  only  to  Moses,"  to  guide  the  nation  through  this  crisis 
in  its  existence,  and  effect  the  transition  to  the  second  stage  of 
its  education. 


INTRODUCTION. 


{b)  The  Monarchy.  The  sovereignty  of  a  visible  monarch 
was  a  declension  from  the  ideal  of  the  Theocracy^  Yet  a  king 
might  have  been  given  by  God  in  His  own  time  as  a  necessary 
factor  in  the  training  of  the  nation.  But  the  demand  for  a  king, 
as  made  by  the  Israelites  at  this  period,  was  the  direct  outcome 
of  faithlessness.  It  was  a  defection  from  God.  Nevertheless 
the  request  was  granted.  God  first  gave  them  a  king  according 
to  their  own  ideal,  that  bitter  experience  might  teach  them 
lessons  they  would  not  otherwise  learn  :  and  then  a  king  "  after 
His  own  heart,"  a  true  representative  of  the  Kingdom  of  God. 
In  his  hands  such  a  monarchy  as  we  may  conceive  might  have 
been  asked  for  without  sin,  fulfilled  important  purposes  by 
consolidating  the  scattered  tribes  into  a  body  strong  enough 
to  maintain  its  independence,  thus  saving  the  nation  from 
destruction,  and  preserving  it  to  fulfil  its  great  destiny  of  bless- 
ing to  the  world. 

if)  The  Hierarchy  at  length  took  the  place  of  the  Monarchy 
and  resumed  the  ideal  of  Theocracy.  When  the  Kingdom  fell, 
and  the  disciphne  of  the  Captivity  had  done  its  work,  "the  unity 
of  a  Church  succeeded  to  the  unity  of  a  nation."  The  voice  of 
prophecy  ceased.  In  the  absence  of  new  revelations,  the  people 
pondered  on  the  past,  till  at  length  "  the  tmie  was  fulfilled,  and 
the  Kingdom  of  God  came." 

5.  (ii)  In  what  respects  did  the  period  we  have  to  study 
contribute  to  the  formation  and  development  of  the  Messianic 
expectation  ?  The  Law  with  its  elaborate  ritual  of  sacrifice  had 
pointed  forward  to  One  who  should  be  at  once  Priest  and 
Victim,  and  make  atonement  for  the  sin  of  man.  Now  the 
Kingdom  turned  the  national  thoughts  to  the  hope  of  a  King 
who  should  reign  in  righteousness,  and  "have  dominion  from 
sea  to  sea,  and  from  the  river  unto  the  ends  of  the  earth^." 
The  kingdom  of  David  and  Solomon  was  a  type  of  the  kingdom 
of  that  Son  of  David  to  whom  in  the  fulness  of  time  was  given 
in  a  spiritual  reality  the  throne  of  His  father  David^.     It  is  in 

1  Ps.  Ixxii.  7,  8.  Psalms  ii.,  xlv.,  Ixxii.,  ex.  should  be  studied  as  il- 
lustrating the  growth  of  the  Messianic  Hope  in  connexion  with  the 
Kingdom.  2  l]^^  j,  ^2,  33. 


INTRODUCTION.  31 


the  Book  of  Samuel  that  the  title  of  Messiah,  the  Lords 
Anointed,  the  Christ,  is  first  applied  to  the  king^,  whose  visible 
majesty  kindled  prophetic  hopes  of  a  glorious  future  2. 

6.  (iii)  It  remains  to  inquire  how  God's  revelation  of  Him- 
self was  carried  forward  in  this  period. 

(a)  One  result  of  the  establishment  of  the  kingdom  was  the 
building  of  the  Temple.  As  the  king  was  the  visible  represen- 
tative of  the  Divine  government,  so  the  centralised  sanctuary 
testified  to  the  unity  of  Him  whom  Israel  worshipped,  and  both 
combined  to  present  spiritual  ideas  in  a  fixed  and  definite  shape. 
Monotheism  was  not,  as  has  sometimes  been  wrongly  said,  an 
instinct  of  the  Semitic  races.  The  repeated  idolatries  of  the 
Jewish  nation  prove  the  contrary.  Only  through  long  discipline 
and  with  constant  relapses  was  the  lesson  learnt.  The  period  of 
the  Monarchy  taught  this  truth  in  a  visible  and  material 
manner,  and  when  once  learnt  it  was  afterwards  spiritualised 
by  the  destruction  of  the  visible  Monarchy  and  the  discipline  of 
the  Captivity. 

(d)  Closely  connected  with  the  establishment  of  the  Monarchy 
was  the  institution  of  the  Prophetic  Order.  This  was  Samuel's 
second  great  legacy  to  his  nation.  By  the  agency  of  the  pro- 
phets the  Will  of  Jehovah  was  made  known  to  men  ;  new 
revelations  of  His  character  and  His  claims  were  communi- 
cated ;  the  spiritual  meaning  of  the  Law  was  interpreted 3. 

(c)  In  this  period  was  deepened  the  consciousness  of  the 
individual's  personal  relation  to  God.  The  intimate  communing 
with  Him  in  prayer  and  praise,  which  is  characteristic  of  the 
Psalms  of  David,  marks  a  new  advance  in  the  relation  of  man 
to  God.  Now  was  laid  the  foundation  of  that  Psalter  in  Avhich 
for  all  succeeding  time,  men  have  found  the  expression  and  the 
echo  of  their  deepest  thoughts  and  highest  aspirations. 


1  I  Sam.  ii.  10,  where  the  Septuagint  has  xP'^t'os-  The  same  word 
in  both  Heb.  and  LXX.  is  applied  to  the  high-priest  in  Lev.  iv.  5,  16, 
vi.  22. 

2  The  typical  character  of  David's  reign  and  life  is  discussed  in 
Ch.  VII.  of  this  Inti-odtiction,       See  also  Additional  Note  i.,  p.  ii^. 

^  See  Introd.  to  i  Samuel,  ch.  vi. 


33  INTRODUCTION. 


7.  To  sum  up  briefly,  the  Monarchy  preserved  the  existence 
of  the  nation,  foreshadowed  the  kingdom  of  the  Messiah,  wit- 
nessed to  the  government  of  God.  At  the  same  time  Prophecy 
and  Psalmody  interpreted  the  past,  spiritualised  the  present, 
stimulated  hope  for  the  future. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE   REIGN  OF  DAVID. 

1.  The  First  Book  of  Samuel  brings  the  history  of  David's 
life  down  to  the  close  of  that  period  of  preparatory  discipline  by 
which  he  was  divinely  educated  for  his  high  destiny  1.  The 
quiet  life  in  the  home  at  Bethlehem,  the  novel  duties  and  temp- 
tations of  Saul's  court,  the  manifold  hardships  and  perils  of 
exile,  had  done  their  work,  and  moulded  the  lines  of  that  many- 
sided  character  with  an  ineffaceable  impress.  As  shepherd  he 
had  acquired  the  spirit  of  calm  thought  and  deep  reflexion  ; 
as  courtier  he  had  been  trained  in  prudent  self-control  and 
chivalrous  generosity  ;  as  outlaw  he  had  learned  quick  sympathy 
with  the  oppressed,  knowledge  of  men,  and  power  of  govern- 
ment ;  and  above  all,  each  successive  phase  of  experience  had 
quickened  and  developed  that  conscious  dependence  upon  God 
which  was  the  fundamental  secret  of  his  strength  throughout  his 
life.  Step  by  step  he  had  been  led  forward,  steadily  refusing  to 
take  the  shaping  of  his  career  into  his  own  hands  by  deeds  of 
violence^,  and  "committing  his  way  unto  the  LORD,"  in  the  full 
assurance  that  "He  would  bring  it  to  passV 

2.  The  Second  Book  of  Samuel  contains  the  histoiy  of 
David's  reign.  When  the  discipline  of  his  early  life  was  com- 
plete, the  death  of  Saul  opened  his  way  to  the  throne.  The  task 
before  him  was  immense.  Internal  disorganization  consequent 
upon   the  misrule   of  Saul's   later  years :  the  jealousy  of  the 

^  See  Introd.  to  i  Samuel,  chap.  viii. 

-  I  Sam.  xxvi.  10.  2  pg^  xxxvli.  5. 


INTRODUCTION.  33 


partisans  of  the  old  dynasty  :  the  antagonism  of  conflicting 
interests  among  the  different  tribes  ;  a  country  overrun  with 
victorious  and  powerful  enemies  ;  the  certain  prospect  that  any 
vigorous  attempt  to  consolidate  the  kingdom  would  excite  the 
hostility  of  foreign  enemies — these  were  some  of  the  difficulties 
which  met  him  at  the  outset.  And  if  these  obstacles  were  suc- 
cessfully overcome,  and  he  became  the  acknowledged  sovereign 
of  a  united  and  powerful  nation,  the  trial  to  his  own  character 
could  not  fail  to  be  severe.  Would  he  continue  to  be,  as  the 
essential  nature  of  the  Theocratic  Monarchy  demanded  that 
he  should  be,  the  faithful  "servant  of  Jehovah,"  the  obedient 
instrument  of  His  Will;  or  would  he,  like  Saul,  assume  an 
attitude  of  autocratic  independence,  and  fall  by  the  sin  of 
pride  and  self-reliance.'' 

3.  From  such  difficulties  a  weaker  man  might  well  have 
shrunk.  But  David  was  a  born  ruler  of  men.  In  his  well-knit, 
sinewy  frame,  insensible  to  hardship,  incapable  of  fatigue,  he 
possessed  the  indispensable  pre-requisite  for  a  warrior-king^: 
but  higher  qualifications  than  these  were  the  innate  aptitude 
for  governing  which  was  early  displayed  in  his  control  of  the 
wild  spirits  who  gathered  round  him  in  his  outlaw  life  ;  the 
fearless  courage  which  had  characterised  him  from  his  earliest 
days  - ;  and  the  singular  power  which  he  possessed  of  inspiring 
enthusiastic  devotion  in  his  followers':  and  the  highest  qualifi- 
cation of  all  was  his  firm  trust  and  unshaken  dependence  upon 
God,  coupled  with  the  consciousness  of  a  divine  commission, 
which  led  him  in  each  crisis  to  "wait  patiently  upon  God,"  in 
the  confident  expectation  of  divine  guidance^. 

4.  There  are  two  clearly  marked  periods  in  the  history  of 
David's  reign.  During  the  first  he  reigned  over  Judah  in 
Hebron,  and  during  the  second  over  all  Israel  in  Jerusalem. 
His  reign  over  Israel  in  Jerusalem  is  no  less  clearly  divided 

^  Observe  how  he  regards  this  as  the  gift  of  God  and  gives  thanks 
for  it  accordingly  in  2  Sam.  xxii.  34  ff. 
2  I  Sam.  xvii.  34. 

^  I  Sam.  xviii.  5,  16;  2  Sam.  xxiii.  15  fF. 
*  See  Ewald's  I/tst.  of  Israel ^  iii.  60. 

II.  SAMUEL  3 


34  INTRODUCTION. 


into  two  periods  in  the  view  of  the  sacred  historian,  by  the  great 
sin  which  cast  its  fatal  shadow  over  the  later  years  of  his 
life. 

But  the  author  of  Samuel  does  not  aim  at  giving  a  complete 
or  chronological  history  of  David's  reign.  Considerable  portions 
of  it,  and  many  events  of  interest  and  importance,  are  passed 
over  in  silence,  or  with  the  barest  passing  reference. 

5.  (i)  David^s  reign  at  Hebron.  The  first  five  out  of  the 
seven  and  a  half  years  during  which  David  was  king  of  Judah 
only  are  almost  a  blank  in  the  history.  Northern  Palestine  was 
occupied  by  the  Philistines  after  the  battle  of  Gilboa :  the  ad- 
herents of  Saul's  house  estabhshed  themselves  in  the  Trans- 
Jordanic  provinces :  David  quietly  devoted  himself  to  con- 
solidating his  little  kingdom  of  Judah.  His  family  grew,  and 
some  intercourse  with  foreign  countries  is  indicated  by  his 
matrimonial  alliance  with  the  daughter  of  a  petty  Syrian  king, 
Talmai  of  Geshur.  It  was  not  until  Abner  had  succeeded  in 
repulsing  the  Philistines,  and  re-organizing  the  disintegrated 
northern  tribes,  and  had  placed  Ish-bosheth  on  the  throne  of 
Israel,  that  the  two  kingdoms  came  into  collision.  For  two 
years  a  desultory  civil  war  was  waged,  until  at  length  the  de- 
fection of  Abner  destroyed  the  last  hopes  of  the  house  of  Saul. 
His  treacherous  murder  by  Joab  delayed  the  transference  of  the 
kingdom  of  Israel  to  David  for  a  brief  space  only.  Ish-bosheth's 
assassination  shortly  after  removed  the  remaining  excuse  which 
the  northern  tribes  had  for  holding  aloof  from  David.  There 
was  one  man,  and  one  only,  who  was  capable  of  saving  the 
nation  in  this  crisis.  The  representatives  of  all  Israel  came  to 
Hebron  and  unanimously  offered  the  crown  to  him  who  had 
been  designated  twenty  years  before  as  the  King  of  Jehovah's 
choice,  and  in  all  the  vicissitudes  of  those  twenty  years  had 
proved  his  worthiness  for  that  position.  A  national  assembly 
was  held  with  general  rejoicings,  David  was  anointed  for  the 
third  time,  and  a  solemn  covenant  concluded  between  him  and 
his  subjects. 

6.  (ii)  David's  reign  at  Jerusalem^  (a)  be/ore  /lis  fait.  The 
first  important  undertaking  of  the  new  king  was  the  capture  of 


INTRODUCTION.  35 

Jebus.  Here  he  fixed  his  capital,  and  hither,  as  soon  as  circum- 
stances permitted,  he  transferred  the  Ark.  Jerusalem  thus 
became  the  sanctuary  as  well  as  the  capital  of  the  kingdom. 
This  union  of  the  political  and  religious  centres  inaugurated 
a  new  epoch  in  the  nation's  history.  It  was  a  visible  realisation 
of  the  true  principle  of  the  Theocratic  Monarchy.  The  day  on 
which  he  welcomed  the  Ark  into  Zion,  his  own  city,  as  a  very 
Advent  of  Jehovah  to  dwell  in  the  midst  of  His  people,  was  the 
greatest  day  of  David's  life.  From  that  day  dates  the  beginning 
of  the  sanctity  of  "  the  Holy  City,"  round  which  so  many  sacred 
associations  cluster,  and  which  has  become  the  earthly  type  of 
heaven. 

7.  In  this  first  period  of  his  reign  are  most  probably  to  be 
placed  the  great  foreign  wars  by  which  he  established  his  do- 
minion on  a  secure  basis.  Philistines,  Moabites,  Ammonites, 
Amalekites,  Edomites,  Syrians  up  to  the  very  banks  of  the 
Euphrates,  submitted  to  his  irresistible  advance.  The  powerful 
kingdom  of  Tyre  became  his  ally :  Hamath  voluntarily  placed 
itself  under  his  protectorate.  It  was  no  lust  for  conquest  which 
led  him  into  these  wars  :  they  were  forced  upon  him  by  the  ne- 
cessities of  his  position  in  the  struggle  for  national  existence. 
No  nation  between  the  Mediterranean  and  the  Euphrates  could 
acquiesce  in  Israel's  rapidly  increasing  power  without  some 
attempt  to  crush  so  dangerous  a  rival. 

8.  One  brief  interval  of  complete  peace  during  this  period 
allowed  him  to  turn  his  attention  to  the  cherished  wish  of  his 
life,  the  plan  of  building  a  worthy  Temple  for  Jehovah.  Though 
he  was  not  permitted  to  carry  it  out  himself,  he  received  a  rich 
compensation  in  the  marvellous  prophecy  of  Nathan,  by  which 
an  eternal  dominion  was  promised  to  his  house,  and  an  assurance 
given  that  his  own  son  should  carry  out  the  plan  for  which  the 
fitting  time  had  not  yet  fully  come. 

9.  With  the  exception  of  the  first  failure  to  bring  up  the  Ark 
to  Jerusalem,  and  some  temporary  reverses  in  the  field  of  battle  S 
only  one  great  calamity,  so  far  as  we  know,  interrupted  the  rapid 

^  Ps.  Ix.,  title.     See  note  on  ch.  viii.  i^. 


36  INTRODUCTION. 


advance  of  prosperity  during  this  period.  Three  years  of  famine, 
the  punishment  of  Saul's  breach  of  faith  with  the  Gibeonites, 
-taught  Israel  to  reverence  the  sanctity  of  national  oaths  and 
treaties. 

lo.  (/3)  David's  reign  after  his  fall.  The  second  period 
of  David's  reign  at  Jerusalem  opens  with  his  great  sin.  From 
that  sin  dates  the  commencement  of  the  great  troubles  of  his 
life.  The  nation  indeed  does  not  seem  to  have  suffered  in  its 
relations  with  foreign  powers  ;  but  a  series  of  calamities,  partly 
involving  the  whole  nation,  partly  affecting  his  own  family 
only,  embittered  much  of  the  last  twenty  years  of  David's  reign. 

His  adultery  with  Bath-sheba,  and  his  murder  of  Uriah,  were 
dark  blots  upon  his  character.  The  sin  was  pardoned,  but  it 
could  not  be  left  unpunished.  And  the  punishment  came  from 
the  same  source  as  the  sin. 

"The  gods  are  just,  and  of  our  pleasant  vices 
Make  instruments  to  plague  us^." 

The  curse  of  polygamy,  permitted  indeed  but  discountenanced 
by  the  Mosaic  law,  bore  its  natural  fruit  in  the  quarrels  of  sons, 
whom  a  mistaken  affection  had  treated  with  foolish  indulgence. 
Amnon's  outrage,  Absalom's  revenge,  his  insurrection  and  wretched 
death,  with  all  the  miseries  of  civil  war — these  are  the  events 
which  fill  the  pages  of  the  history. 

There  are  sufficient  reasons  to  account  for  the  temporary 
success  of  Absalom's  rebelHon,  without  accusing  David  of  having 
alienated  the  affections  of  his  people  by  misgovernment  and 
neglect  of  his  duties.  The  personal  popularity  of  Absalom,  sup- 
ported by  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  at  the  loss  of 
its  special  preeminence,  "  the  still  lingering  hopes  of  the  house 
of  Saul  and  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  and  the  deep-rooted  feehng 
of  Ephraim  and  the  northern  tribes  against  Judah  V  forces  really 
antagonistic  to  one  another,  were  combined  for  the  moment  in 
an  attempt  to  overthrow  David's  authority.  With  Absalom's 
death  the  first  of  these  elements  was  extinguished,  but  the  two 


^  King  Lear.,  A.  V.  So.  iii.  170. 
2  Stanley's  Led.  11.  107. 


INTRODUCTION.  37 


latter  blazed  out  again  in  the  insurrection  headed  by  Sheba, 
which  nearly  anticipated  by  half  a  century  the  Disruption  of  the 
Kingdoms.  The  danger  was  averted  for  the  time  by  Joab's 
promptitude,  but  it  shewed  sufficiently  the  instability  of  the 
foundations  upon  which  David  had  to  build  up  his  kingdom. 

11.  The  impression  produced  by  the  record  of  David's 
reign  in  the  Book  of  Samuel  is  that  its  latter  years  were  a 
period  of  almost  unreheved  disaster.  The  prophet-author  is 
dwelling  on  the  consequences  of  David's  sins,  and  therefore 
gives  prominence  to  the  calamities  Avhich  punished  them.  But 
this  impression  needs  to  be  corrected.  The  closing  period  of 
David's  reign,  after  the  suppression  of  Absalom's  rebellion,  must 
have  been  on  the  whole  a  time  of  steady  growth  and  prosperity 
for  the  nation.  Otherwise  it  could  not  have  laid  the  firm 
foundation  which  it  did  for  the  unparalleled  splendour  of  Solo- 
mon's reign.  Administrative  improvements,  religious  organiza- 
tion, preparations  for  building  the  Temple,  occupied  David,  and 
were  so  successfully  carried  out,  that  Solomon  succeeded  to 
unchallenged  empire,  and  was  able  at  once  to  proceed  with  the 
building  of  the  Temple. 

12.  One  great  calamity  indeed  cast  its  shadow  over  the 
tranquillity  of  this  period.  Infatuated  for  a  moment  by  a  spirit 
of  ambition  and  pride,  which  represented,  it  seems,  a  corre- 
sponding spirit  in  the  nation  at  large,  David  ordered  a  census 
to  be  taken.  The  chastisement  of  pestilence  rebuked  both  king 
and  nation  for  their  error, 

13.  Here  the  compiler  of  the  Book  of  Samuel  ends  his 
narrative,  and  rightly  so.  The  remaining  scenes  of  David's 
life  are  the  prelude  to  the  reign  of  Solomon.  The  preparations 
for  the  building  of  the  Temple,  the  rebellion  of  Adonijah,  the 
king's  parting  charge  to  Solomon,  are  fitly  placed  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  new  era  rather  than  at  the  close  of  the  old. 

14.  After  thus  briefly  indicating  the  salient  points  of  the 
history  of  David's  reign,  it  remains  to  give  some  account  of  his 
organization  of  the  kingdom. 

{a)  Military  organizatioji.  The  "  Host,"  or  main  body  of 
the  army,  consisted  of  all  the  men  of  age  for  military  service. 


38  INTRODUCTION. 


The  whole  of  this  body  was  only  called  out  in  case  of  necessity, 
and  received  no  special  training.  In  order  therefore  to  secure 
an  effective  army,  David  formed  a  national  militia  of  twelve 
regiments,  each  twelve  thousand  strong.  Each  of  them  had 
its  general,  and  was  called  out  for  a  month's  training  in  the 
year^  Besides  this  militia,  there  was  a  body-guard  constantly 
under  arms,  known  as  "the  Cherethites  and  PelethitesV  and 
a  regiment  of  picked  troops  called  the  Gibborhn  or  Heroes, 
which  was  always  maintained  at  the  number  of  Six  Hundred, 
in  memory  of  the  days  of  David's  wanderings 3.  Special 
prowess  was  rewarded  by  admission  to  a  band  of  Thirty^,  an 
honour  comparable  to  that  of  knighthood ;  and  exceptional 
deeds  of  daring  had  raised  six  warriors  to  a  yet  higher  distinc- 
tion, as  "The  First  Three"  and  "The  Second  Three V  Su- 
preme above  all  was  Joab,  the  "  Captain  of  the  Host,"  second 
in  power  only  to  the  king  himself,  unequalled  as  a  warrior  and 
indispensable  to  David. 

{b)  Civil  o7'gaiiizatioii.  The  rapid  development  of  the  king- 
dom necessitated  careful  arrangements  for  the  administration  of 
the  state.  The  principal  civil  officers  of  the  king's  court  were 
the  Counsellor,  the  Recorder  or  Remembrancer,  the  Scribe  or 
Secretary  of  State,  the  King's  Companion  or  Friend,  and,  in  the 
later  years  of  his  reign,  the  Superintendent  of  the  Levy^. 
These,  together  with  the  king's  sons,  who  had  the  title  of 
"  Ministers  V'  the  two  High-priests,  the  Commander-in-chief  of 
the  army,  and  the  Captain  of  the  body-guard,  formed  the  king's 
privy  counciL 

The  management  of  the  crown  estates  and  revenues  was 
entrusted  to  a  number  of  officers  stationed  in  different  parts  of 
the  kingdom^:  the  maintenance  of  law  and  order  was  committed 
to  a  numerous  body  of  magistrates  and  judges  9:  each  tribe  was 
placed  under  the  government  of  a  prince  or  ruler ^°.     Thus  far 

1  I  Chi'on.  xxvii.  i — 15.  ^  See  note  on  ch.  viii.  18. 

2  See  note  on  ch.  xv.  18.  ^  2  Sam.  xxiii.  24 — 39. 
5  See  2  Sam.  xxiii.  8  fF.,  and  note  on  v,  13. 

^  See  2  Sam.  viii.  16 — 18,  xx.  23 — 26,  and  notes  there. 

7  See  note  on  ch.  viii.  18.  **  i  Chr.  xxvii.  25 — 31. 

9   I  Chr.  xxvi.  29 — 32.  -^"^  i  Chr.  xxvii.  16 — 22. 


INTRODUCTION.  39 


the  scanty  notices  preserved  in  Chronicles  indicate  the  existence 
of  a  thorough  system  of  internal  administration,  though  they  do 
not  enable  us  to  determine  its  details. 

{c)  Religious  organization.  Religious  institutions,  no  less 
than  secular  administration,  occupied  the  care  of  David.  He 
was  himself  the  head  and  leader  in  religious  movements^, 
realising  thereby  the  true  ideal  of  the  theocratic  king,  in  com- 
plete contrast  Avith  Saul's  antagonism  to  both  prophets  and 
priesthood.  Gad  "the  Seer"  and  Nathan  "the  Prophet"  were 
his  confidential  advisers  :  the  two  priests,  Zadok  and  Abiathar-, 
were  among  his  most  honoured  counsellors.  The  Priests  and 
Levites  were  classified,  and  told  off  for  the  performance  of 
various  duties  "in  the  service  of  the  house  of  the  LORD^;" 
some  were  trained  as  singers  and  musicians  under  the  leader- 
ship of  Asaph,  Heman,  and  Jeduthun^;  others  had  the  duty  of 
watching  the  gates  assigned  to  them^;  others  again  were  con- 
stituted guardians  of  the  treasury ^  These  more  elaborate 
arrangements  were  made  in  the  later  years  of  David's  reign,  in 
connexion  with  his  preparations  for  the  Temple. 

15.  The  main  results  of  David's  reign  may  be  briefly  summed 
up  as  follows,  {a)  He  consolidated  the  tribes  into  a  nation, 
binding  together  the  discordant  elements  of  which  it  was  com- 
posed into  a  vigorous  unity,  not  without  struggles  and  opposi- 
tion. Short  as  was  the  duration  of  this  unity,  it  gave  a  new 
strength  and  new  aspirations  to  Israel,  {li)  By  his  conquests 
he  secured  to  Israel  the  undisputed  possession  of  its  country, 
thereby  ensuring  the  free  field  which  was  indispensable  for  the 
expansion  and  development  of  the  nation,  and  through  it  of  the 
true  Religion  which  had  been  entrusted  to  its  guardianship. 
In  these  two  points  Saul  had  to  some  extent  anticipated  him, 
and  made  his  success  possible,  {c)  But  the  noblest  result  of 
David's  work  was  the  harmonious  union  of  all  the  highest  in- 
fluences for  good  which  were  at  work  in  the  nation.     For  once 

*  See  1  Sam.  vi.  i — 19,  with  the  parallel  passages  in  i  Chron. 

"^  See  Introductory  note  to  ch.  vi. 

2  I  Chr.  xxiii.,  xxiv.  ^  r  Chr.  xxv. 

^  I  Chr.  xxvi.  i — 19.  ^  i  Chr.  xxvi.  10 — :S. 


40  INTRODUCTION. 


the  religious  and  the  secular  powers  acted  in  perfect  coopera- 
tion, each  contributing  to  the  other's  efficiency.  The  Theocratic 
"Monarchy  was  to  be  no  absolute  despotism.  Its  king  was  the 
representative  of  Jehovah,  and  his  power  was  limited  by  this 
relation.  He  must  therefore  act  in  obedience  to  the  Will  of 
Jehovah,  communicated  to  him  through  the  prophets.  This 
was  the  ideal  for  which  Samuel  laboured.  Saul  was  rejected  for 
his  proud  endeavour  to  assert  his  ovm  independence.  David, 
though  not  without  lapses  and  failures,  on  the  whole  realised 
the  ideal,  and  was  Israel's  greatest,  because  truest,  king,  {d) 
Consequently,  as  will  be  seen  further  presently  (Introd.  Ch.  vil.), 
his  reign  was  always  looked  back  to  as  the  golden  age  of  the 
nation,  the  type  of  a  still  more  glorious  age  to  which  the 
national  hope  looked  forward  as  the  crown  and  consummation 
of  its  destiny. 

Himself  a  warrior,  he  led  the  nation  to  victory;  himself  a 
prophet,  and  the  pupil  of  one  of  the  greatest  of  the  prophets,  he 
sympathised  with  the  prophetic  work,  and  yielded  himself, 
without  losing  his  royal  dignity,  to  prophetic  guidance  ;  himself, 
though  not  by  descent  a  priest,  performing  priestly  functions, 
he  was  the  patron  of  the  hierarchy  ;  and  thus  for  a  brief  space, 
all  the  strongest  and  noblest  powers  of  the  nation  were  brought 
into  harmony,  and  full  scope  given  to  their  influences. 

i6.  It  remains  to  speak  of  David's  character.  "In  the  com- 
plexity of  its  elements,  passion,  tenderness,  generosity,  fierce- 
ness— the  soldier,  the  shepherd,  the  poet,  the  statesman,  the 
priest,  the  prophet,  the  king — the  romantic  friend,  the  chivalrous 
leader,  the  devoted  father — there  is  no  character  of  the  O.  T. 
at  all  to  be  compared  to  that  of  David ^"  It  was  this  many- 
sidedness  of  character,  combined  with  the  variety  of  experience 
through  which  he  passed,  which  has  made  his  Psalms  a  manual 
of  devotion  for  minds  of  every  character  and  of  every  age. 
Rich  and  varied  as  are  the  tones  of  the  many  voices  which 
combine  to  form  the  Psalter,  they  are  scarcely  more  rich  and 
varied  than  the  tones  of  the  single  voice  of  him  who  was  its 

^  Dean  Stanley  in  Smith's  Did.  of  the  Bible. 


INTRODUCTION.  41 

Founder;  passing  as  they  do  through  every  variation  of  jubilant 
praise  and  thanksgiving,  unshaken  trust  in  God,  keenest  suffer- 
ing, bitter  sorrow  for  sin,  heartfelt  repentance. 

Men  have  wondered  that  the  man  who  fell  into  such  grievous 
sins  should  be  called  "the  man  after  God's  own  heart,"  and 
regarded  as  the  greatest  king  of  Israel.  His  crimes  were  those 
of  many  an  Oriental  despot :  but  the  sequel  of  those  crimes — 
the  earnest  repentance,  the  prayer  for  renewal,  the  discipline  of 
years  by  which  the  blessing  of  "a  clean  heart"  and  "a  right 
spirit"  was  realised' — could  have  occurred  nowhere  but  under 
the  influence  of  true  divine  teaching.  The  whole  matter  is  ex- 
cellently summed  up  by  "a  critic  not  too  indulgent  to  sacred 
characters"  in  an  often,  but  not  too  often,  quoted  passage  : 
"David,  the  Hebrew  King,  had  fallen  into  sins  enough:  blackest 
crimes :  there  was  no  want  of  sins.  And  thereupon  the  un- 
believers sneer  and  ask,  'Is  this  your  man  according  to  God's 
heart?'  The  sneer,  I  must  say,  seems  to  me  but  a  shallow  one. 
What  are  faults?  what  are  the  outward  details  of  a  life,  if  the 
inner  secret  of  it,  the  remorse,  temptations,  true,  often  baffled, 
never  ended,  struggle  of  it  be  forgotten  ?... David's  life  and 
history,  as  written  for  us  in  those  Psalms  of  his,  I  consider  to  be 
the  truest  emblem  ever  given  of  a  man's  moral  progress  and 
warfare  here  below.  All  earnest  souls  will  recognise  in  it  the 
faithful  struggle  of  an  earnest  human  soul  towards  what  is  good 
and  best.  Struggle  often  baffled,  sore  baffled,  down  as  into 
entire  wreck  ;  yet  a  struggle  never  ended  ;  ever  with  tears, 
repentance,  true  unconquerable  purpose,  begun  anew  2." 

^  See  Maurice's  Prophets  and  Kings,  p.  66. 
2  Carlyle's  Heroes  and  Hero-worship,  p.  43. 


INTRODUCTION. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

THE  TYPICAL  SIGNIFICANCE  OF  DAVID'S   REIGN  AND   LIFE. 

1.  The  whole  of  the  Jewish  dispensation  was  designed  by 
God  to  be  a  preparation  for  the  coming  of  Christ  i.  Many  of  its 
institutions,  ordinances,  events,  and  characters,  were  typical: 
that  is  to  say,  they  were  intended  to  be  as  it  were  outlines 
drawn  beforehand  to  prefigure  and  foreshadow  Christ,  and  to 
prepare  men's  minds  to  expect  His  coming. 

2.  The  Kingdom  of  God  in  Israel  was  typical  of  the  King- 
dom of  God  afterwards  to  be  established  in  the  world  ;  and  the 
King  of  Israel  was  typical  of  Christ,  the  King  of  that  universal 
kingdom.  The  characteristics  of  his  office,  as  interpreted  by  a 
succession  of  prophets,  led  men  to  look  for  One  who  should 
perfectly  realise  the  ideal,  which  had  been  imperfectly  realised 
by  the  best  of  their  human  kings  2. 

3.  The  Theocratic  King^  was  typical  of  Christ  in  the  follow- 
ing respects  : 

(i)  His  distinctive  title  was  "the  Lord's  Anointed:"  and 
under  this  very  title  men  were  led  to  look  for  the  coming 
Deliverer  as  the  Messiah  or  the  Christ^  (Lk.  ii.  26;  John 
iv.  25.) 

(2)  He  was  the  visible  representative  of  Jehovah,  who  was 
Himself  the  true  King  of  Israel ;  the  instrument  of  the  Divine 
government,  through   whom    He   dispensed   deliverance,  help, 

^  See  Introd.  Ch.  V. 

"  See  Riehm's  Messianic  Prophecy,  p.  59  ff. 

^  The  ideal  form  of  government  for  Israel  was  a  Theocracy,  or  direct 
government  by  God  without  any  human  ruler  (see  Ch.  v.  §  4).  Theo- 
cratic  King  is  a  convenient  term  to  describe  the  true  position  of  the 
King  of  Israel  as  God's  vicegerent,  ruling  a  kingdom  which  was  not  his 
own  but  God's.   See  the  strong  expressions  of  i  Chr.  xxviii.  5,  xxix.  23. 

*  The  Heb.  word  for  "the  Anointed  One"  is  Mdshiach,  which  was 
transliterated  in  Greek  as  Mecrcrtas  or  Messiah,  and  translated  by  d 
Xpicrros,  the  Anointed  One,  the  Christ, 


INTRODUCTION.  43 

and  blessing.  He  would  therefore  be  a  conquering  king,  before 
whom  no  enemies  could  stand,  if  he  was  true  to  his  calling^ 
So  Christ  came  as  the  representative  of  God,  with  supreme 
authority  in  earth,  delegated  to  Him  by  His  Father,  and  des- 
tined finally  to  conquer  all  His  enemies". 

(3)  His  will  was  therefore  to  be  in  perfect  harmony  with  the 
will  of  God ;  and  his  kingdom  would  be,  in  proportion  as  it 
realised  its  purpose,  a  kingdom  of  righteousness  and  peace^ ; 
foreshadowing  imperfectly  what  was  never  perfectly  accom- 
plished except  by  Christ^. 

(4)  In  virtue  of  this  intimate  relation  to  God  he  received  the 
lofty  title  of  God's  Son^,  a  title  given  to  no  other  individual, 
signifying  God's  parental  care  over  him,  and  the  fiHal  obedience 
due  from  him  to  God.  This  title  is  a  most  striking  anticipation 
of  the  mysterious  relationship  of  Christ  to  God. 

(5)  He  was  not  only  the  representative  of  God  to  his  people, 
but  as  the  head  of  his  people,  he  was  their  representative  before 
God.  So  Christ  as  the  Son  of  man,  the  second  Adam,  is  the 
representative  of  the  human  race. 

(6)  As  the  head  of  a  kingdom  of  priests  (Ex.  xix.  6),  he  had 
a  priestly  character^,  although  he  did  not  exercise  all  priestly 
functions.  In  this  also  he  was  a  type  of  Christ,  the  "High- 
priest  over  the  house  of  God"  (Heb.  x.  21). 

(7)  He  was  not  only  to  be  ruler  of  Israel,  but  "head  of  the 
heathen","  prefiguring  the  universal  dominion  of  Christ. 

4.  In  these  respects  any  king  of  Israel,  who  at  all  fulfilled 
his  office,  was  to   some  extent  a  type  of  Christ ;  and  David, 

1  2  Sam.  vii.  9,  10;  Ps.  Ixxxix.  22,  23. 

2  John  i.  iS;  Matt,  xxviii.  18;  i  Cor.  xv.  24,  25. 

2  See  note  on  2  Sam.  xxiii.  3;  and  cp.  Ps.  kxii.  i — 7;  Ps.  ci. 

^  Ps.  xl.  7,  8;  John  iv.  34. 

5  2  Sam.  vii.  14,  note;  Ps.  ii.  7,  Ixxxix.  26,  27;  Acts'  xiii.  33;  Heb. 

i.  5- 

«5  This  is  sometimes  questioned,  but  was  certainly  the  case  at  least  with 
David  and  Solomon.  David  wore  priestly  garments,  and  both  he  and 
Solomon  dispensed  priestly  blessings,  and  claimed  the  right  to  appoint 
and  depose  high-priests  (2  Sam.  vi.  14,  18,  viii.  17;  i  Kings  ii.  27,  viii. 
14,  55).     Cp.  also  Ps.  ex.  4. 

7  2  Sam.  xxii.  44;  Ps.  Ixxii.  8 — 11. 


44  INTRODUCTION. 


because  he  was  the  truest  example  of  a  king  after  God's  own 
heart,  was  the  most  prominent  and  striking  type  of  Christ 
among  them.  Da.vid  however  was  a  type  in  some  respects  in 
which  his  successors  were  not. 

(i)  He  was  not  only  King  and  Priest,  but  Prophet  also^, 
thus  uniting  in  his  own  person  the  threefold  character  of 
Christ. 

(2)  He  received  the  special  title  of  "the  servant  of  Jehovah," 
given  only  to  a  few  who  were  raised  up  to  do  special  work,  such 
as  Moses  the  Lawgiver,  and  Joshua  the  Conqueror  of  the  Pro- 
mised Land.     This  was  a  distinctive  title  of  Christ^. 

(3)  His  birth-place  determined  the  birth-place  of  the  Messiah, 
whose  birth  at  Bethlehem  was  brought  about  by  a  remarkable 
providence^. 

5.  For  these  reasons  the  expected  Deliverer  was  sometimes 
styled  not  merely  the  Son  of  David,  in  accordance  with  the 
prophecy  in  2  Sam.  vii.,  but  David^.  No  name  could  be  more 
appropriate  for  the  ideal  ruler  of  the  future  than  that  of  the 
king  who  had  most  nearly  attained  to  the  ideal  in  the  past. 

6.  But  further,  an  examination  of  the  quotations  from  the 
O.  T.  applied  to  Christ  in  the  N.  T.  establishes  the  principle 
that  the  lives  of  the  saints  under  the  Old  Covenant  were  typical 
of  Chi'ist.  They  were  anticipations,  as  the  lives  of  saints  since 
Christ  came  have  been  imitations,  of  His  life.  Their  struggles, 
their  sufferings,  their  teachings,  their  aspirations,  pointed  for- 
ward to  Christ,  and  were  "fulfilled"  in  Him.  That  which  was 
partially  exemplified  in  them  was  completely  exhibited  in  Him. 
Consequently  "the  Christian  Church  from  the  earliest  times  has 
delighted  to  read  in  the  Psalms  the  emotions,  the  devotions,  the 
life,  of  Christ  Himself^" 

David,  more  than  any  other  single  individual,  was  a  type,  an 
anticipatory  likeness,  of  Christ  the  Perfect  Man.  In  the  fervency 

^  1  Sam.  xxiii.  i  ff. 

2  See  Matt.  xii.  18;  Acts  iii.  13,  26  {Rev,  Version)-,   Is.  liii.  11,   &c. 

^  Micah  V.  2  ;  Matt.  ii.  6 ;  John  vii.  42. 

^  See  Hos.  iii.  5;  Jer.  xxx.  9;  Ezek.  xxxiv.  23,  24,  xxxvii.  24,  25. 

^  Stanley's  Led,  ii.  134. 


INTRODUCTION.  45 


of  his  aspirations,  in  the  closeness  of  his  communion  with  God, 
in  the  firmness  of  his  trust,  in  the  strength  of  his  love,  he 
was  unrivalled  by  any  human  character  of  the  Old  Testament. 
No  man  ever  "touched  humanity  at  so  many  points;"  and  the 
manysidedness  of  his  character,  and  the  variety  of  his  ex- 
perience, which  qualified  him  for  practical  sympathy  with  all 
ranks  and  all  conditions  of  life  among  his  subjects,  made  him 
again  a  type  of  Him  whom  "it  behoved  in  all  things  to  be  made 
like  unto  his  brethren  1."  He  w^as  an  eminent  example  of  the 
spiritual  capability  of  the  human  soul  as  a  recipient  of  divine 
illumination,  preparing  the  way  for  the  highest  Example  of  all. 

7.  In  these  respects,  both  as  king  and  as  man,  David  was 
an  undoubted  type  of  Christ.  Many  other  striking  correspon- 
dences between  him  and  the  antitype  whom  he  prefigured  may 
be  noted  ;  for  example,  his  occupation  as  shepherd,  first  of  his 
flock,  and  then  of  IsraeP:  his  persecution  by  enemies,  and 
elevation  to  reign  through  many  sufferings  and  trials  :  the  mis- 
understandings and  scorn  he  met  with  from  his  own  relations  : 
his  betrayal  by  one  who  had  been  admitted  to  his  closest  con- 
fidence, and  so  forth  :  but  though  these  analogies  are  most 
interesting  and  instructive,  it  may  be  questioned  whether  they 
can  strictly  speaking  be  called  typical. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


PSALMS   ILLUSTRATIVE   OF   DAVID'S   REIGNS      • 

I.  Of  the  Psalms  ascribed  to  David  by  their  titles  many 
were  in  all  probability  not  written  by  him  ;  and  of  those  in  the 
case  of  which  there  is  no  reasonable  ground  for  doubting  the 

1  Heb.  ii.  17,  18,  iv.  15. 

2  See  note  on  2  Sam.  V.  2;  and  cp.  Ezek.  xxxiv.  23;  Micah  v.  4; 
John  X.  1 1 . 

2  I  Sam.  xvii.  28;  Mk.  iii.  21 ;  John  vii.  3 — 5. 

*  This  subject  is  most  interestingly  treated  by  Dr  Maclaren  in  The 
Life  of  David  as  reflected  in  his  Psalms.  See  also  Lecture  xxv.  in  Dean 
Stanley's  LecUires. 


46  INTRODUCTION. 


accuracy  of  the  title  a  large  proportion  cannot  be  connected 
with  any  definite  event  or  particular  period  of  his  life.  Those 
"however  which  either  by  their  titles,  corroborated  by  their  con- 
tents, or  from  internal  evidence,  can  be  assigned  to  particular 
epochs  of  his  life,  are  most  valuable  additions  to  the  history, 
and  should  be  carefully  studied  in  connexion  with  it. 

2.  (i)  The  Translation  of  the  Ark  to  Jerusalem  called  forth 
a  series  of  Psalms,  first  among  w^hich  is  Ps.  ci.  It  expresses 
the  high  resolves  and  aspirations  for  the  purity  of  his  kingdom 
and  his  court  which  filled  David's  mind  when  he  was  meditating 
the  transfer  of  the  Ark  to  his  new  capital,  which  would  become 
by  virtue  of  its  presence  in  an  especial  sense  "the  city  of 
Jehovah"  {ij.  8).  The  eager  exclamation  "When  wilt  thou 
come  unto  me"  {v.  2)  expresses  his  desire  to  welcome  the 
symbol  of  Jehovah's  Presence  as  a  dweller  in  his  new  city. 

Ps.  XV.,  in  language  closely  resembling  the  opening  verses  of 
Ps.  xxiv.,  sets  forth  the  conditions  of  acceptable  approach  to  God, 
and  dwells  upon  the  thoughts  with  which  he  would  prepare 
the  mind  of  his  people  for  the  solemn  event  about  to  be  cele- 
brated. 

The  date  of  Ps.  Ixviii.  is  disputed,  but  it  may  well  be  re- 
garded as  a  grand  choral  hymn,  composed  by  David  to  be  sung 
at  the  removal  of  the  Ark  to  Zion,  as  the  procession  left  the 
house  of  Obed-Edom.  The  opening  words  re-echo  the  old 
watchword  for  the  setting  forward  of  the  Ark  in  the  wilderness 
(Num.  x.  35).  "God  is  represented,  first  as  advancing  at  the 
head  of  the  Israelites  through  the  desert;  then  as  leading  them 
victoriously  into  Canaan ;  and  finally  as  fixing  His  royal  abode 
on  Zion,  whence  He  reigns  in  the  majesty  of  universal  dominion, 
acknowledged  and  feared  by  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  ^." 

Ps.  xxiv.  was  beyond  a  doubt  composed  to  be  sung  by  choirs  of 
Levites  as  the  Ark  passed  through  the  gates  of  Zion  to  its  new 
resting-place.  "  We  can  almost  hear  the  creaking  of  the  gates 
of  the  old  fortress  of  Jebus,  as  their  hinges  swung  sullenly  open 
to  admit  the  Ark  of  the  Living  God...     Lift  up  your  heads,  O 

^  Dean  Pcrowne's  Commentajy  on  the  Psalms^ 


INTRODUCTION.  47 


ye  gates,  and  be  ye  lift  up  ye  everlasting  doors,  and  the  King  of 
Glory  shall  come  in^." 

To  these  may  perhaps  be  added  Ps.  cxxxii.,  the  opening  verses 
of  which  refer  to  this  occasion,  though  it  was  probably  not  written 
until  later;  and  Ps.  xxx.,  apparently  assigned  by  its  title  to  the 
dedication  of  David's  new  palace  on  mount  Zion  (2  Sam.  v. 
II,  12). 

The  Psalms  of  this  period  are  characterised  by  their  lofty 
moral  requirements^  by  a  stern  exclusiveness,  a  noble  intolerance 
of  pride  and  falsehood  2. 

3.  (ii)  Tlie  spirit  in  which  the  wars  of  this  period  were  waged 
is  illustrated  by  Ps.  xx.,  which  is  a  litany  to  be  sung  on  the  eve 
of  the  king's  going  forth  to  battle;  and  by  Ps.  xxi.,  which  is 
a  Te  Deum  of  thanksgiving  for  his  return.  To  these  may  be 
added  Ps.  ex.  and  perhaps  Ps.  ii.  Ps.  Ix.  belongs  to  the  wars 
with  Syria  and  Edom^. 

4.  (iii)  The  culmination  of  David's  prosperity  is  celebrated 
in  Ps.  xviii.  (2  Sam.  xxii.),  written  probably  soon  after  Nathan's 
visit  (2  Sam.  vii.),  in  that  period  of  peace  in  which  he  conceived 
the  wish  to  build  an  house  for  Jehovah.  It  is  the  fitting  ex- 
pression of  a  heart  overflowing  with  praise  and  thanksgiving, 
and  is  unrivalled  for  the  magnificence  of  its  poetry  and  the 
sublimity  of  its  thought. 

5.  (iv)  David's  Fall  was  the  occasion  of  two  of  the  most 
precious  Psalms  in  the  whole  Psalter. 

"The  rock  is  smitten,  and  to  future  years 

Springs  ever  fresh  the  tide  of  holy  tears 

And  holy  music,  whispering  peace, 

Till  time  and  sin  together  cease  ^." 

The  Fifty-first  Psalm  is  David's  prayer  for  pardon  and  renewal, 
springing  from  the  newly-awakened  conviction  of  his  sin :  the 
Thirty-second   Psalm   is   a  review  of  his   experience  written 

^  Wilberforce's  Heroes  of  Hebrew  History,  p.  253. 

-  See  Stanley's  Lectures,  II.  74. 

"'  See  note  on  ch.  viii.  13. 

*  Christian  Year,  Sixth  Simday  after  Trinity. 


48  INTRODUCTION. 

somewhat  later,  in  which  he  dwells  upon  the  blessedness  of 
forgiveness  obtained,  and  describes  the  misery  he  had  suffered 
while  his  sin  was  still  unconfessed  and  unrepented  of. 

6.  (v)  The  Flight  from  Absalom  struck  a  rich  vein  of  Psal- 
mody. Ps.  Ixiii.  is  stated  by  its  title  to  have  been  written  by 
David  "when  he  was  in  the  wilderness  of  Judah/'  in  all  proba- 
bility between  the  flight  from  Jerusalem  and  the  passage  of  the 
Jordan.  Ps.  iii.  is  a  morning  hymn,  and  Ps.  iv.  an  evening 
hymn,  composed  on  the  day  following  that  on  which  he  quitted 
Jerusalem.  Ps.  xxvi.,  and  possibly  Ps.  Ixii.,  refer  to  the  traitors 
who  had  deserted  him  at  this  crisis;  xxvii.  and  xxviii.  pro- 
bably describe  his  feelings  during  his  exile  at  Mahanaim.  The 
characteristic  features  of  these  Psalms  are  the  consciousness  of 
God's  continued  help,  unbroken  trust,  firm  assurance  of  ultimate 
deliverance ;  eager  yearning  for  the  privileges  of  the  sanctuary. 
They  expand  the  thought  of  David's  words  to  Zadok :  "If  I  shall 
find  favour  in  the  eyes  of  the  Lord,  he  will  bring  me  again,  and 
shew  me  both  the  ark  and  his  habitation"  (2  Sam.  xv.  25). 

Pss.  xh.  and  Iv.  have  been  assigned  to  the  time  during  which 
the  conspiracy  was  being  hatched :  Ixix.  and  cix.  have  very 
generally  been  supposed  to  refer  to  Ahithophel's  treachery;  and 
the  Sept.  title  of  cxliii.  connects  it  with  Absalom's  rebellion. 
But  these  references  are  at  best  doubtful;  and  Ixix.  and  cix. 
are  almost  certainly  not  Davidic. 

7.  (vi)  There  are  no  Psalms  which  can  be  pointed  to  with 
certainty  as  embodying  the  thoughts  of  David's  later  years.  Ps. 
xxxvii.  may  indeed  possibly  be  his,  and  if  so,  vv.  2 — 9  are  a 
w^orthy  summing-up  of  lessons  learnt  through  the  vicissitudes 
of  a  long  life.  Ps.  ciii.  is  assigned  by  the  title  in  the  Syriac 
version  to  David's  old  age,  but  linguistic  considerations  almost 
forbid  us  to  accept  it  as  David's.  The  "last  words  of  David" 
(2  Sam.  xxiii.  i — 7)  seem  to  stand  alone,  and  have  no  com- 
panion in  the  Psalter. 


THE 
E.NVIRO  N  S    OF 

JERUSALEM 


M..  luH.sll     '^'     ^ 


--^    E    N    4    A    M\^4„^  N 


/-nlepluL  < 


Ml/|..    h,.«3S 


Z  Zion  r  iDer  ajv)  |  C  Calvaiy  ' 
A.Arra-f'Zoug?  dty )      GGethsemane 

■^Li^CjT^^  MJdorjii.^'^empZe)   |  PPoolot  Silo-uti 

RBezetha.  'Nmatyj   LLowerEooloiGiliaii. 
Sote 

^^N  k'^'^ij)  -Waba~i.vurse  aeaeraUv  dt  v  uisummer 


RCourtur  F  R  6  S. 


Camtoidge  TJjiivermtr  IVess 


THE 

SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL, 

OTHERWISE   CALLED, 

THE   SECOND   BOOK   OF  THE   KINGS. 


Ch.  I.  I — 1 6.    The  news  of  SauVs  death  brought  to  David. 

Now  it  came  to  pass  after  the  death  of  Saul,  when  David  1 
was  returned  from  the  slaughter  of  the  Amalekites, 
and  David  had  abode  two  days  in  Ziklag ;  it  came  even  to  2 
pass  on  the  third  day,  that  behold,  a  man  came  out  of  the 

Ch.  I.  1 — 16.     The  news  of  Saul's  death  brought  to 
David. 

1.  Now  it  came  to  pass,  &c.]  The  narrative  of  the  closing  chapters 
of  the  First  Book  is  continued  without  any  break.  The  division  of  the 
Books  is  purely  artificial,  and  did  not  exist  in  the  original  Hebrew  text. 
See  Introd.,  ch.  i.  §  i. 

when  David  was  rettiriied'\     See  i  Sam.  xxx.  i6. 

2.  071  the  third  day']  The  exact  position  of  Ziklag  in  the  Negeb,  or 
".South  country,"  has  not  been  determined.  But  if  we  may  place  it  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Beersheba  (see  note  on  i  Sam.  xxvii.  6),  the 
distance  from  the  battle-field  of  Gilboa  was  about  90  or  100  miles 
as  the  crow  flies,  between  two  and  three  days'  journey  for  an  active 
nmner,  so  that  the  battle  probably  took  place  about  the  same  time  as 
David's  return  home. 

a  man  came  out  of  the  camp  from  SatWX  This  expression  and  that  of 
V.  3  seem  to  imply  that  the  Amalekite  represented  himself  as  in  some 
way  attached  to  the  Israelite  army,  either  as  a  combatant,  or  more 
probably  as  a  camp-follower.  On  the  other  hand,  the  words  of  v.  6, 
"I  happened  by  chance  upon  mount  Gilboa,"  seem  to  describe  his 
presence  on  the  battle-field  as  accidental.  On  the  whole  it  is  best  to 
suppose  that  he  was  connected  with  the  army,  and  to  understand  v,  6 
to  mean  merely  that  his  finding  Saul  was  accidental. 

II.  SAMUEL  A 


so  II.  SAMUEL,   I.  [vv.  3—6. 

camp  from  Saul  with  his  clothes  rent,  and  earth  upon  his 
head :  and  so  it  was,  when  he  came  to  David,  that  he  fell  to 

3  the  earth,  and  did  obeisance.  And  David  said  unto  him, 
From  whence  comest  thou  ?     And  he  said  unto  him,  Out  of 

4  the  camp  of  Israel  am  I  escaped.  And  David  said  unto 
him,  How  went  the  matter?  I  pray  thee,  tell  me.  And 
he  answered,  That  the  people  are  fled  from  the  battle,  and 
many  of  the  people  also  are  fallen  and  dead  ;  and  Saul  and 

5  Jonathan  his  son  are  dead  also.  And  David  said  unto 
the  young  man  that  told  him,  How  knowest  thou  that  Saul 

6  and  Jonathan  his  son  be  dead  ?  And  the  young  man  that 
told  him  said,  As  I  happened  by  chance  upon  mount  Gil- 
boa,  behold,  Saul  leaned  upon  his  spear;  and  lo,  the  chariots 

with  his  clothes  rent,  and  earth  upon  his  head'\  With  the  same  tokens 
of  mourning  as  the  man  of  Benjamin  who  bore  the  news  of  the  disastrous 
defeat  of  Aphek  to  Shiloh.  See  i  Sam.  iv.  12,  and  note.  There  how- 
ever the  word  rendered  clothes  is  different,  perhaps  denoting  a  military 
dress,  as  in  i  Sam.  xvii.  38 :  that  used  here  is  the  ordinary  term. 

fell  to  the  earth,  and  did  obeisance"]  Recognising  David  as  Saul's 
successor,  and  expecting  a  reward  for  his  tidings. 

did  obeisance]  Obeisance,  derived  from  Lat.  obedire  through  Fr. 
oheissance,  was  originally  used  in  the  literal  sense  of  obedience,  but  in 
Bible-English  is  limited  to  the  act  of  prostration,  which  was  the  out- 
wai-d  token  of  obedience  or  reverence.  The  Heb.  word,  variously 
translated  in  the  E.  V.  'bow  oneself,'  'bow  down,'  'fall  flat,'  'crouch,' 
'reverence,'  'do  reverence,'  'worship,'  means  literally  to  bow  oneself 
down,  and  specially  to  worship  God. 

4.  How  went  the  matter?]  Lit.  What  was  the  affair?  the  same 
phrase  as  that  used  by  Eli  in  i  Sam.  iv.  16.  The  form  of  the  Amalekite's 
answer  also  closely  corresponds  to  that  of  the  man  of  Benjamin  there. 
The  rout,  the  slaughter  among  the  people,  the  death  of  the  leaders,  are 
mentioned  in  an  ascending  climax. 

many  of  the  people]  No  contradiction  to  i  Sam.  xxxi.  6,  where  "a// 
his  men"  refers  to  Saul's  immediate  body-guard. 

6.  As  I  happened  by  chance]  He  represents  himself  as  accidentally 
finding  Saul,  while  wandering  over  Mount  Gilboa  in  the  confusion  of 
the  rout.     See  note  on  v.  2. 

mount  Gilboa]     See  note  on  i  Sam.  xxviii.  4. 

Saul  leaned  tcpon  his  spear]  This  is  not  to  be  understood  of  attempted 
suicide  ( I  Sam.  xxxi.  4),  as  though  he  was  leaning  upon  his  spear  to  pierce 
himself  through.  It  is  a  tragic  picture  of  the  last  scene.  The  wounded 
and  weary  king  leans  upon  his  spear — the  emblem  of  his  royalty — 
for  support.  His  followers  are  scattered  or  dead  :  his  pursuers  are  close 
at  hand.  Death,  accompanied  with  all  the  insolence  and  mockery  of  a 
triumphant  foe,  stares  him  in  the  face. 


vv.  7— 12.]  II.  SAMUEL,   I.  51 

and   horsemen    followed  hard  after  him.     And   when    he  ^ 
looked  behind  him,  he  saw  me,  and  called  unto  me.    And  I 
answered,   Here    am  I.     And  he  said  unto  me,  Who  art  z 
thou  ?     And  I  answered  him,  I  am  an  Amalekite.     He  said  9 
unto  me  again.  Stand,  I  pray  thee,  upon  me,  and  slay  me : 
for  anguish  is  come  upon  me,  because  my  life  is  yet  whole 
in  me.     So   I    stood  upon  him,  and  slew  him,  because  I  ic 
was  sure  that  he  could  not  live  after  that  he  was  fallen ;  and 
I  took  the  crown  that  ivas  upon  his  head,  and  the  bracelet 
that  was  on  his  arm,  and  have  brought  them  hither  unto  my 
lord.    Then  David  took  hold  on  his  clothes,  and  rent  them;  u 
and  likewise  all  the  men  that  were  with  him :   and  they  12 
mourned,  and  wept,  and  fasted  until  even,  for  Saul,  and  for 

chariots]  It  is  not  necessary  to  regard  this  as  a  lie  of  the  Amalekite. 
Parts  of  the  elevated  tract  may  have  been  accessible  to  the  PhiHstine 
chariots.  Stanley  speaks  of  "the  green  strip  of  table-land,  where 
probably  the  last  struggle  was  fought"  {Sinai  and  Pal.  p.  345). 

9.  Sla7id...npon  me\  Rather,  Stand  by  me,  or.  Rise  up  against  me, 
and  similarly  in  v.  10.  Saul  is  represented  in  v.  6  as  still  upright,  not 
as  lying  prostrate  on  the  ground. 

anguislil  The  Heb.  word  occurs  nowhere  else,  and  its  sense  is 
doubtful.  The  Targum  renders  it  agony;  the  LXX.  terrible  darkness ; 
the  Vulg.  distress  {angustiac).  Probably  it  means  giddiness  or  cramp, 
which  made  it  impossible  for  him  to  defend  himself  any  longer.  The 
marg.  renderings,  my  coat  of  mail,  or,  my  efubroidered  coat,  are  im- 
probable. 

because  my  life  is  yet  wJiole  in  me]  A  second  reason  for  the  request  to 
slay  him.  He  feared  that  he  might  fall  alive  into  the  hands  of  the 
Philistines.     Cp.  i  Sam.  xxxi.  4. 

10.  after  that  he  was  fallen]  Not  to  be  understood  literally,  of  lying 
prostrate,  but  metaphorically,  of  defeat  and  disgrace.     Cp. 

**I  am  a  \)00x  fallen  man,  unworthy  now 
To  be  thy  lord  and  master." 

Shakespeare,  Uett.  VIIT.  Act  iir.  Sc.  2. 
the  c}'07un]      In  all   probability   not  the   State-crown,  but   a   light 
diadem,  or  fillet,  worn  round  the  helmet  as  the  mark  of  royalty. 

the  bracelet]  Armlets  are  still  worn  by  Oriental  sovereigns.  Kings 
and  distinguished  warriors  are  represented  on  both  Egyptian  and 
Assyrian  monuments  as  wearing  highly  ornamented  bracelets  or  armlets. 
See  Smith's  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  Art.  Armlet,  and  Layard's  Nineveh  and 
Babylon,  11.  322. 

11.  on]     "On"  used  as  we  now  use  "of."     Cp.  i  Sam.  xxvii.  ir. 

12.  mourned]  The  word  literally  denotes  the  beating  of  the  breast, 
which  is  still  a  common  expression  of  mourning  in  the  East. 

fasted  until  even]     Fasting  is  mentioned  as  a  sign  of  mourning  in 


II.  SAMUEL,   I.  [vv.  13—16. 


Jonathan  his  son,  and  for  the  people  of  the  Lord,  and  for 
the  house  of  Israel ;  because  they  were  fallen  by  the  sword. 

13  And  David  said  unto  the  young  man  that  told  him,  Whence 
a7-t  thou  ?     And  he  answered,  I  am  the  son  of  a  stranger, 

14  an  Amalekite.  And  David  said  unto  him.  How  wast  thou 
not  afraid  to  stretch  forth  thine  hand  to  destroy  the  Lord's 

15  anointed  ?  And  David  called  one  of  the  young  men,  and 
said.  Go  near,  and  fall  upon  him.     And  he  smote  him  that 

16  he  died.  And  David  said  unto  him.  Thy  blood  be  upon  thy 
head;  for  thy  mouth  hath  testified  against  thee,  saying,  I 
have  slain  the  Lord's  anointed. 

I  Sam.  xxxi.  13;  1  Sam.  iii.  35,  xii.  21,  22.  The  day's  fast  was  con- 
sidered to  terminate  at  sunset,  as  at  the  present  day  in  Mahommedan 
countries. 

for  the  people  of  the  Lord,  and  for  the  house  of  Israel'\  By  "the 
people  of  Jehovah"  is  meant  the  army,  gathered  to  fight  Jehovah's 
battles  against  the  heathen.  Cp.  i  Sam.  xxv.  28;  and  for  people=ar7?iy 
cp.  V.  4  and  i  Sam.  iv.  3.  "The  house  of  Israel"  describes  the  whole 
nation  united  under  Saul,  and  now  broken  and  scattered  by  his  defeat 
and  death. 

The  Sept.  has  "for  the  people  of  Judah,''''  a  reading  which  involves 
a  very  slight  change  of  letters,  but  is  probably  either  an  accidental 
corruption  or  an  intentional  emendation  to  get  rid  of  the  apparent 
tautology. 

13.  the  son  of  a  stranger,  an  Amalekite']  Or,  the  son  of  an  Amalekite 
stranger^  i.e.  an  Amalekite  who  had  migrated  into  the  land  of  Israel. 
The  term  is  one  regularly  used  in  the  O.T.  of  foreigners  residing  in  a 
country  not  their  own. 

14.  the  Lord's  anointed]  The  person  of  the  king,  consecrated  to 
the  service  of  Jehovah  by  anointing,  was  inviolable.  Compare  David's 
reiterated  expressions  on  this  point  in  i  Sam.  xxiv.  6,  xxvi.  9,  11,  16; 
and  the  armourbearer's  reverence  in  i  Sam.  xxxi.  4. 

16.  for  thy  month,  &c.]  For  the  expression  cp.  Job  xv.  6;  Lk. 
xix.  22.  He  had  accused  himself  of  a  capital  crime,  for  which  he 
deserved  to  die.  Righteous  indignation,  and  not  merely  political 
prudence,  dictated  his  immediate  execution. 

This  account  of  Saul's  death  is  obviously  inconsistent  with  that  given 
in  I  Sam.  xxxi.  It  is  useless  to  attempt  to  harmonize  them,  but  it  is 
quite  unnecessary  to  assume  that  we  have  two  different  traditions  of  the 
manner  of  Saul's  death.  The  Amalekite's  story  was  clearly  a  fabrica- 
tion. In  wandering  over  the  field  of  battle  he  had  found  the  corpse  of 
Saul  and  stripped  it  of  its  ornaments.  With  these  he  hastened  to 
David,  and  invented  his  fictitious  story  in  the  hope  of  securing  an 
additional  reward  for  having  with  his  own  hand  rid  David  of  his  bitterest 
enemy  and  removed  the  obstacle  which  stood  between  him  and  the 
throne.    But  he  had  formed  a  wrong  estimate  of  the  man  he  had  to 


vv.  17,  18.]  II.  SAMUEL,    I.  53 

1 7 — 2  7 .    David's  lamentation  for  Saul  and  Jonathan. 

And  David  lamented  with  this  lamentation  over  Saul  and 
over  Jonathan  his  son :  (also  he  bade  them  teach  the  chil- 
dren of  Judah  the  nse  of  the  bow :  behold,  //  is  written  in 
the  book  of  Jasher.) 

deal  with.  Whether  David  believed  him  or  not,  he  summarily  inflicted 
the  penalty  which  the  Amalekite  deserved  according  to  his  own 
avowal,  and  proved  to  all  Israel  his  abhorrence  of  such  an  impious 
act. 

David's  chivalrous  loyalty  and  generous  unselfishness  in  mourning  for 
the  death  of  his  unrelenting  persecutor,  whose  removal  opened  the  way 
for  him  to  the  throne,  are  striking  evidences  of  the  nobility  of  his 
character. 

17—27.    David's  lamentation  for  Saul  and  Jonathan. 

17.  lainenied  with  this  lamentatiofi]  The  technical  expression  for  a 
death-dirge  or  mournful  elegy,  such  as  that  pronounced  by  David  over 
Abner  (ch.  iii.  33,  34),  and  by  Jeremiah  over  Josiah  (2  Chr.  xxxv.  25). 

18.  also  he  bade,  &c.]  And  he  gave  commandment  to  teacli  tlie 
children  of  Judah  the  Bow.  The  E.  V.  cannot  be  right  in  inserting 
"  the  use  of,"  for  the  bow  was  a  weapon  already  in  common  use.  If 
the  text  is  sound,  "the  Bow"  must  be  a  title  given  to  David's  elegy 
from  the  mention  of  Jonathan's  bow  mv.  22.  Somewhat  similarly  the 
section  of  Exodus  containing  the  account  of  the  burning  bush  is  called 
"the  Bush"  in  Lk.  xx.  37,  and  the  second  chapter  of  the  Koran  is 
called  ' '  the  Cow "  from  the  incidental  mention  in  it  of  the  sacrifice  of 
a  cow. 

It  must  be  noted  however  that  the  Vatican  MS.  of  the  LXX.  omits 
the  word  bow,  and  reads  simply  ' '  And  he  commanded  to  teach  [it]  to 
the  children  of  Judah."  Possibly  therefore  the  word  over  which  much 
discussion  has  been  spent,  has  found  its  way  into  the  text  through  some 
scribe's  mistake,  and  should  be  struck  out. 

The  elegy  was  to  be  learnt  by  heart  by  the  people  in  order  to  pre- 
serve the  memory  of  Saul  and  Jonathan  fresh  among  them.  Compare 
the  direction  concerning  the  Song  of  Moses  (Deut.  xxxi.  19),  and  the 
title  of  Psalm  Ix. 

behold,  it  is  written  in  the  book  of  yashej-]  The  elegy  was  included  in 
the  volume  known  as  The  Book  of  Jashar,  or,  the  Upright.  ( LXX. 
^L(3\iov  Tov  evdovs ;  Vulg.  liber  iustorum.)  This  book  is  mentioned 
only  here  and  in  Josh.  x.  13.  "  The  Upright"  is  explained  by  some  to 
mean  Israel  as  the  covenant  people  of  God,  and  connected  in  etymo- 
logy and  sense  with  the  title  Jeshiiriin  (Deut.  xxxii.  15) ;  by  others  it  is 
referred  to  the  heroes  whose  praises  were  celebrated  in  the  book.  All 
that  can  be  inferred  from  the  references  to  it  is  that  it  contained  a  collec- 
tion of  ancient  poems,  commemorating  remarkable  events  or  great 
heroes  of  the  national  history:  so  that  it  formed  a  "book  of  Golden 


54  n.  SAMUEL,   I.  [vv.  19—21. 

The  beauty  of  Israel  is  slain  upon  thy  high  places  ; 

How  are  the  mighty  fallen  ! 

Tell  //  not  in  Gath, 

Publish  it  not  in  the  streets  of  Askelon  ; 

Lest  the  daughters  of  the  Philistines  rejoice, 

Lest  the  daughters  of  the  uncircumcised  triumph. 

Ye  mountains  of  Gilboa,  let  there  be  no  dew, 


Deeds"   for   the  instruction  of  posterity,  a   "national   anthology"  to 
which  additions  would  be  made  from  time  to  time  as  occasion  offered. 

19.  The  beatify  of  Israel,  &c.]  Better,  Thy  beauty  (lit.  the  beazity), 
0  Israel,  upon  thine  high  places  is  slain.  Saul  and  Jonathan  are  thus 
described  as  the  chief  ornament  and  honour  of  Israel.  The  word  trans- 
lated gloiy  may  also  mean  roe  or  gazelle,  a  rendering  which  is  adopted 
by  some  commentators,  who  refer  it  to  Jonathan.  There  is  not  how- 
ever any  satisfactory  evidence  to  shew  that  Jonathan's  personal  beauty 
and  swiftness  of  foot  in  attack  or  retreat  had  gained  for  him  among  the 
troops  the  name  of  '  the  Gazelle,'  as  Ewald  supposes  [Hist,  of  Israel,  iii. 
30),  and  as  the  elegy  celebrates  both  Saul  and  Jonathan,  the  opening 
word  cannot  be  limited  to  the  latter  only- 

thy  high  places']  Gilboa  is  meant.  The  expression  suggests  the  ex- 
tremity of  the  disaster,  when  the  mountain-strongholds  of  the  land  were 
forced  and  their  defenders  slain.     Cp.  note  on  ch.  xxii.  34. 

20.  Tell  it  not  in  Gath,  &c.]  Gath  on  account  of  its  political  im- 
portance, Askelon  as  a  great  religious  centre,  are  chosen  as  representa- 
tive of  the  whole  country.  Gath  seems  to  have  had  special  prominence 
as  the  city  of  Achish ;  not  impossibly  the  temple  of  Ashtaroth  in  which 
Saul's  armour  was  deposited  was  the  famous  temple  of  Venus  at  Aske- 
lon. See  note  on  i  Sam.  xxxi.  10.  The  phrase  "  Tell  it  not  in  Gath" 
is  quoted  in  Micah  i.  10  (E.V.  declare),  and  perhaps  passed  into  a 
proverb. 

Publish  it  not]  Additional  force  is  gained  by  keeping  the  usual 
meaning  of  the  word,  publish  not  the  good  news  (LXX.  accurately, 
IxTj  evayyeXicrrja-Oe).  Of  course  the  words  can  only  be  understood  as  a 
poetical  wish  that  it  were  possible  for  Israel  to  be  spared  the  degrada- 
tion of  Philistine  triumph.  The  news  was  carried  at  once  throughout 
the  land  (i  Sam.  xxxi.  9). 

the  daughters  of  the  Philistines]  Victories  were  celebrated  by  the 
women  of  the  country  with  public  songs  and  dances.  Cp.  i  Sam. 
xviii.  6;  Ex.  xv.  20,  21. 

the  uncircumcised]  The  common  epithet  for  the  Philistines,  as  hea- 
then who  had  no  share  in  Jehovah's  covenant  with  Israel.  No  small 
part  of  the  bitterness  of  defeat  to  a  pious  heart  consisted  in  the  triumph 
of  the  heathen  over  God's  inheritance.     Cp.  i  Sam.  xiv.  6. 

21.  let  there  be  7io  dew,  &c.]  The  language  is  poetical.  Nature  is 
as  it  were  summoned  to  share  in  the  mourning.  The  scene  of  such  a 
terrible  disaster  should  be  unvisited  by  fertilizing  dew  and  rain,  and  lie 


V.  22.]  II.  SAMUEL,   I.  55 

Neither  let  there  be  rain  upon  you,  nor  fields  of  offerings  : 
For  there  the  shield  of  the  mighty  is  vilely  cast  away. 
The  shield  of  Saul,  as  though  he  had  not  been  anointed 

with  oil. 
From  the  blood  of  the  slain, 
From  the  fat  of  the  mighty, 
The  bow  of  Jonathan  turned  not  back, 
And  the  sword  of  Saul  returned  not  empty. 


smitten  with  eternal  barrenness.  For  the  thought  that  nature  can 
sympathize  with  man  compare  Ezek.  xxxi.  15.  _ 

nor  fields  of  offerings\  An  expansion  of  the  preceding  thought.  Gilboa 
should  no  longer  possess  fruitful  fields,  to  produce  tithes  and  offerings 
for  Jehovah.  The  greatest  curse  which  can  befall  it  is  to  be  cut  off 
from  rendering  service  to  Jehovah.  Compare  the  description  of  ex- 
treme famine  in  Joel  i.  9. 

is  vilely  cast  azcay]  This  rendering  seems  to  be  an  attempt  to  combine 
two  possible  meanings  of  the  Heb.  word,  {a)  was  cast  away,  {b)  was  de- 
filed with  blood  and  dust,  of  which  the  latter  is  probably  right. 

as  though  he  had  not  been  anointed  with  oil]  The  original,  which 
might  be  rendered  exactly  the  shield  of  Saul  unanointed  with  oil, 
leaves  it  uncertain  whether  the  epithet  ajwinted  belongs  to  the  shield  or 
to  Saul,  (a)  Most  commentators  understand  it  to  refer  to  the  shield,  left 
upon  the  battle-field,  uncared  for,  uncleansed  from  the  stains  of  the 
combat.  Shields  made  of  metal  were  oiled  to  polish  them  ;  those  made 
of  v.-ood  and  leather,  to  preserve  them,  and  make  missiles  glide  off 
easily.     Cp.  Is.  xxi.  5  ;  and  Verg.  Aen.  vii.  626 : 

*'Pars  leves  clj^eos  et  spicula  lucida  tergunt 
Arvina  pingui." 

"With  unctuous  lard  their  shields  they  clean, 
And  make  their  javelins  bright  and  sheen." 

(d)  On  the  other  hand  this  term  anointed  1%  everywhere  else  applied  to 
persons— in  the  books  of  Samuel  always  to  the  King — and  not  to  things, 
and  it  is  certainly  grammatically  possible  to  connect  it  with  Saul,  as  is 
done  by  the  E.  V.  The  sense  thus  gained  is  much  more  forcible. 
*  There  the  shield  of  mighty  heroes  was  defiled — yea  even  the  shield  of 
Saul,  whose  consecrated  person  shared  the  common  fate  as  though  he 
had  never  been  set  apart  as  the  Anointed  of  Jehovah.' 

22.  Frojn  the  blood,  &c.]  In  the  figurative  language  of  poetry  arrows 
are  represented  as  drinking  bloody  the  sword  as  eating  fiesh.  See  Deut. 
xxxii.  42 ;  Is.  xxxiv.  6 ;  Jer.  xlvi.  10. 

the  bcnv  of  Jonathan]  His  favourite  weapon,  by  the  gift  of  which 
he  sealed  his  friendship  with  David.  See  i  Sam.  xviii.  4,  xx.  20. 
Was  it  a  reminiscence  of  that  gift  which  made  David  call  this  elegy 
the  Bowl 


56  II.  SAMUEL,  I.  [vv.  23—27. 

25      Saul  and  Jonathan  were  lovely  and  pleasant  in  their  lives, 
And  in  their  death  they  were  not  divided  : 
They  were  swifter  than  eagles, 
They  were  stronger  than  lions. 

24  Ye  daughters  of  Israel,  weep  over  Saul, 

Who  clothed  you  in  scarlet,  with  other  delights, 
Who  put  on  ornaments  of  gold  upon  your  apparel. 

25  How  are  the  mighty  fallen  in  the  midst  of  the  battle ! 
O  Jonathan,  thou  wast  slain  in  thine  high  places. 

■id      I  am  distressed  for  thee,  my  brother  Jonathan  : 

Very  pleasant  hast  thou  been  unto  me : 

Thy  love  to  me  was  wonderful. 

Passing  the  love  of  women. 
27      How  are  the  mighty  fallen, 

And  the  weapons  of  war  perished  ! 


23.  lovely  and  pleasant\  Perhaps  rather,  loving  and  kindly.  The 
words  express  the  mutual  affection  which  existed  between  father  and 
son.  Jonathan  remained  faithful  to  his  fihal  duty  even  when  his  father 
was  persecuting  his  closest  friend,  and  Saul,  in  spite  of  temporary  out- 
bursts of  passion,  loved  his  son  to  the  last.  Some  commentators  would 
render  "  in  their  lives  and  in  their  death  they  were  not  divided,^^  but  the 
E.  V.  preserves  the  balance  of  the  clauses  better. 

swifter  than  eagles^    Cp.  Jer.  iv.  13  ;  Hab.  i.  8. 
stronger  than  lions'\     Cp.  ch.  xvii.  10;  Jud.  xiv.  18. 

24.  Ye  daughters  of  Israeli  The  women  who  had  once  celebrated 
Saul's  triumphs,  and  shared  the  spoil  of  his  victories,  are  summoned  to 
lament  his  loss.  This  incidental  mention  indicates  how  much  Saul's 
successful  wars,  so  briefly  alluded  to  in  the  history  of  his  reign  (i  Sam. 
xiv.  47),  had  enriched  the  nation. 

with  other  delights']  A  possible  rendering :  but  with  delights  perhaps 
rather  means  delicately  or  richly. 

25.  O  Jonathan,  thou  •w^'&X.  slain  in  thine  high  places']  0  Jonathan, 
slain  upon  thine  high  places !  The  insertion  of  thozi  wast  weakens 
the  force  and  pathos.  Cp.  v.  19.  The  hero  of  a  hundred  fights,  slain 
at  last  in  those  mountain  strong-holds  of  his  country  which  he  had 
once  won  and  defended  so  successfully  (i  Sam.  xiv.). 

27.  How  are  the  mighty  fallen]  This  thrice-repeated  refrain  sounds 
the  keynote  of  the  elegy.     Cp.  Ps.  xlii.  5,  11,  xliii.  5,  cvii.  8,  15,  21,  31. 

the  weapons  of  zvar]  Metaphorically,  of  Saul  and  Jonathan  as  the 
instruments  of  battle  for  the  nation.  Cp.  Is.  xiii.  5,  Acts  ix.  15  (cr/ceOos 
as  in  the  LXX.  here).  To  understand  it  literally  of  swords  and  spears 
would  close  the  most  pathetic  of  elegies  with  an  incredible  bathos. 

Dean  Stanley  observes  that  "  Over  the  portal  of  the  sepulchral  chapel 
of  the  most  famous  of  mediaeval  heroes — the  tomb  of  the  Cid  near 


w.  1, 2.]  II.  SAMUEL,   II.  57 

Ch.  II.  I — 7.    David  anointed  King  over  Judah  at  Hebron. 
His  message  to  the  Gileadites. 

And  it  came  to  pass  after  this,  that  David  inquired  of  2 
the  Lord,  saying.  Shall  I  go  up  into  any  of  the  cities  of 
Judah  ?     And  the  Lord  said  unto  him,  Go  up.    And  David 
said,  Whither  shall  I  go  up  ?     And  he  said.  Unto  Hebron. 
So  David  went  up  thither,  and  his  two  wives  also,  Ahinoam  2 
the  JezreeUtess,   and  Abigail  Nabal's  wife  the  Carmelite. 

Burgos — we  find  inscribed  the  words  of  David  "  How  are  the  mighty 
fallen  and  the  weapons  of  war  perished,"  "  Quomodo  cecidcrunt  robustly 
et  ferio'tint  ar?na  bellica"  {Led.  11.  31). 

It  is  needless  to  dwell  on  the  poetic  beauty,  the  chivalrous  loyalty, 
the  tender  love,  which  characterize  this  most  pathetic  of  funeral  odes. 

**  Saul  had  fallen  with  all  his  sins  upon  his  head,  fallen  in  the  bitter- 
ness of  despair,  and  as  it  might  have  seemed  to  mortal  eye,  under  the 
shadow  of  the  curse  of  God.  But  not  only  is  there  in  David's  lament 
no  revengeful  feeling  at  the  death  of  his  persecutor  ....  but  he  dwells 
with  unmixed  love  on  the  brighter  recollections  of  the  departed.  He 
speaks  only  of  the  Saul  of  earlier  times,  the  mighty  conqueror,  the 
delight  of  his  people,  the  father  of  his  beloved  and  faithful  friend  ;  like 
him  in  life,  united  with  him  in  death.  Such  expressions...may  fairly  be 
taken  as  justifying  the  irrepressible  instinct  of  humanity  which  compels 
us  to  dwell  on  the  best  qualities  of  those  who  have  just  departed." 
Stanley,  Led.  II.  30.  See  too  a  noble  passage  to  the  same  effect  in 
Islzuxice's  Prophets  and  Kings,  Serm.  Ii.,  p.  32. 

Ch.  II.  1 — 7.     David  anointed  King  over  Judah  at  Hebron. 
His  message  to  the  Gileadites. 

1.  after  this']  After  the  defeat  of  Israel  and  the  death  of  Saul  and 
Jonathan,  David  saw  that  the  way  was  clear  for  the  fulfilment  of  God's 
promise  that  he  should  be  king.  Still  he  desired  divine  direction  how 
to  act  in  this  crisis.  He  therefore  "  inquired  of  the  Lord  "  by  means  of 
the  Urim  and  Thummim  through  the  High-priest  Abiathar.  See  notes 
on  I  Sam.  x.  22,  xxiii.  6. 

Unto  Hebron]  The  central  position  of  Hebron  in  the  tribe  of  Judah,  its 
mountainous  and  defensible  situation,  its  importance  as  a  priestly  settle- 
ment and  an  ancient  royal  city,  the  patriarchal  associations  connected 
with  it,  combined  to  render  it  the  most  suitable  capital  for  the  new 
kingdom,  while  the  North  was  held  partly  by  the  Philistines,  partly  by 
Saul's  adherents.  In  its  neighbourhood  moreover  David  had  spent  a 
considerable  part  of  his  fugitive  life,  and  gained  many  supportei's.  See 
I  Sam.  XXX.  31,  and  note  there. 

2.  Ahinoam — Abigail]  Cp.  i  Sam.  xxv.  42,  43.  The  Jezreel  to 
which  Ahinoam  belonged  was  a  city  in  the  mountains  of  Judah  near 
Carmel  and  Juttah. 


58  II.  SAMUEL,  II.  [vv.  'y,—!' 

3  And  his  men  that  were  with  him  did  David  bring  up,  every 
man  with  his  household :  and  they  dwelt  in  the  cities  of 

4  Hebron.  And  the  men  of  Judah  came,  and  there  they 
anointed  David  king  over  the  house  of  Judah.  And  they 
told  David,   saying.    That  the  men  of  Jabesh-gilead   were 

5  they  that  buried  Saul.  And  David  sent  messengers  unto 
the  men  of  Jabesh-gilead,  and  said  unto  them,  Blessed  be 
ye  of  the  Lord,   that  ye  have  shewed  this  kindness  unto 

6  your  lord,  eve?i  unto  Saul,  and  have  buried  him.  And  now 
the  Lord  shew  kindness  and  truth  unto  you :  and  I  also 
will  requite  you  this  kindness,  because  ye  have  done  this 

7  thing.  Therefore  now  let  your  hands  be  strengthened,  and 
be  ye  valiant :  for  your  master  Saul  is  dead,  and  also  the 
house  of  Judah  have  anointed  me  king  over  them. 

3.  in  the  cities  of  Hebroii\  The  towns  and  villages  of  the  district 
round  Hebron. 

4.  the  men  ofjudah  came]  An  assembly  of  David's  own  tribe  was 
held  in  order  to  elect  him  king.  No  doubt  he  had  previously  secured 
the  support  of  the  elders.     Cp.  i  Sam.  xxx.  26. 

they  anointed  David]  David  had  already  been  anointed  privately 
by  Samuel  to  mark  God's  choice  of  him  as  the  future  king,  but  it  was 
natural  that  the  ceremony  should  now  be  repeated  publicly  as  the 
formal  inauguration  of  his  reign,  and  even  a  third  time,  when  he 
was  made  king  over  all  Israel  (ch.  v.  3).  Similarly  Saul  was  first 
privately  anointed  (i  Sam.  x.  i),  and  afterwards  publicly  installed  in 
his  office,  and  possibly  anointed  a  second  time  (i  Sam.  xi.  14,  15,  note). 
On  the  significance  of  the  rite  of  anointing  see  note  on  1  Sam.  x.  i. 

And  they  told  David]  The  connexion  is  obscure.  We  should  expect 
a  fresh  verse  and  paragraph.  Apparently  either  the  announcement  was 
intended  to  indicate  the  quarter  in  which  opposition  to  his  authority 
was  most  probable,  or  it  was  an  answer  to  David's  inquiry  whether  the 
body  of  his  predecessor  had  received  fitting  burial.  In  either  case  the 
embassy  to  the  men  of  Jabesh  was  prompted  by  policy  no  less  than  by 
gratitude.  If  David  could  secure  the  support  of  the  capital  of  Gilead 
(i  Sam.  xi.  i),  he  might  reckon  on  speedily  extending  his  power  over 
the  whole  country.  His  conciliatory  message  is  virtually  an  appeal  to 
them  to  recognise  him  as  Saul's  legitimate  successor. 

6.  the  Lord  shew  kindness  and  truth  unto  yoic]  Kindness  and  truth, 
i.e.  mercy  zxidi  faithfulness,  are  attributes  of  God's  character  often  coupled 
together.     See  Ex.  xxxiv.  6;  Ps.  xxv.  10,  xl.  11,  Ivii.  3,  Ixxxvi.  15,  &c. 

/  also  will  requite  you  this  kindness]  Render,  I  also  will  shew  you 
this  good,  viz.  the  honourable  embassy  of  thanks,  and  the  friendly 
spirit  which  it  attested. 

7.  be  ye  valiant]  The  following  clause,  which  might  be  rendered 
"for  though  your  master  Saul  is  dead,  j^^  the  house  of  Judah,  &c.," 


vv.  8, 9.]  11.  SAMUEL,  II.  59 

8 — II.    Ish-losheth  set  up  by  Abner  as  a  rival  to  David. 

But  Abner  the  son  of  Ner,  captain  of  Saul's  host,  took  Ish-  8 
bosheth  the  son  of  Saul,  and  brought  him  over/^  Mahanaim; 
and  he  made  him  king  over  Gilead,  and  over  the  Ashurites,  9 

makes  it  plain  that  David  hoped  the  men  of  Jabesh  would  join  him, 
and  hold  the  land  of  Gilead  against  the  Philistines  until  he  could  come 
to  their  aid.  As  however  Gilead  became  the  head-quarters  of  his  rival 
Ish-bosheth,  it  does  not  appear  that  the  embassy  was  successful. 

8 — 11.     Ish-bosheth  set  up  by  Abner  as  a  rival  to  David. 

8.  Abnerl  Both  by  his  relationship  of  first  cousin  to  Saul  (i  Sam. 
xiv.  50,  note),  and  by  his  office  as  commander  of  the  army,  Abner  was 
marked  out  as  the  natural  champion  of  Saul's  house. 

took]  Better,  had  taken.  The  historian  goes  back  to  relate  events  im- 
mediately succeeding  the  battle  of  Gilboa.  Abner  had  escaped  from  the 
fatal  field  and  carried  Ish-bosheth  with  him  across  the  Jordan,  whither 
it  would  seem  there  was  a  general  retreat,  while  the  country  west  of 
the  Jordan  was  abandoned  to  the  Philistines  (i  Sam.  xxxi.  7). 

Ish-bosheth']  Saul's  fourth  son,  not  previously  mentioned,  was  a 
mere  tool  in  the  hands  of  Abner.  His  original  name,  as  given  in 
the  genealogies  in  i  Chr.  viii.  33,  ix.  39,  was  Esh-baal  {  =  majt  of 
Baal),  but  this  has  been  changed  to  Ish-lDOsheth  (  —  man  of  shame), 
to  avoid  the  scandal  of  pronouncing  the  name  of  the  false  god  Baal. 
Compare  the  substitution  of  Mephibosheth  for  Meribbaal  (2  Sam.  iv.  4; 
I  Chr.  viii.  34),  and  Jerubbesheth  for  Jerubbaal  (2  Sam.  xi.  21 ;  Jud.  viii. 
35),  and  see  Hos.  ix.  10;  Jer,  xi.  13.  There  are  indications  that  Esh- 
baal  was  the  original  reading  here,  and  the  change  may  have  been 
made  in  books  commonly  read,  while  the  original  form  was  retained  in 
the  genealogy. 

As  regards  the  origin  of  the  name,  it  is  a  question  M'hether  it  was  a 
relic  of  the  old  Baal  worship,  or  whether  baal  ( =lord)  was  at  one  time 
used  as  a  title  of  Jehovah  until  discredited  by  idolatry  (Hos.  ii.  16). 

to  Mahanaim']  Mahanaim  {  =  tzuo  hosts),  "the  spot  consecrated  by  the 
presence  of  God  in  primeval  times,  where  Jacob  had  divided  his  people 
into  'two  hosts,'  and  had  seen  the  'two  hosts'  of  the  angelic  vision" 
(Gen.  xxxii.  2,  10),  was  chosen  by  Abner  as  the  capital  of  Ish-bosheth's 
kingdom.  Afterwards  it  became  the  retreat  of  David  when  he  fled 
from  Absalom  (ch.  xvii.  24),  and  at  that  time  was  a  fortified  town  with 
walls  and  gates  (ch.  xviii.  24).  It  was  situated  on  the  frontier  between 
Gad  and  Manasseh  (Josh.  xiii.  26,  30),  but  its  exact  position  has  not 
been  identified  with  certainty.  Canon  Tristram  places  it  at  Mahneh,  a 
few  miles  E.  of  Jabesh-Gilead  {Land  of  Israel,  p.  474). 

9.  Gilead]  Here  apparently,  as  in  Josh.  xxii.  9,  Gilead  includes  the 
whole  district  occupied  by  the  Israelites  to  the  E.  of  the  Jordan,  and 
not  merely  the  central  portion  of  it,  between  the  S.  end  of  the  Lake  of 
Gennesaret  and  the  N.  end  of  the  Dead  Sea. 

the  Ashurites]    Probably  an  alternative  form  or  a  corrupt  reading  for 


6o  II.  SAMUEL,   11.  [vv.  10—12. 

and  over  Jezreel,  and  over  Ephraim,  and  over  Benjamin, 

10  and  over  all  Israel.  Ish-bosheth  Saul's  son  was  forty  years 
old  when  he  began  to  reign  over  Israel,   and  reigned  two 

11  years.  But  the  house  of  Judah  followed  David.  And  the 
time  that  David  was  king  in  Hebron  over  the  house  of  Judah 
was  seven  years  and  six  months. 

12 — 17.     War  between  Ish-bosheth  and  David.     The  Cof?ibat 
at  Gibeon. 

12  And  Abner  the  son  of  Ner,  and  the  servants  of  Ish- 
bosheth  the  son  of  Saul,  went  out  from  Mahanaim  to  Gibeon. 

Asherites  (Jud.  i.  32),  i.  e.  the  tribe  of  Asher,  named  as  the  principal 
inhabitants  of  Western  Palestine  north  of  the  plain  of  Esdraelon.  The 
Targum  gives  "house  of  Asher,"  The  Vulgate  and  Syriac  versions  how- 
ever read  Gesluiritcs.  If  this  reading  is  adopted,  by  Geshurites  must 
be  understood  tlie  tribe  which  maintained  itself  among  the  Israelites  in 
the  district  S.  of  Mount  Hermon  (Josh.  xiii.  13),  to  be  distinguished 
from  the  independent  kingdom  of  Geshur  in  Syria  (ch.  iii.  3),  and  from 
the  Geshurites  on  the  borders  of  PhiUstia  (i  Sam.  xxvii.  8). 

JezreeL.  The  great  plain  of  Esdraelon  is  thus  named  from  its  prin- 
cipal city.     See  note  on  i  Sam.  xxix.  i. 

all  Israel^  Ish-bosheth's  dominions  were  gradually  extended  until 
they  included  all  the  country  which  afterwards  formed  the  kingdom  of 
Israel  as  distinguished  from  that  of  Judah. 

10.  forty  years  oId\  This  statement  is  surprising,  even  if  we  reduce 
Ish-bosheth's  age  at  Saul's  death  to  34^,  by  supposing  that  his  accession 
is  dated  5^  years  after  that  event;  and  it  is  possible  that  the  numeral 
has  been  corrupted  in  transcription.  As  it  stands,  it  involves  a  double 
difficulty,  (a)  About  33  years  is  the  most  that  can  be  assigned  to 
Saul's  reign  (see  note  on  i  Sam.  xiii.  i,  and  Introd.  to  i  Sam.  p.  23), 
so  that  it  represents  his  youngest  son  as  born  before  his  accession,  which 
is  improbable,  {h)  Ish-bosheth's  eldest  brother  Jonathan  seems  to  have 
been  about  the  same  age  as  David,  and  therefore  not  much  more  than 
thirty  at  the  time  of  his  death. 

tivo  years]  The  duration  of  Ish-bosheth's  reign  is  probably  reckoned 
from  the  time  when  Abner  succeeded  in  establishing  his  authority 
over  all  Israel.  Five  years  and  a  half  were  occupied  with  the  re- 
conquest  of  the  land  from  the  Philistines,  and  these  two  years  syn- 
chronize with  the  last  two  of  David's  reign  at  Hebron.  No  great  in- 
terval seems  to  have  elapsed  between  the  deaths  of  Abner  and  Ish- 
bosheth,  and  David's  recognition  as  king  of  Israel. 

12—17.    War  between  Ish-bosheth  and  David.     The  Combat 
AT  Gibeon. 

12.  wenl  ont]  The  technical  expression  for  going  to  war.  Cp. 
I  Sam.  xviii.  30.     After  establishing  Ish-bosheth's  power  over  all  Israel, 


V.  13.]  11.  SAMUEL,   II.  6i 

And  Joab  the  son  of  Zeruiah,  and  the  servants  of  David,  13 
went  out,  and  met  together  by  the  pool  of  Gibeon  :  and 

Abner  turned  his  arms  against  Judah,  and  marched  with  his  army  from 
Ish-bosheth's  capital,  Mahanaim,  to  Gibeon,  where  David's  army  under 
the  command  of  Joab  met  him. 

to  Gibeon']  The  site  of  Gibeon  {= belonging  to,  or  built  on,  a  hill)  is 
fixed  with  certainty  on  a  rounded  hill  five  miles  N.W.  of  Jerusalem, 
which  still  bears  the  name  El-Jib.  Gibeon  was  the  largest  of  the  four 
cities  of  the  Hivites  (Josh.  x.  2),  famous  for  the  stratagem  by  which  its 
inhabitants  procured  a  treaty  from  Joshua  (Josh.  ix.  3  ff.).  It  was  in 
the  territory  of  Benjamin  (Josh,  xviii.  25),  and  specially  assigned  to  the 
priests  (Josh.  xxi.  17).  Here  Amasa  met  his  death  by  the  treacherous 
hand  of  Joab  (2  Sam.  xx.  5 — 10).  It  gained  its  chief  importance  in  the 
reigns  of  David  and  Solomon,  as  the  great  centre  of  worship  at  which 
the  Tabernacle  and  the  Altar  of  Burnt-offering  were  set  up  before  the 
building  of  the  Temple  (2  Chr.  i.  3,  5),  at  which  Solomon  celebrated 
his  accession  with  solemn  sacrifices,  and  God  appeared  to  him  in 
vision  (i  Kings  iii.  4 — 15). 

13.  Joab  the  son  of  Zerniah]  The  eldest  of  David's  three  nephews, 
the  son  of  his  sister  Zeruiah  (i  Chr.  ii.  16).  Next  to  the  king  himself  he 
occupies  the  most  conspicuous  position  in  the  history  of  David's  reign. 
Already  he  appears  to  have  acted  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  army, 
though  his  formal  appointment  to  that  post  was  the  reward  of  his  valour 
at  the  capture  of  Jebus  (i  Chr.  xi.  6;  2  Sam.  viii.  16).  In  this  capacity 
he  {a)  conducted  the  war  against  the  Syrians  and  Ammonites  (2  Sam. 
X.  7);  [b)  completed  the  conquest  of  Edom  (i  Kings  xi.  15,  16);  {c) 
defeated  the  Ammonites  in  a  second  war,  and  took  their  capital  (2  Sam. 
xi.  I,  xii.  26). 

With  a  too  ready  subservience  he  carried  out  David's  plan  for  getting 
rid  of  Uriah  (2  Sam.  xi.  14  ff.),  a  service  which  increased  his  influence 
over  David,  by  giving  him  the  possession  of  his  guilty  secret.  (See 
Blunt's  Undesigned  Coincidences,  Part  II.  ch.  11.)  We  find  him 
scheming  to  secure  the  restoration  of  Absalom  to  David's  favour  (2  Sam. 
xiv.),  yet  remaining  loyal  to  David  in  Absalom's  rebellion  (2  Sam. 
xviii.  2). 

The  vindictive  unscrupulousness  of  his  character  is  illustrated  by  his 
murder  of  Abner  in  revenge  for  the  death  of  Asahel  (2  Sam.  iii.  27); 
of  Absalom,  in  spite  of  David's  express  command  (2  Sam.  xviii.  14)5  of 
Amasa,  who  was  appointed  to  supersede  him  (2  Sam.  xx.  10). 

Too  valuable  to  be  dispensed  with,  too  fierce  to  be  controlled,  he  was 
a  continual  source  of  vexation  to  David  (2  Sam.  iii.  39),  who  gave 
Solomon  a  dying  charge  not  to  leave  his  crimes  unpunished  (i  Kings 
ii.  5,  6).  His  complicity  in  Adonijah's  rebellion  filled  up  the  measure 
of  his  iniquity,  and  he  met  a  traitor's  death  in  spite  of  his  taking 
sanctuary  at  the  altar  in  Gibeon  (i  Kings  ii.  28 — 34). 

by  the  pool  of  Gibeo7i\  "A  few  rods  from  the  village  [of  El-Jib], 
just  below  the  top  of  the  ridge  towards  the  north,  is  a  fine  fountain  of 
water.     It  is  in  a  cave  excavated  in  and  under  the  high  rock,  so  as  to 


62  II.  SAMUEL,   II.  [vv.  14—16. 

they  sat  down,  the  one  on  the  one  side  of  the  pool,  and  the 

14  other  on  the  other  side  of  the  pool.  And  Abner  said  to 
Joab,  Let  the  young  men  now  arise,  and  play  before  us. 

15  And  Joab  said.  Let  them  arise.  Then  there  arose  and  went 
over  by  number  twelve  of  Benjamin,  which  peiiained  to 
Ish-bosheth  the  son  of  Saul,  and  twelve  of  the  servants  of 

i6  David.  And  they  caught  every  one  his  fellow  by  the  head, 
and  thrust  his  sword  in  his  fellow's  side ;  so  they  fell  down 
together  :  wherefore  that  place  was  called  Helkath-hazzurim, 

form  a  large  subterranean  reservoir.  Not  far  below  it,  among  the  olive 
trees,  are  the  remains  of  another  open  reservoir,  perhaps  120  feet  in 
length  by  100  in  breadth."  Robinson,  Bibl.  Res.  I.  455.  The  "pool 
of  Gibeon"  may  well  be  the  waters  of  this  fountain  and  reservoir.  It  is 
again  referred  to  in  Jer.  xli.  12  as  "the  great  waters  that  are  in 
Gibeon." 

they  sat  dozwz]  i.e.  halted  and  encamped. 

14.  Let  the yoiing mat  now  arise'l  "Young  men"  here  means  "ser- 
vants" or  "soldiers."  Cp.ch.iv.  12.  Desirous  to  avoid  the  horrors  of  a 
civil  war,  which  would  weaken  the  whole  nation  in  the  face  of  its  common 
enemy  the  Philistines,  perhaps  also  prompted  by  friendly  relations  with 
Joab,  Abner  proposes  to  decide  the  day  by  a  combat  between  two 
bodies  of  picked  men.  The  combat  of  tlie  Horatii  and  Curiatii, 
which  decided  the  war  between  Alba  and  Rome,  affords  a  parallel  in 
classical  story.  Livy  represents  the  Alban  dictator,  Mettius  Fuffetius, 
as  urging  this  plan  of  ending  the  war,  lest  both  nations,  weakened  by 
the  losses  of  a  general  battle,  should  fall  into  the  hands  of  their  common 
enemy  the  Etruscans.     See  Livy  i.  23 — 25. 

and  play  before  iis'Y  The  word  "play"  is  used  euphemistically  in 
reference  to  fighting.  There  is  no  indication  that  a  bloodless  tourna- 
ment was  intended.  Livy  calls  the  combat  above  referred  to  "minime 
gratum  spectaculum,"  "an  exhibition  which  was  by  no  means  an  amuse- 
ment." 

15.  there  arose  and  went  over  by  number'\  A  fixed  number  from 
either  side  met  on  neutral  ground  between  the  t\vo  armies. 

of  Benjamin']  Saul's  own  tribe  provided  the  champions  for  his  cause. 
Cp.  V,  25. 

16.  And  they  caught,  &c.]  Self-defence  was  forgotten  in  the  ferocity 
of  the  struggle,  and  all  the  combatants  fell  together  by  a  mutual 
slaughter. 

Helkath-hazzurini\  This  obscure  name  is  variously  explained  as  the 
field  or  plat,  {a)  of  sharp  edges,  in  allusion  to  the  swords  which  proved 
so  fatal ;  {b)  of  strong  men,  literally  rocks,  from  the  rock-like  obstinacy 
with  which  they  fought;  so  the  Vulg.  ager  rob2istortim ;  {c)  of  plotters, 
the  rendering  of  the  LXX.  (^epts  twv  ^tti^oxAwv),  which  involves  a 
slight  change  in  the  Hebrew  word,  implying  that  there  was  some  foul  play 
in   the  combat;    {d)  of  sides,   according  to   a  conjectural  emendation 


w.  17—23.]  II.  SAMUEL,   II.  63 

which  is  in  Gibeon.    And  there  was  a  very  sore  battle  that  17 
day;  and  Abner  was  beaten,  and  the  men  of  Israel,  before 
the  servants  of  David. 

18—23.     The  Death  of  Asahel. 

And  there  were  three  sons  of  Zeruiah  there,  Joab,  and  18 
Abishai,  and  Asahel :  and  Asahel  was  as  light  of  foot  as 
a  wild  roe.      And   Asahel  pursued   after  Abner;    and   in  19 
going  he  turned  not  to  the  right  hand  nor  to  the  left  from 
following  Abner.     Then  Abner   looked   behind  him,  and  20 
said,  Art  thou  Asahel  ?     And  he  answered,  I  am.     And  21 
Abner  said  to  him,  Turn  thee  aside  to  thy  right  hand  or  to 
thy  left,  and  lay  thee  hold  on  one  of  the  young  men,  and 
take  thee  his  armour.     But  Asahel  would  not  turn  aside 
from  following  of  him.     And  Abner  said  again  to  Asahel,  22 
Turn  thee  aside  from  following  me :   wherefore  should  I 
smite  thee  to  the  ground  ?  how  then  should  I  hold  up  my 
face  to  Joab  thy  brother  ?   Howbeit  he  refused  to  turn  aside :  23 
wherefore  Abner  with  the  hinder  end  of  the  spear  smote 

suggested  in  the  Speaker''s  Commentary,  in  allusion  to  the  phrase 
"thrust  his  sword  in  his  fellow's  side."  Either  the  first  or  second  ex- 
planation is  the  most  probable. 

17.  Afid  there  was  a  very  sore  battle  that  day"]  The  combat  of 
champions  having  proved  indecisive,  a  severe  general  engagement  took 
place,  ending  in  the  defeat  of  Abner's  forces. 

18—23.    The  Death  of  Asahel. 

18.  three  sons  of  ZertdaJiX  The  standing  designation  of  David's 
nephews,  to  shew  their  relationship  to  him  (i  Chr.  ii.  16). 

as  a  -wild  roe]  The  wild  roe  or  gazelle,  which  still  abounds  in 
Palestine,  is  celebrated  for  its  swiftness,  grace,  beauty,  and  gentleness. 
Cp.  I  Chr.  xii.  8;  Prov.  vi.  5.  See  Tristram's  A'at.  Hist.  0/ the  Bible, 
p.  127. 

21.  take  thee  his  armottr]  Probably,  as  in  Jud.  xiv.  19,  Ms  spoil: 
i.e.  if  Asahel  was  desirous  of  spoil,  he  might  find  it  elsewhere,  instead 
of  attacking  a  practised  warrior  at  the  risk  of  his  life. 

22.  Turn  thee  aside]  Asahel  was  probably  a  mere  stripling,  and  no 
match  for  Abner,  who,  wishing  to  avoid  a  feud  with  Joab  and  an 
obstacle  to  making  favourable  terms  with  David  on  the  fall  of  Saul's 
house,  again  exhorted  Asahel  to  abandon  the  pursuit. 

hold  tip  my  face  to  yoab\  Meet  him  with  the  steady  gaze  which  is  the 
index  of  a  clear  conscience,  the  opposite  of  the  downcast  look  which 
betokens  shame  and  guilt.     Cp.  Job  xi.  15. 

23.  with  the  hinder  end  of  the  spear]   Abner  defended  himself  in  this 


64  II.  SAMUEL,   II.  [vv.  24—27. 

him  under  the  fifth  rib,  that  the  spear  came  out  behind 
him ;  and  he  fell  down  there,  and  died  in  the  same  place : 
and  it  came  to  pass,  that  as  many  as  came  to  the  place 
where  Asahel  fell  down  and  died  stood  still. 

24 — 32.     The  Pur  suit     AsahePs  burial. 

24  Joab  also  and  Abishai  pursued  after  Abner :  and  the  sun 
went  down  when  they  were  come  to  the  hill  of  Ammah,  that 
lieth  before  Giah  by  the  way  of  the  wilderness  of  Gibeon. 

5S  And  the  children  of  Benjamin  gathered  themselves  together 
after  Abner,  and  became  one  troop,  and  stood  on  the  top 

25  of  a  hill.  Then  Abner  called  to  Joab,  and  said,  Shall  the 
sword  devour  for  ever  ?  knowest  thou  not  that  it  will  be  bitter- 
ness in  the  latter  end  ?  how  long  shall  it  be  then,  ere  thou  bid 

27  the  people  return  from  following  their  brethren  ?  And  Joab 
said.  As  God  liveth,  unless  thou  hadst  spoken,  surely  then  m. 

way  with  a  view  to  disable  rather  than  kill  Asahel.  But  the  butt-end 
of  the  spear,  pointed  or  shod  with  iron  to  be  stuck  in  the  ground 
(i  Sam.  xxvi.  7;  Horn.  //.  x.  153),  dealt  a  fatal  blow. 

wider  the  fifth  rib']  The  E.  V.  follows  the  Jewish  commentators  in 
thus  rendering  a  word  which  occurs  in  three  other  passages  of  this  book 
(iii.  27,  iv.  6,  XX.  10)  and  nowhere  else.  In  tlie  toelly  is  however 
the  more  probable  meaning. 

stood  still]  Riveted  to  the  spot  with  awe  and  grief,  mourning  the 
untimely  fate  of  the  young  hero.     Cp.  ch.  xx.  12. 

24 — 32.     The  Pursuit.    Asahel's  burial. 

24.  Joah  also,  &c.]  And  Joab  and  Abishai  continued  the  pursuit,  in 
contrast  to  those  who  halted  at  the  scene  of  Asahel's  death. 

the  hill  of  Ain7nah...Giah'\  Nothing  is  known  of  these  places,  but 
the  minuteness  of  topographical  detail  is  an  indication  that  the  history 
was  written  by  one  who  was  familiar  with  the  circumstances. 

the  wilderness  of  Gibeon]  The  untilled  tract  of  pasture-lands,  lying 
east  of  the  city. 

25.  the  children  of  Benjamiii]  The  men  of  Saul's  tribe  shew  them- 
selves prepared  to  fight  for  his  son's  cause  to  the  last.     Cp.  v.  15. 

became  one  troop]  The  word  means  properly  a  knot  or  band.  Abner 
chose  a  strong  position  in  which  to  rally  the  remnant  of  his  scattered 
forces  into  a  solid  phalanx. 

26.  that  it  will  be  bitterness  in  the  latter  ejtd]  Either,  that  the  final 
struggle  of  desperate  men  when  driven  to  bay  will  be  the  fiercest ;  or, 
that  any  further  prosecution  of  the  contest  will  merely  aggravate  the 
bitterness  of  hostility  between  the  tribes. 

27.  unless  thoti  hadst  spoken]  Abner  found  fault  with  Joab  for  con- 
tinuing the  pursuit.    Joab  retorts  that  Abner  himself  was  to  blame  for 


vv.  28—32.]  II.  SAMUEL,    11. 


the  morning  the  people  had  gone  up  every  one  from  follow- 
ing his  brother.     So   Joab    blew  a   trumpet,   and   all   the  as 
people  stood  still,  and  pursued  after  Israel  no  more,  neither 
fought  they  any  more.     And  Abner  and  his  men  walked  all  29 
that  night  through  the  plain,  and  passed  over  Jordan,  and 
went   through   all  Bithron,   and  they   came  to  Mahanaim. 
And  Joab  returned  from  following  Abner :  and  when  he  had  30 
gathered  all  the  people  together,  there  lacked  of  David's 
servants  nineteen  men   and  Asahel.     But  the  servants  of  31 
David  had  smitten  of  Benjamin,  and  of  Abner's  men,  so  that 
three  hundred  and  threescore  men  died.     And  they  took  up  32 
Asahel,  and  buried  him  in  the  sepulchre  of  his  father,  which 
was  in  Beth-lehem.     And  Joab  and  his  men  went  all  night, 
and  they  came  to  Hebron  at  break  of  day. 

the  commencement  of  the  battle.  Unless  thou  Jiadst  spoken  {v.  14),  and 
challenged  us  to  fight,  the  armies  viight  have  separated  this  morning 
luithotct  coining  to  blows.  Joab  believed  that  the  civil  war  might  have 
been  avoided  by  timely  negotiation.  This  explanation  is  the  simplest, 
and  fits  the  context  best.  Another  way  of  taking  it  is,  Unless  thou 
hadst  spoken,  and  asked  for  a  cessation  of  hostilities,  then  to-morroT.v 
mornings  but  not  before,  the  people,  &c. ;  i.e.  Joab  boasts  that  his  com- 
pliance with  Abner's  request  was  no  sign  of  weakness  on  his  part,  for 
he  might  have  continued  the  pursuit  until  morning.  But  this  meaning 
is  less  obvious,  and  less  suitable  as  an  answer  to  Abner. 

28.  neither  fonght  they  any  morel  For  the  time  being  only.  It  was 
not  the  final  end  of  the  war,  which  lasted  for  a  long  time  afterwards 
(ch.  iii.  1). 

29.  walked  all  that  nighty  Fearing  a  renewal  of  hostilities  they 
made  good  their  retreat  at  once. 

thj'ongh  the  plain']  Ttie  Arabah,  or  "desert  tract  which  extends  along 
the  valley  of  the  Jordan  from  the  Dead  Sea  to  the  Lake  of  Gennesareth, 
now  called  by  the  Arabs  El-Ghor."     Stanley, ^Smae  and  Pal.  p.  487. 

through  all  Bithroji]  Probably,  as  the  name  (derived  from  a  root 
meaning  to  act)  implies,  some  ravine,  or  district  intersected  by  ravines^ 
between  the  Jordan  and  Mahanaim. 

32.  in  the  sepulchre  of  his  father... in  Beth-lehem']  The  only  reference 
to  Zeruiah's  husband,  who  appears  from  this  notice  to  have  been  a 
Bethlehemite.     Josephus  calls  him  Snri  (Zovpl). 

went  all  night]  Clearly  the  night  after  Asahel's  burial,  not  the  night 
after  the  battle.  The  fighting  was  not  over  till  after  sunset  {v.  24), 
and  it  would  have  been  impossible  to  collect  the  army,  make  necessary 
arrangements,  and  march  a  distance  of  at  least  26  miles  from  Gibeon  to 
Hebron,  burying  Asahel  on  the  way.  Joab  no  doubt  spent  the  night  at 
Gibeon,  marched  to  Bethlehem  the  next  day,  and  after  burying  his 
brother,  hastened  on  to  report  himself  to  David  at  Hebron. 

II.  SAMUEL  C 


66  II.  SAMUEL,   III.  [vv.  1—4. 

Ch.  hi.  I — 5.     Progress  of  David'' s  cause.     His  family. 

Z  Now  there  was  long  war  between  the  house  of  Saul  and 
the  house  of  David:  but  David  waxed  stronger  and  stronger, 

2  and  the  house  of  Saul  waxed  weaker  and  weaker.  And  unto 
David  were  sons  born  in  Hebron:  and  his  firstborn  was 

3  Amnon,  of  Ahinoam  the  JezreeHtess ;  and  his  second,  Chi- 
leab,  of  Abigail  the  wife  of  Nabal  the  Carmelite ;  and  the 
third,  Absalom  the  son  of  Maacah  the  daughter  of  Talmai 

4  king    of   Geshur;    and   the   fourth,  Adonijah    the   son  of 

Ch.  III.     1 — 5.     Progress  of  David's  cause.     His  family. 

2.  And  wit 0  David,  &c.]  The  list  of  David's  sons  born  in  Hebi-on 
is  given  again  in  i  Chr.  iii.  i — 3,  apparently  in  an  independent  form, 
but  with  only  one  important  variation.  It  appears  to  interrupt  the 
course  of  the  narrative  here,  but  it  is  quite  in  accordance  with  the  usual 
practice  of  O.  T.  historians  to  insert  information  about  the  family  of  a 
king  at  critical  points  in  the  history  of  his  reign,  and  moreover  it  is  in 
place  here  as  a  practical  evidence  of  the  strengthening  of  David's  house. 
Cp.  I  Sam.  xiv.  49 — 51;  1  Sam.  v.  13 — 16. 

Amnon^i^  Infamous  for  the  sin  which  cost  him  his  life,  and  indirectly 
proved  the  source  of  shame  and  calamity  to  his  family  and  nation.  See 
on  ch.  xiii. 

3.  Chileabl  Called  in  Chron.  Daniel,  the  meaning  of  which  name, 
"God  is  my  judge,"  suggests  that  it  may  have  been  given  him  to  com- 
memorate God's  judgment  upon  Nabal  (i  Sam.  xxv.  39;  cp.  Gen.  xxx. 
6).  Some  suppose  that  he  bore  both  names,  but  the  Sept.  reading 
here  Dalinah  (Aa\oi;ta),  and  the  identity  of  the  last  three  letters  of 
Chileab  in  the  Hebrew  with  the  first  three  of  the  following  word,  make 
it  extremely  probable  that  the  text  of  Samuel  is  corrupt. 

Absalovi\  Whose  name,  ^^  Father  of  Peace^^  was  belied  by  his 
conduct,  the  gloomy  history  of  which  occupies  chaps,  xiii. — xviii.  of 
this  book. 

Maacah  the  daughter  of  Talmai  king  of  Geshni-]  This  marriage  with 
a  foreign  princess,  which  was  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  law  (Ex.  xxxiv. 
16;  Deut.  vii.  3  ;  Josh,  xxiii.  12),  and  bore  such  bitter  fruit,  may  have  been 
prompted  by  political  reasons,  especially  the  desirability  of  securing  an 
ally  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Ish-bosheth's  capital.  Talmai's  kingdom 
was  a  part  of  Aram  or  Syria  {ch.  xv.  8),  adjoining  the  province  of  Argob 
in  the  north-east  of  Bashan  (Deut.  iii.  14) :  probably  in  the  wild  and 
rocky  region  now  called  El-Lejah.  As  Talmai  was  the  name  of  one 
of  the  giant  "sons  of  Anak"  who  were  expelled  from  Hebron  by 
Caleb  (Josh.  xv.  14),  and  as  Geshur  was  close  to  the  kingdom  of  Og, 
who  was  of  the  remnant  of  the  giants,  it  is  tempting  to  conjecture 
that  there  may  have  been  some  connexion  between  the  families,  which 
would  account  for  David's  marrying  the  daughter  of  the  king  of  Geshur 
while  resident  at  Hebron. 


vv.  5—7.]  11.  SAMUEL,  III.  67 

Haggith ;  and  the  fifth,  Shephatiah  the  son  of  Abital ;  and  5 
the  sixth,  Ithream,  by  Eglah  David's  wife.    These  were  born 
to  David  in  Hebron. 

6 — 1 1.     Quarrel  between  Ahner  aiid  Ish-hosheth, 
And  it  came  to  pass,  while  there  was  war  between  the  6 
house  of  Saul  and  the  house  of  David,  that  Abner  made 
himself  strong  for  the  house  of  Saul.     And  Saul  had  a  con-  7 

4.  Adonij'aJi]  Who  made  an  ill  return  for  his  father's  indulgence 
(i  Kings  i.  6)  by  setting  up  a  rival  claim  to  the  throne  in  opposition 
to  Solomon,  in  which  he  was  supported  by  Joab  and  Abiathar  (i  Kings 
i.  5  ff.)'  He  was  pardoned  at  the  time,  but  shortly  afterwards  put 
to  death  for  preferring  a  request  which,  viewed  in  the  light  of  Oriental 
customs,  was  tantamount  to  repeated  treason. 

Thus  three  of  the  six  sons  born  to  David  in  Hebron  attained  an 
unenviable  notoriety;  the  remaining  three,  who  are  not  mentioned 
again  in  the  history,  are  happy  in  their  obscurity. 

5.  Eglah  David's  zvifc]  A  Jewish  tradition  as  old  as  the  time  of 
Jerome  {Qiiaest.  Hcbr.  in  libros  Regtun)  makes  Eglah  {—heifer^  cp. 
Jud.  xiv,  18)  another  name  for  Michal,  who  is  supposed  to  be  par- 
ticularly distinguished  both  here  and  in  i  Chr.  iii.  3  as  David's  wife, 
because  she  was  his  first  and  best-loved.  If  so,  her  position  last  in 
the  list  may  be  accounted  for  because  she  was  separated  from  David 
for  a  time,  and  only  returned  to  him  towards  the  close  of  his  residence 
in  Hebron  {v.  13),  so  that  Ithream  was  the  youngest  of  his  sons  born 
there. 

Polygamy  was  tolerated  by  the  Mosaic  legislation  as  an  existing 
custom,  but  discouraged  as  contrary  to  the  original  institution  and  true 
ideal  of  marriage  (Deut.  xxi.  15 — 17;  xvii.  17;  Gen.  ii.  24,  of  which 
perhaps  Gen.  xxxi.  50  is  a  corrupt  reminiscence).  David's  family 
history  is  a  standing  monument  of  the  pernicious  effects  of  this  practice, 
which  are  perpetuated  to  this  day  in  Oriental  countries,  where  "con- 
tentions, envyings,  jealousies  and  quarrels  among  the  wives,  as  well  as 
between  the  different  sets  of  children"  still  prevail.  See  Van  Lennep's 
Bible  Lajids,  ii.  p.  559. 

6—11.    Quarrel  between  Abner  and  Ish-bosheth. 

6.  uiade  himself  sti'ojig']  Or,  shewed  himself  strong.  Ish-bosheth 
was  evidently  weak  and  incapable,  a  mere  puppet  in  the  hands  of 
Abner,  who  had  made  himself  the  mainstay  of  Saul's  house,  partly 
from  his  family  connexion,  partly  with  a  view  to  secure  the  greatest 
amount  of  influence,  possibly  with  the  hope  of  eventually  becoming 
king  himself.  At  length  foreseeing  the  impossibility  of  continuing  a 
successful  opposition  to  David's  growing  power,  he  took  the  opportunity 
of  a  quarrel  with  Ish-bosheth  to  make  such  overtures  to  David  as 
might  secure  him  favourable  terms  and  an  influential  position. 

5—2 


68  II.  SAMUEL,    III.  [vv.  8—10. 

cubine,  whose  name  was  Rfzpah,  the  daughter  of  Aiah:  and 
Ish-bosheth  said  to  Abner,  Wherefore  hast  thou  gone  in  unto 

8  my  father's  concubine  ?  Then  was  Abner  very  wroth  for 
the  words  of  Ish-bosheth,  and  said,  A7?i  I  a  dog's  head, 
which  against  Judah  do  shew  kindness  this  day  unto  the 
house  of  Saul  thy  father,  to  his  brethren,  and  to  his  friends, 
and  have  not  deUvered  thee  into  the  hand  of  David,  that 
thou  chargest  me  to  day  with  a  fault  concerning  this  wo- 

9  man?     So  do  God  to  Abner,  and  more  also,  except,  as  the 

10  Lord  hath  sworn  to  David,  even  so  I  do  to  him ;  to  trans- 

7.  Rizpah^  the  daughter  of  Aiah'\  The  heroine  of  the  tragic  story 
related  in  eh.  xxi.  8 — ir. 

and  Ish-bosheth  said'\  Ish-bosheth  has  fallen  out  of  the  Heb.  text. 
The  Sept.  has  Ish-bosheth  the  son  of  SatU ;  the  Vulg.  Ish-bosheth. 

Wherefore,  &c.]  An  Oriental  monarch  took  possession  of  his  pre- 
decessor's harem.  Cp.  ch.  xii.  8,  xvi.  ?.i;  i  Kings  ii.  22.  There  is 
no  further  indication  that  Abner  intended  to  dethrone  Ish-bosheth,  but 
the  act  was  an  invasion  of  royal  rights,  and  consequently  implicit 
treason. 

8.  Am  I  a  dog's  head,  &c.]  Render,  Am  I  a  dog's  head  belonging 
to  Judah?  This  day  do  I  shew  kindness... and  thou  hast  charged 
me!  &c.  i.e.  Am  I  at  once  despicable  and  hostile  to  your  interests? 
Nay,  I  am  faithful  to  the  house  of  Saul,  otherwise  I  should  long  ago 
have  made  terms  with  David  by  surrendering  you  into  his  hands. 

In  the  East  in  ancient  times  as  at  the  present  day,  dogs,  although 
used  for  guarding  flocks  and  houses  (Job  xxx.  i;  Is.  Ivi.  10),  were 
chiefly  seen  prowling  about  towns  in  a  half-wild  condition,  owning  no 
master,  living  on  offal  and  garbage.  Cp.  Ps.  lix.  14,  15;  i  Kings  xxi. 
19,  23,  24,  xxii.  38.  Hence  the  aversion  with  which  they  were  regarded, 
and  "dog"  became  (i),  as  here,  a  tcrai  of  reproach  and  contempt; 
cp.  I  Sam.  xvii.  43,  xxiv.  14;  2  Sam.  ix.  8,  xvi.  9;  2  Kings  viii.  13  : 
(2)  an  expression  for  fierce  and  cruel  men  (Ps.  xxii.  16)  :  (3)  a  name 
for  impure  persons  (Matt.  vii.  6;  Phil.  iii.  2;  Rev.  xxii.  15).  See 
Tristram's  Nat.  Hist,  of  the  Bible,  p.  78. 

9.  So  do  God,  &c.]  An  oath  characteristic  of  the  books  of  Samuel 
and  Kings.     See  note  on  i  Sam.  iii.  17. 

as  the  Lord  hath  sworn  to  David\  No  express  divine  oath  promising 
the  kingdom  to  David  is  recorded :  but  Samuel's  solemn  declaration 
to  Saul  (i  Sam.  xv.  28,  29),  and  his  choice  and  anointing  of  David  by 
divine  command  (i  Sam.  xvi.  i — 12),  were  equivalent  to  it.  It  seems 
to  have  been  generally  known  that  David  was  designated  by  God  to 
be  Saul's  successor  (i  Sam.  xxv.  28 — 31;  2  Sam.  v.  2).  "Abner  is 
self-convicted  by  these  words.  He  knew  that  the  Lord  had  sworn  to 
give  the  throne  to  David,  and  yet  he  had  resisted — consciously  re- 
sisted— to  the  best  of  his  power  the  fulfdment  of  that  high  decree.  He 
now  reaps  his  reward  in  this,  that   his  return  to  what  was  really  his 


vv.  II— 13-]  II.  SAMUEL,  in.  69 

late  the  kingdom  from  the  house  of  Saul,  and  to  set  up  the 
throne  of  David  over  Israel  and  over  Judah,  from  Dan  even 
to  Beer-sheba.     And  he  could  not  answer  Abner  a  word  n 
again,  because  he  feared  him. 

12 — 21.     Ahncrs  negotiations  7cnt/t  David. 

And  Abner  sent  messengers  to  David  on  his  behalf,  12 
saying,  Whose  is  the  land?  saying  also,  Make  thy  league 
with  me,  and  behold,  my  hand  s/iatl  be  with  thee,  to 
bring  about  all  Israel  unto  thee.  And  he  said,  Well;  I  13 
Avill  make  a  league  with  thee :  but  one  thing  I  require 
of  thee,  that  is,  Thou  shalt  not  see  my  face,  except  thou 
first  bring  Michal   Saul's  daughter,  when  thou   comest   to 

duty,  bears  the  aspect  of  treacher}%  meanness,  and  dishonour.  It  now 
devolved  upon  him  to  undo  his  own  work,  whereas  at  the  first  it 
was  in  his  power  to  subside  into  graceful  and  honourable  acquiescence 
in  a  decree  which,  although  distasteful  to  him,  he  could  not  and  ought 
not  to  resist.  Had  he  done  this,  his  acknowledged  abilities  might 
have  secured  for  him  no  second  place  among  the  worthies  of  David, 
and  his  end  might  have  been  very  different."  Kitto,  Bible  Illustj; 
p.  .^24. 

10.  from  Dan  even  to  Bccr-sJieha\  Over  the  whole  land  of  Israel. 
See  note  on  i  Sam.  iii.  20. 

12 — 21.    Abner's  negotiations  with  David. 

12.  on  his  behalf}  The  Sept.  rendering  immediately  is  adopted 
by  some  commentators,  but  is  unsupported  by  the  use  of  the  word 
elsewhere. 

JV/iose  is  the  land]  The  meaning  may  be  either  {a)  "  Is  not  the 
land  thine  by  virtue  of  God's  promise?"  or  (/;)  "  Is  not  the  land  in  my 
power  so  that  I  can  make  whom  I  please  king?"  But  the  latter 
agrees  best  with  the  words  which  follow;  "Make  thy  covenant  with 
wt',"  and  with  Abner's  character  and  evident  desire  to  lay  stress  on 
his  own  power,  in  order  to  secure  favourable  terms  for  himself.  There 
is  however  some  doubt  about  the  text,  which  was  corrupt  in  the  copy 
from  which  the  Sept.  version  was  made,  and  possibly  the  words  Whose 
is  the  land?  saying  also  should  be  struck  out.  The  Targum  has  a 
curious  paraphrase,  "  I  swear  by  Him  Who  made  the  earth." 

13.  except  thoti  first  bring  ]  As  the  text  stands  it  can  only  he 
rendered  except  on  condition  of  tJiy  bringing.  But  it  looks  like  a  com- 
bination of  two  readings,  except  thoti  bring  (so  the  LXX.)  and  before 
ihoii  bring  (Vulg.). 

David's  reasons  for  demanding  the  restoration  of  Michal  were  probably 
(<?)  genuine  affection  for  the  wife  of  his  youth  who  had  saved  his  life 
(i  Sam.  xviii.  20,  xix.  11  i{.) ;  [b)  a  desire  to  efface  the  slight  put  upon 


70  II.  SAMUEL,  III.  [vv.  14—18. 

14  see  my  face.  And  David  sent  messengers  to  Ish-bosheth 
Saul's  son,  saying,  Deliver  me  my  wife  Michal,  which  I 
espoused  to  me  for  an  hundred  foreskins  of  the  Philistines. 

15  And  Ish-bosheth  sent,  and  took  her  from  her  husband,  even 

16  from  Phaltiel  the  son  of  Laish.  And  her  husband  went  with 
her  along  weeping  behind  her  to  Bahurim.     Then  said  Ab- 

17  ner  unto  him,  Go,  return.  And  he  returned.  And  Abner 
had  communication  with  the  elders  of  Israel,  saying.  Ye 

18  sought  for  David  in  times  past  to  be  king  over  you:  now 

him  by  the  deprivation;  [c)  a  wish  to  conciliate  the  good  will  of  the 
northern  tribes  by  an  alliance  with  Saul's  family. 

14.  David  sent  messengers  to  Ish-boshetIi\  The  acceptance  of  the 
condition  by  Abner  is  implied,  but  the  formal  demand  was  made 
from  Ish-bosheth,  who  was  powerless  to  resist  the  will  of  his  master. 
Thus  the  restoration  of  Michal  took  place  openly  as  a  public  act  of 
justice;  it  clearly  exhibited  the  strength  of  David  and  the  weakness  of 
Ish-bosheth ;  it  gave  Al^ner  opportunity  to  go  to  Hebron  as  Michal's 
escort,  and  mature  his  plans  for  deposing  Ish-bosheth. 

which  I  espoused,  (Sec]  Saul  proposed  the  slaughter  of  an  hundred 
Philistines  as  the  price  of  Michal's  hand  in  lieu  of  dowry:  David  paid 
him  double  (i  Sam.  xviii.  -25,  27). 

15.  Fhaltiel]  Called  Phalti  in  i  Sam.  xxv.  44,  where  his  marriage 
with  Michal  is  recorded. 

16.  Bahtcrini]  A  village  mentioned  again  only  in  connexion  with 
David's  flight  from  Jerusalem  as  the  residence  of  Shimei  (ch.  xvi.  5), 
and  the  place  where  Jonathan  and  Ahimaaz  hid  themselves  (ch.  xvii. 
18).  It  belonged  to  the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  and  was  on  the  road  from 
Jerusalem  over  the  Mount  of  Olives  to  the  Jordan  fords.  A  Jewish 
tradition  in  the  Targum  identifies  it  with  Almon  (Josh.  xxi.  18),  now 
Almtt,  about  4  miles  N.E.  of  Jerusalem,  and  a  mile  beyond  Anathoth 
(Andta).  According  to  this  view,  which  is  adopted  by  Lieut.  Conder, 
it  was  not  on  the  main  road  through  Bethany,  but  on  a  road  which 
leads  across  the  saddle  north  of  the  principal  summit  of  the  Mount  of 
Olives. 

17.  And  Abner  had  communicatioi{\  Better,  Now  Abner  had  had 
communication,  previously  to  the  occurrence  related  in  w.  15,  16. 
The  journey  of  v.  16  to  escort  Michal  terminates  in  the  visit  to  He- 
bron oizK  -20. 

tuith  the  elders  of  Israel]  The  authorities  of  the  northern  tribes  as 
distinct  from  Judah.  The  elders  were  consulted  as  the  representatives 
of  the  people.  Cp.  i  Sam.  viii.  4,  where  see  note  on  their  various 
functions. 

Ye  sought  for  David,  &c.]  It  appears  from  this  that  there  had  been 
from  the  first  even  among  the  northern  tribes  a  party  favourable  to 
David,  whose  opposition  had  only  been  overcome  by  Abner's  strong 
will  and  vigorous  efibrts.     This  agrees  with  what  we  should  naturally 


vv.  19—22.]  II.  SAMUEL,   III.  71 

then  do  //.•  for  the  Lord  hath  spoken  of  David,  saying,  By 
the  hand  of  my  servant  David  I  will  save  my  people  Israel 
out  of  the  hand  of  the  Philistines,  and  out  of  the  hand 
of  all  their  enemies.     And  Abner  also  spake  in  the  ears  of  19 
Benjamin :  and  Abner  went  also  to  speak  in  the  ears  of 
David  in  Hebron  all  that  seemed  good  to  Israel,  and  that 
seemed  good  to  the  whole  house  of  Benjamin.     So  Abner  20 
came  to  David  to  Hebron,  and  twenty  men  with  him.     And 
David  made  Abner  and  the  men  that  were  with  him  a  feast. 
And  Abner  said  unto  David,  I  will  arise  and  go,  and  will  21 
gather  all  Israel   unto  my  lord  the  king,  that    they  may 
make  a  league  with  thee,  and  that  thou  mayest  reign  over 
all  that  thine  heart  desireth.     And  David  sent  Abner  away; 
and  he  went  in  peace. 

2  2 — 2  7.    Abner  treacherously  murdered  by  Joab. 
And  behold,  the  servants  of  David  and  Joab  came  from  22 

expect  from  the  account  of  his  popularity  during  Saul's  reign  (i  Sam. 
xviii.  5)-      . 

18.  I  will  save  my  people]  Tlie  commission  which  had  been  given 
to  Saul  (i  Sam.  ix.  16)  was  transferred  to  David.  Again  we  have  an 
intimation  that  prophetic  utterances  respecting  David's  divine  appoint- 
ment to  the  throne  were  commonly  known. 

19.  And  Abner  also  spake,  &c.]  And  Abner  also  had  spoken,  kc. 
Beside  the  general  communication  with  the  elders  of  Israel*  a  special 
and  confidential  negotiation  had  been  entered  into  with  the  tribe  of 
Benjamin,  which  was  the  most  likely  to  ofier  opposition  through  fear  of 
losing  dignity  and  advantage  by  the  transference  of  the  royal  house  to 
the  tribe  of  Judah. 

all  that  seemed  good  to  Israel]  Their  readiness  to  acknowledge 
David  as  king,  as  well  as  conditions  and  demands  which  they  wished 
to  make,  for  there  was  to  be  a  "covenant"  between  hun  and  the  people 
(v.  21). 

20.  iiventy  vien  ivith  him]  They  formed  the  official  escort  sent  by 
Ish-bosheth  to  convey  Michal  back  to  David,  but  were  in  all  proba- 
bility privy  to  the  secret  purpose  of  Abner's  visit. 

21.  and  will  gather  all  Israel]  A  meeting  of  the  national  assembly 
or  "congregation  of  Israel"  was  requisite  to  accept  David  as  king. 
Cp.  ch.  v.  I,  and  see  note  on  i  Sam.  x.  17. 

Abner]  Observe  the  emphatic  way  in  which  Abner's  name  is 
repeated  vswv.  17 — ar,  and  not  merely  represented  by  pronouns.  It 
concentrates  attention  on  the  personality  of  this  man  who  treats  as  the 
agent  for  the  transfer  of  a  kingdom  which  his  own  energy  has  consoli- 
dated. 


72  II.  SAMUEL,   III.  [vv.  23—27. 

pursuing  a  troop,  and  brought  in  a  great  spoil  with  them : 
but  Abner  was  not  with   David  in   Hebron ;    for  he  had 

23  sent  him  away,  and  he  was  gone  in  peace.  When  Joab  and 
all  the  host  that  was  with  him  were  come,  they  told  Joab, 
saying,  Abner  the  son  of  Ner  came  to  the  king,  and  he 

24  hath  sent  him  away,  and  he  is  gone  in  peace.  Then  Joab 
came  to  the  king,  and  said,  What  hast  thou  done  ?  behold, 
Abner  came  unto  thee ;  why  is  it  that  thou  hast  sent  him 

25  away,  and  he  is  quite  gone  ?  Thou  knowest  Abner  the 
son  of  Ner,  that  he  came  to  deceive  thee,  and  to  know 
thy  going  out  and  thy  coming  in,  and  to  know  all  that  thou 

26  doest.  And  when  Joab  was  come  out  from  David,  he  sent 
messengers  after  Abner,  which  brought  him  again  from  the 

27  well  of  Sirah :  but  David  knew  it  not.  And  when  Abner 
was  returned  to  Hebron,  Joab  took  him  aside  in  the  gate  to 
speak  with  him  quietly,  and  smote  him  there  wider  the  fifth 
rib^  that  he  died,  for  the  blood  of  Asahel  his  brother. 

22—27.    Abner  treacherously  murdered  by  Joab. 

22.  f7-07n  pursuing  a  troop\  Lit.  from  the  troop,  i.e.  from  the  foray, 
or  plundering  expedition  on  which  they  had  gone  to  procure  supplies. 
In  the  absence  of  taxes  and  regular  pay,  it  was  the  only  means  of 
supporting  an  army.  Comp.  David's  practice  at  Ziklag  (i  Sam.  xxvii. 
8  ff.). 

23.  Wheit  Joab,  &c.]  Probably  Abner  had  intentionally  chosen  a 
time  for.  his  visit,  when  he  knew  that  Joab  was  absent  from  Hebron. 

24.  he  is  quite  gone'\  The  Sept.  reads  "and  he  is  gone  in  peace? 
Dost  thou  not  know  the  wickedness  of  Abner,"  &c. 

25.  thy  goitig  out  and  thy  coming  in]  All  thy  movements  and  un- 
dertakings.    Cp.  Deut.  xxviii.  6;  Ps.  cxxi.  8;  Is.  xxxvii.  ^S. 

26.  he  sent  messengers  after  Abner]  No  doubt  in  David's  name, 
pretending  to  recall  him  for  a  further  interview.  A  message  from 
Joab  would  have  excited  Abner's  suspicion,  while  on  David's  good 
faith  he  could  place  entire  reliance. 

the  well  of  Sirah]  Rather  more  than  a  mile  out  of  Hebron  on  the 
old  paved  road  to  the  north  is  a  spring  with  a  reservoir  called  Ain 
Sareh,  which  is  in  all  probability  "the  well  of  Sirah."  This  agrees 
sufficiently  well  with  Josephus'  statement  that  it  was  twenty  stadia  or 
two  miles  and  a  half  distant  from  Hebron. 

27.  in  the  gate]  Lit.  into  the  midst  of  the  gate,  the  space  between 
the  inner  and  outer  gateways.  But  the  publicity  of  the  city  gate  was 
unsuited  to  a  private  conference,  and  the  Sept.  off'ers  a  more  probable 
reading,  "took  him  apart  by  the  side  of  the  gate." 

tinder  the  fifth  rib]     In  the  belly.     See  note  on  ii.  23. 

for  the  blood  of  Asahel  his  brother]     Since  Abner  had  slain  Asahel  in 


vv.  28—30.]  II.   SAMUEL,  III.  73 

28 — 30.     The  Curse  of  Blood-guiltiness. 

And  afterward  when  David  heard  it,  he  said,  I  and  my  23 
kingdom  a7-e  guiltless  before  the  Lord  for  ever  from  the 
blood  of  Abner  the  son  of  Ner :  let  it  rest  on  the  head  of  29 
Joab,  and  on  all  his  father's  house;  and  let  there  not  fail 
from  the  house  of  Joab  one  that  hath  an  issue,  or  that  is  a 
leper,  or  that  leaneth  on  a  staff,  or  that  falleth  on  the  sword, 
or  that  lacketh  bread.     So  Joab  and  Abishai  his  brother  30 

self-defence  (ch.  ii.  23),  Joab's  act  was  not  justifiable  on  the  score  of 
blood-revenge.  This  was  merely  a  convenient  pretext  for  getting  rid  of 
a  dangerous  rival.  He  foresaw  that  if  he  allowed  Abner  to  have  the 
credit  of  placing  the  crown  of  Israel  on  David's  head,  he  would  lose 
his  own  position  and  influence.  Failing  in  his  endeavour  to  persuade 
David  that  Abner  was  playing  him  false,  with  characteristic  unscrupu- 
lousness  he  planned  this  deliberate  and  treacherous  murder,  as  on  a 
later  occasion  he  murdered  his  rival  Amasa  (ch.  xx.  10). 

28 — 30.     The  Curse  of  Blood-guiltiness. 

28.  /  mid  jny  kingdom  are  guiltless]  With  a  strong  asseveration 
David  asserts  his  entire  innocence  of  any  complicity  in  this  murder. 
Neither  upon  himself  personally  nor  upon  "his  kingdom,"  i.e.  the  royal 
house,  his  descendants  and  successors,  could  punishment  for  sheddhig 
this  innocent  blood  justly  fall.  Cp.  iKingsii.  31 — 33.  For  the  doctrine 
of  a  divine  judgment  which  was  certain  to  fall  upon  the  murderer  and 
his  posterity,  "visiting  the  sins  of  the  fathers  upon  the  children,"  see 
Gen.  iv.  11;  Deut.  xxi.  6 — 9;  Matt,  xxiii,  35.  Compare  the  Greek 
belief  in  the  avenging  Furies  -who  dogged  the  murderer's  steps. 

29.  let  it  resi]  Let  it  fall.  The  Heb.  word  is  a  forcible  one, 
expressing  the  energy  of  David's  indignation.  It  is  used  in  Jer.  xxiii. 
19,  XXX.  23,  of  the  whirlwind  of  God's  wrath  falling  upon  the  head  of 
the  wicked. 

one  tliat  hath  an  issue,  or  that  is  a  leper]  Pining  away  miserably 
with  incurable  diseases,  which  not  only  made  life  a  burden,  but  ren- 
dered their  victim  ceremonially  unclean,  and  excluded  him  from  the 
congregation  of  the  Lord  (Lev.  xiii.  46). 

that  leaneth  on  a  staff]  A  cripple,  lame,  or  blind.  The  word  trans- 
lated j'/^means  elsewhere  distaff  {Prov.  xxxi.  19),  and  the  phrase  may 
also  be  rendered  as  it  is  in  the  Vulgate  "  distaff  holder  "  {tencns  fiisiiui). 
This  would  signify  'a  weak,  effeminate  man,  unfit  for  war,'  as  "Hercules 
with  the  distaff"  was  the  type  of  unmanly  feebleness  among  the  Greeks. 
But  this  explanation  seems  forced,  and  the  E.  V.  is  supported  by  the 
Sept.  and  Targum. 

that  falleth  on  the  sword]  Render,  "by  the  sword."  The  E.  V. 
suggests  the  idea  of  suicide,  but  untimely  death  in  battle  or  by  the 
hand  of  an  assassin  is  meant. 


74  n.  SAMUEL,   III.  [vv.  31—35. 

slew  Abner,  because  he  had  slain  their  brother  Asahel  at 
Gibeon  in  the  battle. 

3 1  — 39'    Di^vid's  lamentation  for  Abner. 

31  And  David  said  to  Joab,  and  to  all  the  people  that  were 
with  him,  Rent  your  clothes,  and  gird  you  with  sackcloth, 
and  mourn  before  Abner.     And  king  David  hi7Jiself  ioWo^^d 

32  the  bier.  And  they  buried  Abner  in  Hebron  :  and  the  king 
lift  up  his  voice,   and  wept  at  the  grave  of  Abner;    and 

33  all  the  people  wept.  And  the  king  lamented  over  Abner, 
and  said, 

Died  Abner  as  a  fool  dieth  ? 

34  Thy  hands  were  not  bound, 
Nor  thy  feet  put  into  fetters  : 

As  a  man  falleth  before  wicked  men,  so  fellest  thou. 

35  And  all  the  people  wept  again  over  him.     And  when  all 


30.  sircv... slain']  Murdered  Abner,  because  lie  had  slain,  &c.  The 
words  in  the  Heb.  are  different,  and  the  first  denotes  the  violent  charac- 
ter of  the  act.  The  Sept.  however  gives  another  reading,  "  Now  Joab 
and  Abishai  were  lying  in  wait  for  Abner,  because  &c." 

31 — 39.     David's  lamentation  for  Abner. 

31.  gird  you  with  sackcloth]  The  practice  of  wearing  garments  of 
the  coarse  darlc  hair-cloth  used  for  making  sacks  as  a  sign  of  mourning 
was  very  ancient  (Gen.  xxxvii.  34).  In  cases  of  extreme  grief  or  humi- 
liation they  were  worn  next  the  skin,  but  ordinarily  outside  the  usual 
tunic. 

mourn  before  Abner]     Preceding  the  bier  in  the  funeral  procession. 

33.  lamented]     See  note  on  ch.  i.  17. 

Died  Abner  as  a  fool  dieth]  Lit.  As  dies  a  fool  should  Abner  die? 
Was  this  ignoble  death,  befitting  a  fool,  to  be  the  fate  of  so  brave  a 
warrior  ? 

34.  Thy  hands,  &c.]  Two  explanations  of  these  words  seem  pos- 
sible; either  (i)  Thou  hadst  not  committed  any  crime  to  deserve  a 
malefactor's  punishment,  but  wast  causelessly  murdered  by  treacherous 
enemies  :  or  (2)  How  was  it  that  thou  wast  slain  while  thy  hands  were 
at  liberty  to  defend  thyself,  thy  feet  free  to  escape  by  flight  ?  It  was 
because  thou  wast  attacked  unsuspectingly  by  treacherous  enemies.  In 
the  first  case  "fool"  in  v.  33  is  equivalent  to  "miscreant."  It  is  a 
term  which  frequently  in  the  O.T.  implies  moral  worthlessness,  wicked- 
ness. Cp.  Ps.  xiv.  I.  The  Targum  here  renders  it  "the  wicked."  In 
the  second  case  it  means  "  an  ignoble  churl  who  cannot  defend  him- 
self." 


vv.  36— 39;  I-]        n.  SAMUEL,   III.  IV.  -js 

the  people  came  to  cause  David  to  eat  meat  while  it  was 
yet  day,  David  sware,  saying,  So  do  God  to  me,  and  more 
also,  if  I  taste  bread,  or  ought  else,  till  the  sun  be  down. 
And  all  the  people  took  notice  ofit^  and  it  pleased  them:  as  36 
whatsoever  the  king  did,  pleased  all  the  people.    For  all  the  37 
people  and  all  Israel  understood  that  day  that  it  was  not  of 
the  king  to  slay  Abner  the  son  of  Ner.     And  the  king  said  38 
unto  his  servants,  Know  ye  not  that  there  is  a  prince  and 
a  great  man  fallen  this  day  in  Israel  ?     And  I  am  this  day  39 
weak,  though  anointed  king  ;  and  these  men  the  sons   of 
Zeruiah  be  too  hard  for  me :  the  Lord  shall  reward  the  doer 
of  evil  according  to  his  wickedness. 

Ch.  IV.  1—7.     The  Murder  of  Ish-hosheth. 
And  when  Saul's  son  heard  that  Abner  was  dead  in  He-  4 


35.  to  cause  David  to  eat  j?icat']  Fasting  was  the  usual  accompani- 
ment of  mourning.  To  shew  his  grief  and  his  respect  for  Abner 
David  refused  to  eat  until  sunset,  the  regular  time  for  terminating  a 
fast.     Cp.  ch.  i.  12. 

meat]  Lit.  bread.  In  Biblical  English  the  word  denotes  food  in 
general,  and  is  never  restricted  to  its  modern  meaningyf^j-/^. 

37.  all  the  people  and  all  Israel]  Not  only  David's  own  subjects  in 
Judah,  but  the  people  of  the  northern  kingdom,  who  must  have  been 
specially  aggrieved  by  the  murder  of  their  hero,  recognised  the  sincerity 
of  David's  grief,  and  acquitted  him  of  all  complicity  in  the  act.  If,  as 
seems  probable  {v.  26),  Joab  had  abused  the  king's  authority  in  order 
to  bring  Abner  back,  it  was  doubly  necessary  for  David  emphatically 
to  repudiate  the  act,  lest  he  should  have  been  thought  to  have  had 
some  part  in  instigating  it. 

38,  39.  To  his  confidential  servants  David  speaks  his  whole  mind 
freely.  He  feels  that  some  apology  is  needed  for  leaving  the  authors  of 
this  heinous  crime  unpunished.  As  an  excuse  for  doing  so  he  pleads 
his  youth  and  weakness.  Though  he  had  been  anointed  king,  his  king- 
dom was  as  yet  far  from  being  securely  established.  He  could  not 
dispense  with  his  warlike  nephews'  help.  He  dared  not  order  the 
execution  of  his  best  general.  Probably  the  army  would  have  interfered 
to  prevent  it.  But  he  protests  against  their  hardness  and  cruelty,  and 
declares  that  Joab  will  not  escape  the  divine  judgment  for  his  crime. 
"It  was  one  of  those  moments  in  which  a  king,  even  with  the  best 
intentions,  must  feel  to  his  own  heavy  cost  the  weakness  of  everything 
human  and  the  limits  of  human  supremacy."  Ewald,  Hist  of  Israel, 
III.  117. 

iveak]  The  same  epithet  is  applied  to  Solomon  in  i  Chr.  xxix.  i, 
and  to  Rehoboam  in  2  Chr.  xiii.  7  (E.  V.  tender). 


76  II.  SAMUEL,   IV.  [vv.  2—4. 

bron,   his  hands  were  feeble,  and  all  the    Israelites   were 

2  troubled.  And  Saul's  son  had  two  men  that  were  captains 
of  bands:  the  name  of  the  one  was  Baanah,  and  the  name 
of  the  other  Rechab,  the  sons  of  Rimmon  a  Beerothite,  of 
the  children  of  Benjamin :   (for  Beeroth  also  was  reckoned 

3  to  Benjamin :  and  the  Beerothites  fled  to  Gittaim,  and  were 

4  sojourners  there  until  this  day.)  And  Jonathan,  Saul's  son, 
had  a  son  that  was  lame  of  his  feet,  and  was  five  years  old 
when  the  tidings  came  of  Saul  and  Jonathan  out  of  Jezrecl, 

Ch.  IV.  1 — 7.    The  Murder  of  Ish-bosheth. 

1.  his  hands  were  feeble]  His  hands  were  weakened.  His  resolu- 
tion was  paralysed :  he  lost  heart.  Cp.  Ezra  iv.  4,  and  the  opposite 
expression  in  ch.  ii.  7. 

were  troubled']  Were  dismayed.  Ish-bosheth  was  a  mere  puppet, 
and  Abner  the  real  stay  of  the  kingdom. 

2.  captains  of  bands]  Leaders  of  predatory  troops.  See  note  on 
ch.  iii.  22. 

of  the  children  of  Benjamin]  The  historian  calls  special  attention  to 
the  fact  that  Ish-bosheth's  murderers  belonged  to  his  own  tribe. 

for  Beeroth  also,  &c.]  The  object  of  this  parenthesis  is  to  explain 
how  these  Beerothites  came  to  be  Benjamites.  Beeroth  was  one 
of  the  four  Gibeonite  cities,  retained  by  their  original  Canaanite  in- 
habitants in  virtue  of  the  treaty  made  with  Joshua  (Josh.  ix.  17).  It 
was  however  reckoned  to  belong  to  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  (Josh,  xviii. 
25),  and  had  been  occupied  by  Benjamites  when  its  original  inhabitants 
deserted  it.  When  and  why  they  did  so  is  unknown,  but  it  has  been 
plausibly  conjectured  that  they  fled  from  Saul's  massacre  of  the  Gibeon- 
ites  (2  Sam.  xxi.  i,  2). 

The  site  of  Beeroth  {=wells)  is  probably  marked  by  the  modern 
village  of  El-Bireh  {  —  the  ivell),  about  9  miles  N.  of  Jerusalem.  "It 
is  remarkable  as  the  first  halting-place  of  caravans  on  the  northern  road 
from  Jerusalem,  and  therefore  not  improbably  the  scene  of  the  event 
to  which  its  monastic  tradition  lays  claim — the  place  where  the  parents 
of  Jesus  sought  him  among  their  kinsfolk  and  acquaintance,  and  when 
they  found  him  not,  turned  back  again  to  Jerusalem."  Stanley,  Sinai 
and  Pal.  p.  213. 

3.  Gittaim]  A  Benjamite  town  of  this  name  is  mentioned  in  Neh.  xi. 
33,  but  if  the  reason  suggested  above  for  the  flight  of  the  Beerothites  is  the 
correct  one,  it  can  hardly  be  the  same,  as  they  would  have  chosen  a 
more  distant  refuge.  The  name  is  the  dual  form  of  Gath,  meaning 
"two  wine-presses,"  which  suggests  that  it  may  possibly  have  been  in 
PhiHstia. 

4.  And  Jonathan,  «&:c.]  Before  proceeding  to  narrate  the  murder 
of  Ish-bosheth,  the  historian  inserts  a  remark  which  implies  that  with 
his  death  the  cause  of  Saul's  house  would  necessarily  become  hopeless, 
as  its  only  other  legitimate  representative  was  a  lame  child  of  twelve 
years  old. 


vv.  5,6.]  II.  SAMUEL,    IV. 


and  his  nurse  took  him  up,  and  fled  :  and  it  came  to  pass, 
as  she  made  haste  to  flee,  that  he  fell,  and  became  lame. 
And  his  name  7(^'as  Mephibosheth.  And  the  sons  of  Rim-  5 
mon  the  Beerothite,  Rechab  and  Baanah,  went,  and  came 
about  the  heat  of  the  day  to  the  house  of  Ish-bosheth,  who 
lay  on  a  bed  at  noon.     And  they  came  thither  into  the  midst  6 

out  of  yezreel'\  Where  the  Israelite  camp  was  pitched  before  the 
fatal  battle  of  Gilboa.     See  note  on  i  Sam.  xxix.  i. 

Afephiboshcth']  Called  in  i  Chr.  viii.  ^^4,  ix.  40,  Alerib-haal.  Bosheth 
(  =  "  shame")  has  been  substituted  for  the  detested  name  of  Baal,  as  in 
the  name  Ish-bosheth  for  Esh-baal.  See  note  on  ch.  ii.  8.  ]\Icrib-baal 
means  "one  who  contends  with  Baal:"  Mephibosheth,  "exterminator 
of  shame."     For  his  subsequent  history  see  chaps,  ix.,  xvi.,  xix.  24  ff. 

5.  to  the  house  of  Ish-boshetJi\     At  Mahanaim  (ch.  ii.  8). 

^vho  lay  on  a  bed  at  nooni  Or,  as  he  was  taking  his  midday  sleep, 
or  siesta,  according  to  the  usual  custom  of  hot  countries.  They  chose 
an  hour  when  Ish-bosheth  would  be  alone  and  defenceless. 

6.  And  they  catne,  &c.]  An  explanation  how  it  was  possible  for 
Rechab  and  Baanah  to  enter  Ish-bosheth's  house  unsuspected.  They 
came,  as  they  may  have  been  accustomed  to  do,  to  procure  wheat  for 
their  men  from  the  king's  granary. 

The  Heb.  however  may  be  otherwise  rendered,  "And  hither  [some 
IMSS.  read  "and  behold"]  there  came  wheat-fetchers  into  the  midst  of 
the  house : "  men  whose  business  it  was  to  draw  the  rations  of  wheat 
from  the  granary.  If  this  is  the  right  rendering,  the  meaning  is  that 
the  murderers  obtained  entrance  to  the  house  by  going  in  their  company. 

V.  7  appears  at  first  sight  to  be  a  somewhat  awkward  repetition  of  v.  6. 
But  it  is  a  peculiar  feature  of  Hebrew  historical  writing  to  give  a 
general  account  of  a  fact  first,  and  then  to  repeat  it  with  additional 
details.  The  murderers'  entrance  into  the  house,  their  deed,  and  their 
escape  are  first  briefly  related  :  then  the  fact  of  their  entrance  is  repeated 
as  an  introduction  to  the  fuller  details  of  the  scene  and  manner  of  the 
murder,  and  the  route  by  which  the  assassins  escaped.  Compare  the 
double  mention  of  Joab's  return  to  Hebron  in  ch.  iii.  22,  23  ;  and  of 
the  national  assembly  at  Hebron  in  ch.  v.  i,  3;  and  note  on  ch.xiii.  38. 
The  Sept.  however  has  the  following  entirely  different  reading,  which 
is  found  also  in  some  MSS.  of  the  Vulgate  in  addition  to  the  rendering 
of  the  present  Heb.  text,  but  apparently  was  not  retained  by  Jerome  him- 
self. "And  behold  the  portress  of  the  house  was  cleaning  wheat,  and 
she  slumbered  and  slept;  and  the  brothers  Rechab  and  Baanah  came 
unobserved  into  the  house.  Now  Ish-bosheth  was  sleeping  on  the  bed 
in  his  chamber:  and  tliey  smote  him,"  &c.  This  also  explains  how  the 
murderers  entered  unobserved.  The  female  slave  who  watched  the  door 
(77  dvfiwpbs,  cp.  John  xviii.  i6,  Acts  xii.  13)  had  fallen  asleep  over  her 
task  of  sifting^  or  picking  the  wheat,  and  there  was  no  one  to  give  the 

*  Cp.  Amos  ix.  9.  An  illustration  of  a  Bethlehem  woman  siftino;  wheat  is  given 
in  Neil's  Palestine  Exp'ored,  p.  246.  He  says  that  it  is  a  process  constantly  going 
on  and  forming  a  marked  feature  of  Palestine  life. 


78  II.  SAMUEL,  IV.  [vv.  7— ii. 

of  the  house,   as  though  they  would  have  fetched  wheat; 
and  they  smote  him  under  the  fifth  rib :  and  Rechab  and 

7  Baanah  his  brother  escaped.  For  when  they  came  into  the 
house,  he  lay  on  his  bed  in  his  bedchamber,  and  they  smote 
him,  and  slew  him,  and  beheaded  him,  and  took  his  head, 
and  gat  them  away  through  the  plain  all  night. 

8 — 12.     The  Pimishment  of  the  Murderers  by  David. 

8  And  they  brought  the  head  of  Ish-bosheth  unto  David  to 
Hebron,  and  said  to  the  king,  Behold  the  head  of  Ish-bosheth 
the  son  of  Saul  thine  enemy,  which  sought  thy  life;  and  the 
Lord  hath  avenged  my  lord  the  king  this  day  of  Saul,  and 

9  of  his  seed.  And  David  answered  Rechab  and  Baanah  his 
brother,  the  sons  of  Rimmon  the  Beerothite,  and  said  unto 
them.  As  the  Lord  liveth,  who  hath  redeemed  my  soul  out 

10  of  all  adversity,  when  one  told  me,  saying,  Behold,  Saul  is 
dead,  thinking  to  have  brought  good  tidings,  I  took  hold  of 
him,  and  slew  him  in  Ziklag,  who  thought  that  I  would  have 

ri  given  him  a  reward  for  his  tidings :  how  much  more,  when 


alarm.     This  reading  gives  a  clear  straightforward  narrative,  and  cer- 
tainly seems  preferable  to  the  repetitions  of  the  present  Hebrew  text. 
under  the  fifth  rib'\     In  the  belly.     See  note  on  ch.  ii.  23. 

7.  through  the  plain]  By  the  way  of  the  Arabah.  See  note  on 
ch.  ii.  29.  From  Mahanaim  to  Hebron  was  a  distance  of  about  80  or 
90  miles. 

8—12.    The  Punishment  of  the  Murderers  by  David. 

8.  to  the  ki)ig\  Observe  that  Ish-bosheth  is  never  honoured  with 
the  title  oi  king. 

thine  enemy,  which  sought  thy  life]  These  words  are  to  be  referred 
to  Saul  not  to  Ish-bosheth.     Cp.  i  Sam.  xxiv.  4,  xxv.  29. 

the  Lord  hath  avenged]  The  murderers  profanely  represented  them- 
selves as  the  instruments  of  Providence.  "They  pretended  piety  and 
loyalty,  but  they  regarded  nothing  except  their  own  interest."  Words- 
worth. 

9.  who  hath  redeemed,  &c.]  Compare  the  same  oath  in  David's 
mouth  in  i  Kings  i.  29.  In  this  connexion  it  implies  that  one  who 
was  under  God's  protection  had  no  need  to  commit  crimes  for  his 
own  defence. 

10.  whejt  one  told  me,  &c.]  The  Amalekite  who  pretended  to  have 
slain  Saul  (ch.  i.  2  ff.). 

slezv  him... who  thought  that  I  woidd  have  given  him]  Or,  slew  him 
...to  give  him  a  reward,  <S:c.     In  this  case  the  expression  is  bitterly 


vv.  12;  I.]  II.  SAMUEL,  IV.  V.  79 

wicked  men  have  slain  a  righteous  person  in  his  own 
house  upon  his  bed?  shall  I  not  therefore  now  require  his 
blood  of  your  hand,  and  take  you  away  from  the  earth? 
And  David  commanded  Ins  young  men,  and  they  slew  12 
them,  and  cut  off  their  hands  and  their  feet,  and  hanged 
them  up  over  the  pool  in  Hebron.  But  they  took  the 
head  of  Ish-bosheth,  and  buried  it  in  the  sepulchre  of  Abner 
in  Hebron. 

Ch.  V.  I — 5.     David  anointed  Jzing  over  all  Israel. 
Then  came  all  the  tribes  of  Israel  to  David  unto  Hebron,  5 

ironical.     *He  expected  a  reward,  and  I  gave  it  him;   but  it  was  the 
reward  of  death.' 

11.  a  righteous  person^  "A  man  who  had  done  no  one  any  harm," 
as  Josephus  says.  His  merits  seem  to  have  been  negative  rather  than 
positive. 

require  his  hlood'\  Demand  satisfaction  for  his  murder.  God  is  said 
to  "require  blood,"  i.e.  to  avenge  murder  (Gen.  ix.  5;  Ps.  ix.  12),  and 
in  punishing  the  murderers  David  acted  as  His  representative. 

take  you  azvay  from  the  earthy  Rather,  put  you  away  out  of  the  land. 
The  word  is  one  specially  used  of  removing  evil  or  the  guilt  of  evil  from 
the  land  (Deut.  xix.  13,  19,  &c.).  The  guilt  of  murder  defiled  the  land 
until  expiated  by  the  execution  of  the  murderer  (Num.  xxxv.  33). 

12.  And  David  coi7imanded^  &c.  ]  Kitto  compares  the  conduct  of  David 
towards  the  murderers  of  his  rival  with  that  of  Alexander  the  Great 
towards  Bessus,  who  murdered  Darius,  and  of  Caesar  towards  the 
murderers  of  Pompey.  It  may  be  questioned  whether  they  were 
actuated  by  higher  motives  than  "the  traditional  policy  of  rulers,  who 
thus  provide  that  they  shall  be  protected  for  the  present,  and  afterwards 
avenged"  (Tac.  Hist.  I.  44),  but  David's  indignation  was  doubtless 
sincere. 

ait  off  their  hands  and  their  feet]  The  hands  which  had  been 
stretched  out  against  their  master,  the  feet  which  had  been  "swift  to 
shed  blood"  and  to  seek  reward,  were  exposed  to  view  in  the  most 
public  and  frequented  spot  in  Hebron,  for  a  spectacle  and  a  warning. 
Cp.  Deut.  xxi.  22.  We  may  compare  the  practice,  formerly  in  vogue  in 
this  country,  of  exposing  the  heads  and  limbs  of  traitors  on  the  city 
gates. 

over  the  pool]  Possibly  one  of  the  two  great  reservoirs,  "doubtless 
of  high  antiquity,"  which  are  still  to  be  seen  at  Hebron.  See  Robinson's 
Bib  I.  Res.  ii.  74. 

Ch.  V.   1 — 5.    David  anointed  king  over  all  Israel. 
vv.  I — 3  =  1  Chr.  xi.  i — 3. 
1.     Theti  cajjie,  &c.]     It  is  probable  that  no  long  interval  elapsed 
between  the  death  of  Ish-bosheth  and  the  election  of  David.     "The 


So  II.  SAMUEL,  V.  [vv.  2,  3. 

and  spake,  saying,  Behold,  we  are  thy  bone  and  thy  flesh. 

2  Also  in  time  past,  when  Saul  was  king  over  us,  thou  wast 
he  that  leddest  out  and  broughtest  in  Israel :  and  the  Lord 
said  to  thee.  Thou  shalt  feed  my  people  Israel,  and  thou 

3  shalt  be  a  captain  over  Israel.  So  all  the  elders  of  Israel 
came  to  the  king  to  Hebron ;  and  king  David  made  a 
league  with  them  in  Hebron  before  the  Lord  :  and  they 

consummation  to  which  events  in  God's  Providence  had  been  leading 
was  now  come.  Saul  and  Jonathan,  Abner  and  Ish-bosheth,  were  all 
dead ;  there  was  no  one  of  the  house  of  Saul  capable  of  taking  the  lead; 
David  was  already  head  of  a  very  large  portion  of  Israel ;  the  Philistines, 
and  perhaps  the  remnants  of  the  Canaanites,  were  restless  and  threaten- 
ing ;  and  it  was  obviously  the  interest  of  the  Israelitish  nation  to  unite 
themselves  under  the  sovereignty  of  the  valiant  and  virtuous  son  of  Jesse, 
their  former  deliverer,  and  the  man  designated  by  the  word  of  God  as 
their  Captain  and  Shepherd."     Speaker's  Conin. 

all  the  tribes  of  Israel]  The  '  congregation  of  Israel, '  or  national 
assembly  composed  of  all  the  warriors  of  the  nation  above  the  age  of 
twenty  who  chose  to  come,  met  to  elect  David  king.  See  note  on 
I  Sam.  X.  17. 

we  are  thy  bone  and  thy  flesh]  An  expression  denoting  close  relation- 
ship in  virtue  of  common  descent.     Cp.  Gen.  xxix.  14;  Jud.  ix.  1. 

Three  reasons,  arranged  in  the  order  of  their  importance,  are  given 
for  electing  David  king :  the  tie  of  relationship :  his  proved  capacity  as 
a  military  leader:  the  divine  choice.  The  first  and  third  correspond  to 
the  precept  of  Deut.  xvii.  15  :  with  the  second  compare  ch.  iii.  18. 

2.  thoic  wast  he  that  leddest  out  and  broughtest  in  Israel]  David 
had  won  the  good-will  of  the  people  as  their  leader  in  war.  Cp.  i  Sam. 
xviii,  5,  13,  16. 

the  Lord  said  to  thee]     See  note  on  ch.  iii.  9. 

Thou  shalt  feed]  Lit.  "thou  shalt  shepherd''"'  (LXX.  iroifj-ave^s):  a 
natural  metaphor  to  express  the  ruler's  care  for  his  people.  It  is  used 
by  Greek  poets,  e.g.  Homer,  whose  regular  title  for  Agamemnon  is 
iroifirjv  \aCov,  "shepherd  of  the  peoples."  But  it  was  especially  appro- 
priate in  the  case  of  David,  who  was  taken  from  the  sheepfolds  of 
Bethlehem  to  be  the  shepherd  of  Israel  (Ps.  Ixxviii.  70 — 72),  as  the 
fishers  of  the  Galilean  lake  were  called  to  become  "fishers  of  men" 
(Matt.  iv.  19),  and  (except  perhaps  in  Gen.  xlix.  24)  it  does  not  appear 
to  be  used  in  the  O.T.  before  his  time. 

captain]  The  title  given  to  Saul  in  i  Sam.  ix.  16,  (Sec,  and  to  David 
in  I  Sam.  xxv.  30  (E.V.  ruler). 

3.  all  the  elders  of  Israel]  From  v.  i  and  i  Chr.  xii.  23 — 40  it  is 
evident  that  a  general  assembly  of  the  nation,  and  not  merely  a  few 
delegates,  met  at  Hebron :  here  the  elders  are  particularly  specified 
because  they  acted  as  the  representatives  of  the  people  in  negotiating 
with  David.     See  note  on  i  Sam.  viii.  4,  and  cp.  ch.  iii.  17. 

made  a  leagne  with  them]   Cp.  ch.  iii.  •ai.    This  'league'  was  probably 


w.  4—6.]  II.  SAMUEL,  V.  8i 

anointed  David  king  over  Israel.     David  was  thirty  years  4 
old  when  he  began  to  reign,  and  he  reigned  forty  years.     In  s 
Hebron  he  reigned  over  Judah  seven  years  and  six  months, 
and  in  Jerusalem  he  reigned  thirty  and  three  years  over  all 
Israel  and  Judah. 

6 — 10.     The  Capture  of  Jebiis. 
And  the  king  and  his  men  went  to  Jerusalem  unto  the  6 

a  solemn  contract  in  which  the  king  on  the  one  hand  engaged  to  rule 
according  to  the  laws,  and  the  people  on  the  other  hand  promised  him 
their  allegiance.  Some  kind  of  a  charter,  aefining  the  king's  rights, 
was  in  existence  (i  Sam.  x.  25):  and  later  on  we  find  the  people 
demanding  some  limitation  of  these  rights  (i  Kings  xii.  3  ff).  The 
Israelite  monarchy  was  not  an  absolute  and  irresponsible  despotism. 

before  the  Lord]  The  covenant  was  made  as  a  solemn  religious 
ceremony,  in  the  presence  of  the  supreme  King  of  Israel,  whose  vice- 
gerent David  was.     Cp.  i  Sam.  xi.  15. 

they  anointed  David  king\  For  the  third  time.  See  note  on  ch. 
ii.  4.  In  Chronicles  is  added  ** according  to  the  word  of  the  Lord  by 
Samuel." 

The  book  of  Chronicles  contains  further  interesting  details  about  this 
assembly  at  Hebron  (i  Chr.  xii.  23 — 40).  The  numbers  of  fighting 
men  sent  by  each  tribe  are  preser^ed,  amounting  to  a  total  of  nearly 
350,000.  Stress  is  laid  on  the  unanimity  of  feeling,  and  the  general 
rejoicing  with  which  David's  anointing  was  celebrated  in  a  three  days' 
festival. 

4,  5.  The  compiler  of  Chronicles  omits  these  verses  here,  but  inserts 
the  substance  of  them  in  i  Chron.  xxix.  27. 

4.  thirty  years  old]  The  prime  of  life:  the  age  at  which  the 
Levites  entered  upon  their  duties  (Num.  iv.  3) :  at  which  young  men 
commenced  to  take  part  in  public  business  in  Greece :  at  which  Joseph 
was  made  ruler  over  Egypt  (Gen.  xii.  46):  at  which  Jesus  Christ  was 
"anointed  with  the  Holy  Ghost"  in  His  Baptism,  and  began  His  public 
ministry  (Lk.  iii.  23). 

6—10.    The  Capture  of  Jebus. 
=  I  Chr.  xi.  4 — 9. 

6.  to  Jerusalem,  &c.]  The  Chronicler  paraphrases  the  text  thus, 
"to  Jerusalem,  which  is  Jebus,  where  the  Jebusites  were,  the  inhabit- 
ants of  the  land."  Writing  after  the  Captivity,  he  felt  it  necessary  to 
explain  how  the  Jebusites  came  to  be  dwelling  in  Jerusalem  by  a 
reference  to  its  ancient  name  of  Jebus. 

It  is  not  a  little  remarkable  that  the  metropolis  of  the  Jewish 
monarchy,  the  most  sacred  city  in  the  world,  does  not  take  its  place  in 
the  history  of  the  nation  until  a  comparatively  late  period. 

II.  SAMUEL  6 


82  II.  SAMUEL,  V.  [vv.  7,  8. 

Jebusites,  the  inhabitants  of  the  land  :  which  spake  unto 
David,  saying,  Except  thou  take  away  the  blind  and  the 
lame,  thou  shalt  not  come  in  hither :  thinking,  David  can- 

7  not  come  in  hither.     Nevertheless  David  took  the  strong 

8  hold  of  Zion  :  the  same  is  the  city  of  David.     And  David 
said  on  that  day,  Whosoever  getteth  up  to  the  gutter,  and 

As  the  capital  of  the  important  Canaanite  tribe  of  the  Jebusites,  it 
bore  the  name  oi  Jebus.  It  was  assigned  to  Benjamin  (Josh,  xviii.  28), 
but,  lying  on  the  border,  was  first  attacked  by  Judah  (Jud.  i.  8),  and 
afterwards  by  Benjamin  (Jud.  i.  21).  The  citadel  was  either  never 
taken,  or  soon  recovered,  for  the  Jebusites  retained  joint  possession  of 
the  city  along  with  the  children  of  Judah  and  Benjamin  through  the 
period  of  the  Judges  and  down  to  this  time  (Josh.  xv.  6^;  Jud.  i.  21). 

Political,  civil,  and  military  considerations  pointed  to  Jerusalem  as 
the  most  suitable  capital  for  the  united  kingdom. 

{a)  Its  position  within  the  territory  of  Benjamin  yet  close  upon  the 
borders  of  Judah  (or,  as  some  think,  and  as  may  be  indicated  by  the 
passages  quoted  above,  partly  in  one  tribe,  partly  in  the  other),  was 
excellently  adapted  for  binding  together  the  two  royal  tribes,  and  con- 
ciliating the  good-will  of  Benjamin,  without  alienating  Judah. 

{b)  Its  situation  was  virtually  central,  not  only  with  regard  to  these 
two  great  tribes,  but  for  the  whole  land.  "It  was  on  the  ridge  of  the 
backbone  of  hills,  which  extend  through  the  whole  country  from  the 
Desert  to  the  plain  of  Esdraelon.  Every  traveller  who  has  trod  the 
central  route  of  Palestine  from  north  to  south,  must  have  passed  through 
the  table-land  of  Jerusalem."     Stanley's  Sinai  and  Pal.  p.  176. 

{c)  As  a  military  post  it  was  unrivalled.  It  stood  on  a  rocky  plateau 
surrounded  on  three  sides  by  deep  ravines  forming  a  natural  fortress  of 
almost  impregnable  strength. 

On  the  topography  of  Jerusalem  see  Additional  Note  vi.  p.  239. 

Except  thou  take  away  the  blind  and  the  lame,  thoti  shalt  not  come 
in  hither\  Render,  Thou  shalt  not  come  in  hither,  but  the  blind  and 
the  lame  would  repel  thee;  as  much  as  to  say,  David,  &c.  So  con- 
fident were  the  Jebusites  in  the  strength  of  their  fortress,  that  they 
boasted  that  a  garrison  of  blind  and  lame  men  would  be  sufficient  to 
defend  it. 

This  boast  is  omitted  in  Chron.,  probably  as  being  obscure,  and  not 
bearing  directly  upon  the  facts  of  the  narrative. 

7.  Nevertheless]     Heb.  simply.  And. 

the  strong  hold  of  Zion]     See  Additional  Note  VI.  p.  239. 

8.  Whosoever,  &c.]  An  obscure  and  probably  corrupt  passage. 
The  E.V.,  which  transposes  the  first  two  clauses  and  introduces  an 
apodosis  from  Chronicles,  cannot  be  defended.  The  most  probable 
explanations,  neither  of  them  however  free  from  serious  objections, 
are: 

(1)    Whosoever  smiteth  the  Jebusite, 
let  him  hurl  down  the  precipice 


V.  9-]  n.  SAMUEL,  V.  83 

smiteth  the  Jebusites,  and  the  lame  and  the  bHnd,  that  are 
hated  of  David's  soul,  he  shall  be  chief  and  captain.     Where- 
fore they  said,  The  blind  and  the  lame  shall  not  come  into 
the  house.     So  David  dwelt  in  the  fort,  and  called  it  the  9 
city  of  David.     And  David  built  round  about  from  Millo 


both  the  lame  and  the  blind, 
hated  of  David's  soul. 

David  bids  his  men  give  no  quarter,  taking  up  the  words  of  the 
Jebusites,  and  in  derision  calling  their  garrison  "blind  and  lame." 

(2)    Whosoever  smiteth  the  Jebusite, 
let  him  reach  the  watercourse, 
[and  smite]  both  the  lame  and  the  blind, 
hated  of  David's  soul. 

According  to  this  rendering  there  is  a  reference  to  the  way  in  which 
the  citadel,  supposed  by  its  defenders  to  be  inaccessible,  was  to  be 
scaled,  either  by  some  waterworn  gully  in  the  rock,  or  through  a  sub- 
terranean channel  which  had  been  constructed  to  supply  the  fortress 
with  water. 

The  author  of  the  book  of  Chronicles  either  had  a  different  text  in 
his  original  authority,  or,  more  probably,  omitted  an  expression  which 
was  already  obscure.  He  gives  the  passage  thus :  "Whosoever  smit- 
eth the  Jebusites  first  shall  be  chief  and  captain.  So  Joab  the  son  of 
Zeruiah  went  first  up,  and  was  chief." 

The  Sept.  reads;  "Whosoever  smiteth  the  Jebusite,  let  him  slay 
with  the  sword  both  the  lame  and  the  blind  who  hate  David's  soul." 
The  Vulg.  gives  a  mere  paraphrase :  "  For  David  had  offered  a  reward 
on  that  day  to  the  man  who  should  smite  the  Jebusite,  and  reach  the 
water-pipes  of  the  houses,  and  remove  the  blind  and  lame  who  hated 
David's  soul. " 

Wherefore  they  said]  Wherefore  they  are  wont  to  say :  the  regular 
phrase  for  introducing  a  p?-overb.     Cp.  i  Sam.  xix.  24. 

The  blmd,  &c.]  This  is  understood  by  the  Sept.,  which  reads 
"into  the  house  of  the  Lord,"  and  by  the  Vulgate,  which  renders 
"into  the  Temple,"  to  mean  that  the  blind  and  lame  were  excluded 
from  the  Temple-  But  this  does  not  seem  to  have  been  the  case, 
although  they  were  forbidden  to  minister  (Lev.  xxi.  18).  The  explana- 
tion that  it  was  a  proverb  applied  to  obnoxious  persons,  meaning  "We 
will  not  have  disagreeable  persons  in  the  house,"  does  not  take  account 
of  the  origin  of  the  saying.  Probably  it  should  be  rendered  as  a  kind  of 
exclamation:  "Blind  and  lame!  he  cannot  come  into  the  house!" 
i.  e.  the  blind  and  the  lame  are  sufficient  to  defend  the  fortress  :  he  (the 
assailant)  cannot  enter  into  it. 

9.  in  the  fort'\  In  the  strong  hold,  the  same  word  as  in  v.  7,  and 
in  I  Chr.  xi.  5  (E.V.  castle). 

Milld\    The  MiUo.     See  Additional  Note  vi.,  p.  241. 

6—2 


84  II.  SAMUEL,  V.  [vv.  lo,  ir. 

TO  and  inward.     And  David  went  on,  and  grew  great,  and  the 
Lord  God  of  hosts  zvas  with  him. 

1 1 — 1 6.    David^s  Palace  and  Family. 
^^      And  Hiram  king  of  Tyre  sent  messengers  to  David,  and 

and  inward^  Within  or  under  the  protection  of  the  Millo,  which 
was  the  outermost  defence  of  the  city. 

Chron.  adds  "And  Joab  repaired  the  rest  of  the  city." 

10.  A7id  David  tvent  on,  and  grew  great\  =  "  So  David  waxed  greater 
and  greater"  in  Chron.  The  E.  V.  obliterates  the  identity  of  the  He- 
brew.    See  Introd.  p.  22,  note  i. 

the  Lord  God  0/ hosts]     See  Additional  Note  i.  to  i  Samuel,  p.  235. 

11—16.    David's  Palace  and  Family. 
=  1  Chr.  xiv.  I — 7. 

11.  Hiram  king  of  Tyre]  In  i  Kings  v.  10,  18,  the  name  is  spelt 
Hirom,  in  Chron.  Huram. 

Josephus  (against  Apion  i.  1 8)  states,  on  the  authority  of  Menander 
of  Ephesus,  who  wrote  a  history  of  Tyre  based  upon  native  Tyrian 
documents,  that  Hiram,  Solomon's  ally  and  helper  in  building  the 
Temple,  reigned  thirty-four  years.  He  also  states  that  Solomon  began 
the  Temple  in  the  twelfth  year  of  Hiram's  reign.  This  Hiram  there- 
fore reigned  only  eight  years  contemporaneously  with  David,  as  the 
Temple  was  begun  in  the  fourth  year  of  Solomon's  reign. 

But  David's  palace  must  have  been  built  before  the  last  eight  years 
of  his  reign.  From  ch.  vii.  2  we  learn  that  it  was  finished  before  he 
conceived  the  plan  of  building  the  Temple,  at  a  time  when  Solomon 
was  not  yet  born  (ch.  vii.  12:  cp.  i  Chr.  xxii.  9),  and  probably  some 
twenty-five  years  before  the  close  of  his  reign. 

If  the  statements  of  Menander  and  Josephus  are  accurate,  we  must 
suppose  that  the  Hiram  here  mentioned  vi^as  either  the  father  or  the 
grandfather  of  Solomon's  ally.  His  father  is  called  by  Menander  Abi- 
haal,  but  he  may  have  borne  both  names,  or  the  more  familiar  name  of 
his  son  may  have  been  attached  to  him. 

It  is  probable  that  the  historian  to  some  extent  forsakes  chronological 
order,  and  places  the  account  of  David's  palace-building  and  of  his  family 
here  by  anticipation  in  proof  of  the  statement  oiv.  10.  He  must  have 
been  too  fully  occupied  at  the  beginning  of  his  reign  with  the  works 
mentioned  in  v.  9,  and  with  wars  such  as  those  against  the  Philistines 
{vv.  17 — 25),  to  have  had  leisure  for  the  luxury  of  palace-building. 

Tyj'e]  One  of  the  two  great  cities  of  Phoenicia,  celebrated  for  its 
commerce,  its  mechanical  skill,  and  its  wealth.  When  the  Israelites 
entered  Canaan,  it  was  already  noted  for  its  strength  (Josh.  xix.  29). 
Three  causes  co-operated  to  bring  Phoenicia  into  close  and  friendly 
relation  with  Israel,  {a)  The  contiguity  of  the  countries,  and  the 
short  distance  between  their  capitals.  From  Tyre  to  Jerusalem  by  land 
was  scarcely  more  than  100  miles,  so  that  intercourse  was  easy,     {b) 


w.  12— 14.1  TI.  SAMUEL,  V.  85 

cedar  trees,  and  carpenters,  and  masons:  and  they  built 
David  a  house.     And  David  perceived  that  the  Lord  had  12 
established  him  king  over  Israel,  and  that  he  had  exalted 
his  kingdom  for  his  people  Israel's  sake. 

And  David  took  him  mo  concubines  and  wives  out  of  13 
Jerusalem,  after  he  was   come    from    Hebron :    and   there 
were  yet  sons  and  daughters  born  to  David.     And  these  be  14 
the  names  of  those  that  were  born  unto  him  in  Jerusalem ; 

Similarity  of  language.  Phoenician  so  closely  resembles  Hebrew,  that 
it  must  have  been  readily  intelligible  to  the  Israelites,  {c)  Tyre 
depended  upon  Palestine  for  its  supplies  of  wheat  and  oil,  and  in 
return  sent  to  Jerusalem  its  articles  of  commerce,  and  provided  skilled 
workmen  for  tlie  buildings  erected  by  David  and  Solomon. 

cedar  trees\  Felled  no  doubt  in  the  forests  of  Lebanon,  and  brought 
by  sea  to  Joppa.  Cp.  1  Chron.  ii.  16.  The  cedar  was  the  prince  of 
trees  (Ps.  civ.  16),  tlie  emblem  of  strength  and  stature  and  grandeur 
(Ps.  xcii.  12;  Am.  ii.  9;  Ezek.  xxxi.  3).  Its  timber  was  highly  prized 
for  building  on  account  of  its  durability.  Other  species  of  pine  be- 
sides the  well-known  cedar  of  Lebanon  were  probably  included  under 
the  general  term  cedar. 

they  built  David  a  house']  Psalm  xxx.,  which  is  entitled  **A  song 
at  the  Dedication  of  the  House,"  may  possibly  have  been  written  to 
celebrate  the  completion  of  this  palace.  If  so,  David  had  just  reco- 
vered from  a  severe  illness,  concerning  which  the  history  is  silent. 

12.  Atid  David  perceived,  &c.]  The  friendly  co-operation  of  so 
powerful  a  king  as  Hiram,  and  the  success  of  his  enterprises  in  general, 
were  unmistakeable  proofs  of  divine  favour. 

13.  took  him  mo  concubines  and  wives']  In  accordance  with  the 
general  custom  of  Oriental  monarchs.  The  law  of  the  king  in  Deut. 
xvii.  17  imposes  some  limitation  on  the  practice.     See  note  on  ch.  iii.  5. 

Mo  as  the  comparative  of  many  is  an  archaism  which  has  dis- 
appeared from  modern  editions  of  the  Bible.  It  occurs  frequently  in 
Shakespeare,  e.g.  Richard  II.,  A.  ii.  S.  i.  25^9,  "Many  moe  of  noble 
blood." 

14.  A7td  these,  &c.]  The  list  of  David's  sons  is  given  again  in 
I  Chr.  iii.  5 — 8,  as  well  as  in  i  Chr.  xiv.  4 — 7.  The  first  four  were 
sons  of  Bathsheba,  and  as  Solomon  is  always  placed  last  it  is  natural 
to  suppose  that  he  was  the  youngest.  See  note  on  ch.  xii.  24. 
Josephus  distinctly  calls  him  David's  youngest  son  (Ant.  VII.  14, 
2).  In  I  Chr.  iii.  Shammua  is  called  Shimca,  and  Elishua  appears 
as  Elishama,  probably  by  a  scribe's  error.  Both  lists  in  Chron.  insert 
two  more  names,  Eliphalet  or  Elpalet  and  Nogah.  It  is  possible  that 
they  are  omitted  here  because  they  died  in  infancy,  and  that  the  second 
Eliphalet  was  named  after  his  dead  brother.  Bceliada  in  i  Chr.  xiv. 
is  another  form  for  Eliada  compounded  with  ^a^/=lord  instead  of 
>?/=God. 

Nothing  is  known  of  any  of  these  sons  except  Solomon  and  Nathan. 


86  II.  SAMUEL,   V.  [vv.  15—19. 

15  Shammua,  and  Shobab,  and  Nathan,  and  Solomon,  Ibhar 

1 6  also,  and  Elishua,  and  Nepheg,  and  Japhia,  and  Elishama, 
and  Eliada,  and  Eliphalet. 

17 — 25.     Two  victories  over  the  Philisti7ies. 

17  But  when  the  Philistines  heard  that  they  had  anointed 
David  king  over  Israel,  all  the  Philistines  came  up  to  seek 
David ;  and  David  heard  of  it,  and  went  down  to  the  hold. 

18  The  Philistines  also  came  and  spread  themselves   in   the 

19  valley   of  Rephaim.      And  David  inquired  of  the  Lord, 

It  was  through  the  latter  that  Joseph  traced  his  lineal  descent  from 
David,  according  to  the  genealogy  of  our  Lord  given  by  St  Luke 
(iii.  31). 

17—25.      Two  VICTORIES  OVER  THE   PHILISTINES. 
=  I  Chr.  xiv.  8 — 16. 

17.  But  tvJien  the  Philistines  heard\  This  Philistine  invasion  probably 
followed  soon  after  the  capture  of  Jebus.  The  Philistines  were  alarmed 
by  the  union  of  the  Israelites  under  a  king  of  proved  vigour,  who  had 
inaugurated  his  reign  by  a  brilliant  military  achievement.  They  there- 
fore mustered  their  whole  force  (cp.  i  Sam.  xxix.  i),  for  a  strenuous 
effort  to  crush  him. 

came  up\     From  the  plains  of  Philistia  to  the  highlands  of  Judah. 

•went  down  to  the  hold'\  The  word  translated  "hold"  is  the  same  as 
that  translated  "stronghold"  in  v.  7,  and  "fort"  in  v.  9.  But  as 
David  "went  down"  to  it,  and  "went  up"  from  it  into  the  valley  of 
Rephaim  {v.  19),  it  cannot  here  mean  the  citadel  of  Zion.  Most  pro- 
bably David  wished  to  drive  the  Philistines  back,  and  prevent  them 
from  plundering  his  country,  and  marched  down  with  his  forces  to  his 
old  post  at  Adullam.  The  term  "stronghold"  is  used  of  Adullam  in 
ch.  xxiii.  14,  and  the  incident  there  related  may  have  happened  in  this 
war.  It  was  a  strong  position  in  the  valley  of  Elah,  one  of  the  most 
likely  routes  for  an  invading  army  from  Philistia  to  take.  See  notes  on 
1  Sam.  xvii.  r,  xxii.  i.  This  view  agrees  with  the  general  statement  in 
I  Chron.  that  "he  went  out  against  them." 

18.  The  Philistines  also  came']  But  the  Philistines  came.  Taking 
a  different  route,  perhaps  by  the  Wady-es-Surdr  and  Beth-shemesh  (see 
note  on  i  Sam.  vi.  9),  so  as  to  avoid  David  and  his  army,  they  came 
up  and  occupied  "the  valley  of  Rephaim,"  an  open  plain  or  upland 
valley,  stretching  in  a  S.W.  direction  from  the  neighbourhood  of 
Jerusalem  towards  Bethlehem.  Cp.  Josh.  xv.  8,  xviii.  16  (E.  V.  the 
valley  of  the  giajits).  It  was  famous  for  its  fertile  corn-fields  (Is.  xvii. 
5).  The  name  preserves  a  trace  of  the  ancient  gigantic  race  of  the 
Rephaim,  to  which  Og  the  king  of  Bashan  belonged  (Deut.  iii.  11. 
Cp.  Gen.  xiv,  5;  Josh.  xvii.  15). 

19.  inquired  of  the  Lord]  Cp.  i  Sam.  xxiii.  2,  and  note  on 
ch.  ii.  I. 


w.  20—24.]  n.  SAMUEL,  V.  87 

saying,  Shall  I  go  up  to  the  Philistines?  wilt  thou  deliver 
them  into  mine  hand?    And  the  Lord  said  unto  David, 
Go  up :  for  I  will  doubtless  deliver  the  Philistines  into  thine 
hand.     And  David  came  to  Baal-perazim,  and  David  smote  20 
them  there,  and  said,  The  Lord  hath  broken  forth  upon 
mine  enemies  before  me,  as  the  breach  of  waters.     There- 
fore he  called  the  name  of  that  place  Baal-perazim.     And  21 
there  they  left  their  images,  and  David  and  his  men  burnt 
them.     And  the  Philistines  came  up  yet  again,  and  spread  22 
themselves  in  the  valley  of  Rephaim.     And  when  David  23 
inquired  of  the  Lord,  he  said,  Thou  shalt  not  go  up ;  but 
fetch  a  compass  behind  them,  and  come  upon  them  over 
against   the   mulberry  trees.     And   let  it   be,   when   thou  24 


20.  as  the  breach  of  wafers]  Isaiah  calls  the  scene  of  the  battle 
"mount  Perazim"  (xxviii.  21).  David,  we  may  suppose,  occupied 
the  hill,  and  swept  down  from  it  upon  the  Philistines  in  the  plain  below, 
scattering  them  irresistibly  as  a  mountain  torrent  swollen  by  a  sudden 
storm  sweeps  all  before  it  and  bursts  through  every  obstacle  in  its 
way. 

Baal-perazim]  Baal— owner  ox  possessor,  so  that  the  name  signifies 
**  Place  of  breaches." 

21.  their  images]  Cp.  i  Sam.  xxxi.  9  (E.  V.  idols).  They  brought 
them  into  the  field  to  ensure  victory,  as  the  Edomites  appear  to  have 
done  (2  Chr.  xxv.  14),  and  as  the  Israelites  brought  out  the  Ark  (i  Sam. 
iv.  3)- 

burnt  them]  Render,  took  them  away,  as  spoil,  perhaps  to  display 
in  his  triumphal  procession.  According  to  i  Chr.  xiv.  12  he  afterwards 
burnt  them,  in  compliance  with  the  law  of  Deut.  vii.  5,  25.  The 
E.  V.  here  "burned  them"  is  a  gloss,  adopted  from  the  Targum 
and  the  passage  in  i  Chr.  Thus  the  old  disgrace  of  the  capture  of 
the  Ark  by  the  Philistines  was  avenged. 

23.  Thou  shalt  not  go  up]  The  addition  of  the  Sept.  "to  meet 
them  "  is  needed  to  complete  the  sense.  This  answer  implies  the  same 
question  as  in  v.  19. 

fetch  a  compass  behind  them]  Go  round  to  their  rear.  "Com- 
pass" in  old  English  means  "circuit;"  and  **to  fetch  a  compass" 
means  "to  make  a  circuit  or  detour,"  "to  go  round." 

In  Chron.  the  same  manoeuvre  is  described  in  different  words:  "Go 
not  after  them  :  turn  away  from  them  and  come  upon  them,"  &c. 

mulberry  trees]  So  the  Jewish  commentators  explain  the  word  bAcA 
which  is  found  only  here  and  in  the  parallel  passage  of  Chronicles. 
Probably  however  a  tree  called  bdcd  by  the  Arabs,  resembling  the 
balsam  shrub,  is  meant.  The  name  is  derived  from  bdcdh,  "  to  weep," 
from  the  tear-like  sap  which  exudes  when  a  leaf  is  torn  off.  "The 
valley  of  Baca"  (Ps.  Ixxxiv.  6)  may  have  been  named  from  these  trees, 


11.  SAMUEL,  V.  [v.  25. 


hearest  the  sound  of  a  going  in  the  tops  of  the  mulberry- 
trees,  that  then  thou  shalt  bestir  thyself :  for  then  shall  the 
Lord  go  out  before  thee,  to  smite  the  host  of  the  Philis- 
25  tines.  And  David  did  so,  as  the  Lord  had  commanded 
him ;  and  smote  the  Philistines  from  Geba  until  thou  come 
to  Gazer. 


and  the  Psalmist  refers  ta  it  with  a  play  upon  its  etymological  sig- 
nificance, "valley  of  weeping." 

24.  the  sound  of  a  goingi  The  sound  of  marcMng".  The  cognate 
verb  is  used  of  Jehovah  "marching"  (so  to  speak)  before  His  people 
in  Jud.  V.  4;  Ps.  Ixviii.  7;  Hab.  iii.  12.  A  rustling  in  the  tops  of  the 
trees  like  the  marching  of  an  army  was  to  be  the  signal  that  Jehovah 
Himself  would  lead  David's  army  to  victory.     Cp.  1  Kings  vii.  6. 

bestir  thyself  ^     In  Chron.  less  forcibly  "go  out  to  battle." 
then  shall  the  Lord  go  out  before  thec\    The  use  of  the  perfect  tense 
in  the   original   gives   an   emphasis   to   the   assurance.     *'  Then  hatli 
Jehovah  gone  forth  before  thee."    The   E.  V.  renders  it  rightly  in 
Chron. 

25.  from  Gebd]  The  Sept.  and  Chron.,  as  well  as  Is.  xxviii.  21, 
which  almost  certainly  refers  to  this  miraculous  defeat  of  the  Philistines, 
all  read  Gibeon.  This  seems  to  be  the  true  reading.  Geba  (see  note 
on  I  Sam.  x.  5)  was  too  far  to  the  east:  Gibeon  (see  note  on  ch.  ii.  12) 
was  on  the  natural  line  of  retreat  northwards  from  the  valley  of 
Rephaim  to  Gezer. 

Gazer']  Rather,  Gezer,  a  royal  city  of  the  Canaanites  (Josh.  xii.  12),  be- 
longing to  the  tribe  of  Ephraim,  and  assigned  to  the  Kohathite  Levites 
(Josh,  xxi.  21).  Its  Canaanite  inhabitants  retained  possession  of  it 
until  the  time  of  Solomon,  when  Pharaoh  took  it  and  presented  it  to 
his  daughter,  Solomon's  queen  (i  Kings  ix.  16).  It  lay  between  the 
lower  Beth-horon  and  the  sea  (Josh.  xvi.  3),  and  the  name  appears 
to  survive  in  Tell  Jezar,  a  hill  about  10  miles  W.S.W.  of  Beth-horon, 
and  six  miles  E.  of  Akir  (Ekron).  M.  Clermont  Ganneau  found  there 
two  inscriptions  in  Hebrew  character,  which  he  reads  "Boundary  of 
Gezer."  Conder's  Tent  Work,  i.  13.  The  Philistines  were  thus  driven 
right  back  into  their  own  lowland  plain. 

The  Chronicler  concludes  the  account  of  these  victories  with  the 
words:  "And  the  fame  of  David  went  out  into  all  lands;  and  the 
Lord  brought  the  fear  of  him  upon  all  nations." 

Chap.  VI.  1—23.     The  Translation  of  the  Ark  to  Mount 

ZiON. 
=  1  Chr.  xiii.,  xv.,  xvi. 

This  chapter  records  an  important  episode  in  David's  reign.  After 
restoring  the  political  unity  of  the  nation,  and  consolidating  it  by  the 
establishment  of  his  new  capital,  his  next  care  was  to  make  that  capital 
the  centre  of  the  national  worship.     With  this  object  he  prepared  to 


vv.  I,  2.]  II.  SAMUEL,  VI.  89 

Ch.  VI.  I — 23.     The  Translation  of  the  Ark  to  Mount  Zion. 

I — II.    Removal  of  the  A rk  frofn  Kirjath-jearim.      Uzzah 

s?nittenfor  his  irreverence. 

Again,  David  gathered  together  all  the  chosen  men  of  6 
Israel,  thirty  thousand.  And  David  arose,  and  went  with  2 
all  the  people  that  were  with  him  from  Baale  of  Judah,  to 


convey  thither  the  Ark,  which  had  been  left  neglected  at  Kirjath-jearim 
since  its  return  from  Philistia  (i  Chr.  xiii.  3).  But  why  did  he  not 
also  bring  the  Tabernacle  into  Jerusalem,  and  place  the  Ark  in  it? 
The  reason  is  perhaps  to  be  found  in  the  double  high-priesthood  which 
had  arisen  during  the  latter  years  of  Saul's  reign.  Abiathar  officiated 
in  David's  camp :  Zadok,  it  would  seem,  ministered  at  Gibeon,  whither 
the  Tabernacle  was  removed  in  all  probability  after  Saul's  massacre  of 
the  priests  at  Nob.  For  the  present  David  may  have  found  it  wisest  to 
recognise  the  two  priests  as  of  equal  authority,  and  to  acquiesce  in  the 
separation  of  the  Tabernacle  and  the  Ark,  allowing  Zadok  to  continue 
the  sacrificial  service  at  Gibeon  (i  Chr.  xvi,  40),  while  he  established 
another  service  in  Jerusalem  before  the  Ark  (i  Chr.  xvi.  37). 

vv.  I — 19  are  the  Haphtarah  or  lesson  from  the  prophets  appointed 
to  be  read  in  the  synagogue  in  connexion  with  Lev.  ix.  i— xi.  47.  The 
judgment  upon  Uzzah  repeats  the  warning  of  the  judgment  upon  Nadab 
and  Abihu. 

Psalms  ci.,  xv.,  Ixviii.,  xxiv.,  cxxxii.,  should  be  studied  as  illus- 
trating and  supplementing  the  history.     See  Introd.  Ch.  viii.  p.  46. 

1 — 11.    Removal  of  the  Ark  from  Kirjath-jearim.     Uzzah 
smitten  for  his  irreverence. 

1.  Again,  David  gathered  togelhef']  And  David  g-atliered  together 
again.  "Again"  refers  either  to  the  assembly  convened  for  David's 
coronation  (ch.  v.  i — 3),  or  to  the  muster  for  the  Philistine  war  recorded 
in  the  verses  immediately  preceding  (ch.  v.  17—25). 

A  more  elaborate  account  of  David's  preparations  for  this  ceremony 
is  given  in  r  Chr.  xiii.  i — 5.  We  are  there  told  how  David  consulted 
with  the  representatives  of  the  people,  and  gathered  a  general  assembly 
of  the  whole  nation.  This  important  step  towards  the  re-establishment 
of  religious  worship  must  be  a  national  act.  The  Chronicler's  object 
in  writing  leads  him  to  give  special  attention  to  details  of  religious 
organization,  where  the  writer  of  Samuel  is  content  to  condense  his 
account  into  a  single  sentence.     See  Introd.  Ch.  iii.  p.  22. 

thirty  thousand]  The  smallness  of  the  number  may  be  explained  if 
we  suppose  it  to  refer  only  to  the  "  captains  of  thousands  and  hundreds 
and  every  leader"  mentioned  in  i  Chr.  xiii.  i.  A  general  assembly  of 
the  people  would  have  been  much  more  numerous. 

2.  from  Baale  of  yudah]  Baale  of  Judah  is  generally  supposed  to  be 
another  name  for  Kirjathfearirn,  which  is  called  Baalah  in  Josh.  xv.  9 ; 


go  II.  SAMUEL,  VI.  [v.  3. 

bring  up  from  thence  the  ark  of  God,  whose  name  is  called 

dy  the  name  of  the  Lord  of  hosts  that  dwelleth  betweeji  the 

3  cherubims.     And  they  set  the  ark  of  God  upon  a  new  cart, 

and  brought  it  out  of  the  house  of  Abinadab  that  was  in 


I  Chr.  xiii.  6,  and  Kirjath-Baal  in  Josh.  xv.  60.  Here  the  Ark  had 
remained  since  its  return  from  the  country  of  the  Philistines  (i  Sam.  vii. 
I,  2).  If  the  preposition  "/;w«"  is  correct,  we  must  assume  that  the 
narrator  passes  over  the  journey  to  Kirjath-jearim,  and  speaks  of  the 
return  only :  but  this  seems  improbable,  and  most  commentators  emend 
the  text  in  accordance  with  i  Chr.  xiii.  6,  and  read  *'to." 

The  ancient  versions  however  do  not  take  the  words  as  a  proper 
name,  but  render  them  ^^  of  the  rulers"  or  ^^  of  the  men,  ofjudah,"  the 
word  being  the  same  as  that  translated  ^*men"  in  ch.  xxi.  12.  If  this 
is  right,  the  name  of  the  place  has  dropped  out  from  the  text  and  must 
be  restored,  so  that  the  verse  would  read,  "And  David  and  all  the 
people  that  were  with  him  of  the  rulers  of  Judah  arose  and  went  to 
Baalah  to  bring  up,  &c."  This  appears  to  have  been  the  reading  found 
by  the  LXX.,  though  partly  misunderstood  by  them,  and  has  strong 
claims  to  be  considered  as  the  true  text. 

The  usual  identification  of  Kirjath-jearim  with  Kuryet-el-enah  (see 
note  on  i  Sam.  vi.  21)  has  lately  been  called  in  question  by  Lieut. 
Conder,  who  proposes  to  place  it  at  ^Ernia,  four  miles  E.  of  Ain 
Shems  (Beth-shemesh),  on  the  edge  of  the  Wady-es-Surar  or  Valley  of 
Sorek.  The  name  ^ Erma  corresponds  to  the  form  Aj'ifji,  which  took 
the  place  of  the  original  Jearim  in  later  times  (Ezra  ii.  25) ;  the  dense 
brushwood  still  clothing  the  hills  agrees  with  the  meaning  of  the 
name  "city  of  forests;"  and  the  position  suits  the  data  much  better 
than  the  Kuryet-el-ettab  site.  See  Pal.  Expl.  Fund  Quart.  Paper  for 
Oct.  1881,  p.  261. 

ivhose  name,  &c.]  Better,  wMch  is  called  by  the  Name,  the  name 
of  Jehovah  of  Hosts,  who  sitteth  enthroned  upon  the  cherubim. 
Cp.  Deut.  xxviii.  10  ;  i  Kings  viii.  43.  "  The  Name  "  is  first  written 
absolutely,  as  at  the  end  of  Lev.  xxiv.  16,  and  then  more  fully  defined 
as  "the  name  of  Jehovah  of  Hosts."  In  later  Jewish  writings  "the 
Name  "  is  commonly  used  to  signify  God,  and  especially  as  an  equiva- 
lent for  the  sacred  name  Jehovah  which  might  not  be  pronounced. 

The  Ark  is  specially  said  to  be  "called  by  the  name  of  Jehovah  of 
Hosts,"  because  it  was  the  symbol  of  the  covenant  between  Jehovah 
and  Israel,  and  because  it  was  the  place  where  He  chiefly  chose  to 
manifest  Himself  by  visible  tokens  to  His  people.  Cp.  notes  on 
I  Sam.  iv.  4,  21  ;  and  for  the  meaning  of  the  title  "Jehovah  of  Hosts" 
see  Additional  Note  i.  to  i  Sam.  p.  235. 

3.     set  the  ark]     Lit.  made  the  ark  to  ride. 

upon  a  new  cart]  Not  desecrated  by  common  uses.  Cp.  i  Sam. 
vi.  7.  This  was  however  a  breach  of  the  Levitical  law,  which  pre- 
scribed that  the  Ark  should  be  borne  upon  the  shoulders  of  the  Levites 
(Num.  iii.  29—31,  vii.  9). 


vv.  4— 6.]  II.  SAMUEL,  VI.  91 

Gibeah :  and  Uzzah  and  Ahio,  the  sons  of  Abinadab,  drave 
the  new  cart.  And  they  brought  it  out  of  the  house  of  4 
Abinadab  which  was  at  Gibeah,  accompanying  the  ark  of 
God :  and  Ahio  went  before  the  ark.  And  David  and  all  s 
the  house  of  Israel  played  before  the  Lord  on  all  manner 
of  instriivienis  made  o/fir  wood,  even  on  harps,  and  on  psal- 
teries, and  on  timbrels,  and  on  cornets,  and  on  cymbals. 


in  GibeaJi]  Rather,  on  the  hill,  as  the  same  word  is  correctly  trans- 
lated in  I  Sam.  vii.  i.  Some  eminence  in  or  near  Kirjath-jearim  is 
meant. 

Uzzah  and  Ahio,  the  sons  of  Abinadab]  The  Ark  had  been  in  the 
house  of  Abinadab  for  seventy  or  eighty  years — twenty  during  the 
Philistine  oppression,  forty  or  fifty  under  Samuel  and  Saul,  and  perhaps 
ten  of  David's  reign.  See  the  Chronological  Table  in  the  Introd.  to 
I  Sam.  p.  24. 

As  Eleazar  the  son  of  Abinadab  was  old  enough  to  be  entrusted  with 
the  charge  of  the  Ark  when  it  was  placed  in  his  father's  house,  we 
must  clearly  understand  "sons"  here  in  the  wider  sense  of  "descend- 
ants," grandsons  or  great-grandsons.     Cp.  ch.  ix.  9. 

3,  4.  The  text  of  these  verses  is  corrupt.  Some  words  have  been 
accidentally  repeated  by  a  scribe  in  copying  the  Hebrew,  and  should 
be  struck  out,  on  the  authority  of  the  LXX.,  and  the  end  oi  v.  3  and 
V.  4  read  thus:  "Now  Uzzah  and  Ahio  the  sons  of  Abinadab  were 
driving  the  cart  with  the  Ark  of  God,  and  Ahio  was  going  before  the 
Ark."  V.  4  is  omitted  altogether  in  i  Chr.  It  is  doubtful  moreover 
whether  Ahio  is  a  proper  name  at  all.  The  same  consonants  with 
different  vowels  would  mean  his  brethren,  as  the  Sept.  renders  the  word 
here,  or  his  brother,  as  the  Vulg.  renders  it  in  i  Chr.  xiii.  7. 

6.  played]  The  word  denotes  a  dance  accompanied  by  music,  such 
as  frequently  formed  part  of  a  religious  festival.     Cp.  i  Sam.  xviii.  7. 

on  all  manner  ^instruments  made  oi  fir  wood]  The  expression  is  a 
strange  one,  and  the  text  seems  to  be  corrupt.  Probably  we  should  adopt 
the  reading  of  the  parallel  passage  in  i  Chron.,  with  all  their  might 
and  with  songs.  The  Hebrew  words  are  very  similar,  and  the  Sept. 
text  here,  though  interpolated  in  its  present  form,  supports  the  change. 

even  on  harps,  &c.]  The  harp  (Heb.  kinnor)  and  psaltery  (Heb. 
nebel)  were  stringed  instruments,  the  exact  form  of  which  is  unknown ; 
the  timbrel,  also  called  the  tabret,  (Heb.  toph)  was  a  tambourine  or 
hand  drum.  The  etymology  of  the  word  translated  cornet,  which 
occurs  here  only,  shews  that  it  denotes  some  kind  of  instrument  which 
was  played  by  being  shaken,  perhaps  similar  to  the  sistrum  of  the 
Egyptians,  which  consisted  of  rings  hung  loosely  on  iron  rods,  so  as  to 
make  a  tinkling  sound  when  shaken.  See  the  engravings  in  Wilkinson's 
Ancient  Egyptians,  Vol.  I.  p.  497  ff.  Chron.  reads  "trumpets"  which 
probably  suggested  the  misrendering  of  the  E.V.  Cymbals  were  plates 
of  metal,  held  in  each  hand,  and  played  by  being  clashed  together. 


93  II.  SAMUEL,  VI.  [vv.  6—8. 

6  And  when  they  came   to    Nachon's   threshingfloor,  Uzzah 
put  forth  his  hand  to  the  ark  of  God,  and  took  hold  of  it ; 

7  for  the  oxen  shook  it.     And  the  anger  of  the  Lord  was 
kindled  against  Uzzah ;  and  God  smote  him  there  for  his 

8  error ;  and  there  he  died  by  the  ark  of  God.     And  David 

6.  Nachon's  threshmgfloor'\  There  is  nothing  to  shew  where  this 
place  was.  It  is  called  in  i  Chr.  xiii.  9,  the  threshingfloor  of  Chidon. 
It  may  have  been  known  by  both  names,  but  more  probably  one  of  the 
two  forms  is  due  to  corruption  of  the  text. 

for  the  oxen  shook  it\  This  is  the  most  probable  explanation  of  an 
obscure  word.  The  Ark  seemed  to  be  on  the  point  of  falling  from  the 
cart,  owing  to  some  sudden  start  or  stumble  of  the  oxen,  or  the  rough- 
ness of  the  road. 

7.  for  his  e7'ror'\  The  Hebrew  word  occurs  nowhere  else,  but  if  genuine, 
may  best  be  rendered  thus,  or  as  in  the  margin,  for  his  rashness.  The 
reading  of  Chronicles,  "because  he  put  his  hand  to  the  ark,"  sounds 
like  a  substitution  for  an  expression,  which  had  already  become  obscure. 

God  smote  him  therefor  his  e7'roi''\  As  before  at  Beth-shemesh  (i  Sam. 
vi.  19),  an  act  of  irreverence  towards  the  Ark  was  punished  with  death. 
Such  a  penalty  for  a  well-meant  and  natural  action  seems  to  us  at  ftrst 
sight  strangely  severe.  But  it  must  be  remembered  that  one  of  the 
great  lessons  which  the  nation  of  Israel  had  to  learn  was  the  unap- 
proachable Majesty  of  the  holy  God.  The  Ark  was  the  symbol  of  His 
presence,  and  the  Levitical  ordinances  were  designed  to  secure  the 
strictest  reverence  for  it.  It  was  to  be  carried  by  the  Levites,  but  they 
might  not  come  near  until  it  had,  been  covered  by  the  priests,  nor  touch 
it  except  by  the  staves  provided,  for  the  purpose,  upon  pain  of  death 
(Num.  iv.  5,  15,  19,  20).  It  is  probable  that  Uzzah  was  a  Levite,  and 
if  so,  he  ought  to  have  known  these  injunctions  :  but  in  any  case,  as 
the  Ark  had  been  under  his  charge,  he  ought  to  have  made  himself 
acquainted  with  them.  Perhaps  he  had  come  to  regard  the  sacred 
symbol  which  had  been  in  his  house  so  long  with  undue  familiarity. 
Nor  was  David  free  from  blame  in  allowing  such  a  neglect  of  the  Law. 
The  occasion  was  an  important  one.  It  was  the  first  step  in  the  in- 
auguration of  a  new  era  of  worship,  in  the  newly  established  capital 
of  the  kingdom ;  and  if  these  breaches  of  the  divine  ordinances  had 
been  left  unpunished,  the  lessons  they  were  intended  to  teach  might 
have  been  neglected.  Uzzah's  death  was  necessary  for  a  solemn  warn- 
ing to  David  and  the  people.  "By  this  severe  stroke  upon  the  first 
violation  of  the  law,  God  impressed  a  dread  upon  the  hearts  of  men, 
and  gave  a  sanction  to  His  commands  that  no  man  should  attempt 
tipon  atiy  preterice  whatever,  to  act  in  defiance  of  his  Law,  or  boldly  to 
dispense  with  what  God  has  established."  (Bp.  Sanderson,  quoted  by 
Bp.  Wordsworth.) 

If  such  reverence  was  due  to  the  symbol,  wdth  how  much  greater 
reverence  should  the  realities  of  the  Christian  Covenant  be  regarded  ? 
See  Heb.  x.  28,  29. 


w.  9—12.]  II.  SAMUEL,  VI.  93 

was  displeased,  because  the  Lord  had  made  a  breach  upon 
Uzzah  :  and  he  called  the  name  of  the  place  Perez-uzzah  to 
this  day.     And  David  was  afraid  of  the  Lord  that  day,  and  9 
said,  How  shall  the  ark  of  the  Lord  come  to  me?     So  10 
David  would  not  remove  the  ark  of  the  Lord  unto  him  into 
the  city  of  David  :  but  David  carried  it  aside  into  the  house 
of  Obed-edom    the   Gittite.     And    the   ark  of  the   Lord  h 
continued   in   the   house  of  Obed-edom  the   Gittite  three 
months:   and   the  Lord  blessed  Obed-edom,  and  all  his 
household. 

12 — 19.    Re7noval  of  the  Ark  from  the  house  of  Obed-edom 
to  Jerusalein. 

And   it   was   told   king  David,  saying.  The  Lord  hath  11 
blessed  the  house  of  Obed-edom,  and  all  that  pertaineth 
unto  him,  because  of  the  ark  of  God.     So  David  went  and 

8.  was  displeased]  The  same  word  is  used  in  i  Sam.  xv.  11  (E.V. 
//  grieved  Sa7?iuel)  to  denote  vexation  akin  to  anger. 

made  a  breach]  Broke  forth  upon  Uzzah:  the  same  verb  as  in  ch. 
V.  20 :  used  in  a  precisely  similar  sense  of  a  sudden  divine  judgment  in 
Ex.  xix.  22,  24. 

10.  Obed-edom  the  Gittite]  Obed-edom  was  a  Levite  belonging  to 
the  family  of  the  Korahites,  who  were  descended  from  Kohath  (i  Chron. 
xxvi.  I,  4 — 8;  Num.  xvi.  i).  He  is  called  a  Gittite  probably  because 
he  was  a  native  of  the  Levitical  city  of  Gath-rimmon,  in  Dan  or 
Manasseh,  which  was  assigned  to  the  Kohathites  (Josh.  xxi.  24,  25). 
Thus  there  was  an  appropriateness  in  his  being  chosen  to  take  charge  of 
the  Ark,  since  he  belonged  to  the  family  which  was  originally  appointed 
to  carry  it  from  place  to  place  (Num.  iv.  15).  The  site  of  Gath-rimmon 
is  not  determined,  but  it  seems  to  have  been  further  from  Jerusalem 
than  Kirjath-jearim,  and  this  appears  to  indicate  either  that  Obed-edom 
had  removed  from  his  native  place  and  was  living  near  Jerusalem,  or 
that  "Perez-uzzah"  was  not  far  from  Kirjath-jearim,  and  that  the 
special  fitness  of  Obed-edom  to  take  charge  of  the  Ark  induced  David 
to  take  it  to  his  house,  though  at  a  greater  distance  from  Jerusalem. 

The  name  Obed-edom  {-^servant  of  Edom)  is  peculiar.  It  may 
possibly  refer  to  the  servitude  of  some  member  of  the  family  to  the 
Edomites. 

12—19.  Removal  of  the  Ark  from  the  house  of  Obed- 
edom  TO  Jerusalem. 

12.  So  David  went]  Some  Latin  and  a  few  Greek  MSS.  soften  the 
abruptness  of  the  text  by  inserting  before  this  sentence  the  words, 
"And  David  said,  I  will  go  and  bring  back  the  Ark  with  blessing  unto 
my  house;"  but  they  are  in  all  probability  only  a  gloss. 


94  n.  SAMUEL,  VI.  [vv.  13—17. 

brought  up  the  ark  of  God  from  the  house  of  Obed-edom 

13  mto  the  city  of  David  with  gladness.  And  it  was  so,  that 
when  they  that  bare  the  ark  of  the  Lord  had  gone  six  paces, 

14  he  sacrificed  oxen  and  fatUngs.  And  David  danced  before 
the  Lord  with  all  his  might ;  and  David  was  girded  with  a 

15  linen  ephod.  So  David  and  all  the  house  of  Israel  brought 
up  the  ark  of  the  Lord  with  shouting,  and  with  the  sound 

16  of  the  trumpet.  And  as  the  ark  of  the  Lord  came  into  the 
city  of  David,  Michal  Saul's  daughter  looked  through  a 
window,  and  saw  king  David  leaping  and  dancing  before 

17  the  Lord  ;  and  she  despised  him  in  her  heart.  And  they 
brought  in  the  ark  of  the  Lord,  and  set  it  in  his  place,  in 
the  midst  of  the  tabernacle  that  David  had  pitched  for  it : 

•with  gladness]  i.  e.  festal  rejoicings ;  jubilant  shouts  and  songs. 

13.  they  that  bare  the  ark  of  the  Lord]  The  requirements  of  the  law 
were  now  duly  observed,  as  is  recorded  at  length  in  i  Chr.  xv.,  where 
further  details  are  given  about  the  preparation  of  a  tent  to  receive  the 
Ark,  the  number  of  Levites  who  took  part  in  the  ceremony,  and  the 
arrangements  for  the  music  which  accompanied  the  procession. 

had  gone  six  paces']  As  soon  as  the  procession  had  started  on  its  way, 
without  any  sign  of  the  divine  displeasure,  David  offered  a  sacrifice  as  a 
thank-offering  for  the  prosperous  commencement,  and  an  intercession 
for  the  successful  completion,  of  his  undertaking.  Cp.  i  Chr.  xv.  26, 
"And  it  came  to  pass,  when  God  helped  the  Levites  that  bare  the  Ark 
of  the  covenant  of  the  Lord,  that  they  offered  seven  bullocks  and  seven 
rams." 

14.  David  danced]  The  dances  which  were  the  usual  expression  of 
rejoicing  on  occasions  of  national  thanksgiving  (Ex.  xv.  20,  21  ;  Jud.  xi. 
34)  and  religious  festivals  (Ps.  cxlix.  3,  cl.  4)  were  generally  performed 
by  women  only.  David's  enthusiasm  did  not  fear  to  transgress  the 
limits  of  conventional  propriety. 

before  the  Lord]    For  the  Ark  was  the  symbol  of  Jehovah's  presence. 

a  linen  ephod]  David  laid  aside  his  royal  robes  and  appeared  in  the 
distinctive  dress  of  a  priest.  As  the  head  and  representative  of  "a 
kingdom  of  priests"  (Ex.  xix.  6),  the  king  possessed  a  priestly  character; 
and  David  on  this  occasion  exercised  priestly  functions  in  directing  the 
sacrifices,  even  if  he  did  not  offer  them  himself  {vv.  17,  18),  and  in 
blessing  the  people  [v.  18).    See  Introd.  ch.  vii.  p.  43. 

16.  leaping  and  dancing]  Two  peculiar  words,  the  first  found  here 
only,  the  second  only  here  and  in  v.  14,  are  used  to  denote  the  special 
modes  of  dancing  anciently  employed  in  religious  solemnities.  In 
I  Chron.  xv.  29  two  verbs  in  ordinary  use  have  been  substituted, 
shewing  that  these  distinctive  terms  had  become  obsolete. 

she  despised  him]  The  proud  daughter  of  the  house  of  Saul  was 
incapable  of  appreciating  the  honour  of  humility. 


vv.  18—20.]  II.  SAMUEL,  VI.  95 

and  David  oifered  burnt  offerings  and  peace  offerings  before 
the  Lord.  And  as  soon  as  David  had  made  an  end  of  ^s 
offering  burnt  offerings  and  peace  offerings,  he  blessed  the 
people  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  of  hosts.  And  he  dealt  19 
among  all  the  people,  even  among  the  whole  multitude  of 
Israel,  as  well  to  the  women  as  men,  to  every  one  a  cake  of 
bread,  and  a  good  piece  of  fleshy  and  a  flagon  of  wine.  So 
all  the  people  departed  every  one  to  his  house. 

20 — 23.    MicJiaVs  contemptuous  pride  rebuked  by  David. 

Then  David  returned  to  bless  his  household.    And  Michal  20 
the  daughter  of  Saul  came  out  to  meet  David,  and  said,  How 


17.  the  tabernacle\  Rather,  the  tent,  as  in  i  Chr.  xv.  i.  The 
tabernacle  proper  was  at  Gibeon  (i  Chr.  xvi.  39). 

18.  burnt  offerings  and  peace  offerings]  The  ''burnt  offerings"  were 
dedicatory,  the  "peace  offerings"  eucharistic.  The  latter  furnished  the 
festival  meal  for  the  assembled  people  (Lev.  vii.  15).  Compare  Solo- 
mon's sacrifices  at  the  dedication  of  the  Temple  (i  Kings  viii.  62 — 65). 

he  blessed  the  people  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  of  hosts']  As  Solomon 
did  (i  Kings  viii.  14,  55).  "The  name  of  the  Lord  "signifies  "Jehovah 
as  He  has  revealed  Himself  to  men,"  and  *'to  bless  in  the  name  of  the 
Lord"  signifies  'to  invoke  from  Jehovah  such  blessings  as  He  coven- 
ants to  give  in  accordance  with  His  revelation  of  Himself.'  Cp.  Ps. 
cxxix.  8. 

19.  dealt]  In  the  old  sense  of  divided  or  distributed,  from  A.  S.  dcelan^ 
to  distribute,  from  which  comes  dole,  a  portion  dealt  out.  Cp.  Is.  Iviii. 
7;  Rom,  xii.  3. 

a  cake  of  bread]  The  Heb.  word  for  cake  occurs  elsewhere  only  in 
the  Pentateuch,  and  is  always  applied  to  cakes  prepared  for  sacrificial 
purposes. 

a  good  piece  of  flesh]  The  word  is  only  found  elsewhere  in  the  parallel 
passage  of  i  Chr.,  and  is  of  uncertain  meaning.  The  most  probable 
conjectures  are  (i)  a  piece  of  roast  meat  (Vulg.) ;  (2)  a  portion  of  flesh; 
(3)  a  measure  of  wine. 

a  flagon  of  wine]    More  probably,  a  cake  of  raisins. 

20 — 23.      MiCHAL'S  CONTEMPTUOUS   PRIDE   REBUKED   BY  DAVID. 

20.  And  Michal,  &c.]  The  account  of  David's  meeting  with  Michal 
is  omitted  in  i  Chr. 

Hoiv  glorious,  &c.]  Better,  How  honourable  did  the  king-  of  Israel 
make  himself  to-day.  The  E.  V.  weakens  the  point  of  David's  answer 
in  V.  11  by  translating  the  same  Hebrew  word  differently  in  the  two 
verses. 


95  11.  SAMUEL,  VI.  [vv.  21—23. 

glorious  was  the  king  of  Israel  to  day,  who  uncovered  him- 
self to  day  in  the  eyes  of  the  handmaids  of  his  servants,  as 
one  of  the  vain  fellows  shamelessly  uncovereth  himself! 

21  And  David  said  unto  Michal,  //  was  before  the  Lord, 
which  chose  me  before  thy  father,  and  before  all  his  house, 
to   appoint   me  ruler  over  the  people  of  the  Lord,  over 

22  Israel :  therefore  will  I  play  before  the  Lord.  And  I  will 
yet  be  more  vile  than  thus,  and  will  be  base  in  mine  own 
sight :  and  of  the  maidservants  which  thou  hast  spoken  of, 

23  of  them  shall  I  be  had  in  honour.  Therefore  Michal  the 
daughter  of  Saul  had  no  child  unto  the  day  of  her  death. 

who  uncovered  himself,  &c.]  Stripped  off  his  royal  robe,  and  appeared 
in  a  plain  ephod,  as  a  worthless  buffoon  strips  off  his  outer  garment  to 
play  immodest  antics. 

vain'\  = '  empty, '  ' worthless.' 

21.  It  was  before  the  Lord]  Before  tlie  LORD,  who  chose  me  rather 
than  thy  father,  &c....yea  I  will  play  before  the  LORD.  "Before  the 
Lord"  stands  emphatically  at  the  beginning' of  David's  answer.  No 
service  offered  to  the  God  to  whom  he  owed  all  his  advancement  could 
be  degi-ading.  Thus  he  defends  his  own  conduct,  and  at  the  same 
time  he  humbles  Michal's  pride  by  alluding  to  Saul's  rejection. 

The  Sept.  (B)  reads,  "Before  the  Lord  will  I  dance:  blessed  be  the 
Lord  who  chose,  &c." 

It  is  related  of  Sir  Thomas  More  that  he  used,  even  when  Lord 
Chancellor,  to  put  on  a  surplice  and  sing  in  his  parish  church  at  Chelsea. 
The  Duke  of  Norfolk  one  day  found  him  doing  so,  and  expostulated  with 
him:  "A  parish  clarke,  lord  chancellour,  a  parish  clarke!  you  dis- 
honour the  King  and  his  office."  "Nay,"  quoth  Sir  Thomas,  smiling 
upon  the  duke,  "your  grace  may  not  thinke  that  the  King,  your  maister 
and  myne,  will  be  offended  with  men  for  serving  of  God  his  Maister ; 
or  by  this  my  present  behaviour  account  his  office  dishonoured."  Words- 
worth's Eccles.  Biogr.  II,  p.  68. 

ruler'\     See  note  on  "captain"  in  ch.  v.  2. 

22.  And  I  will  yet,  &c.]  And  I  will  make  myself  yet  more  con- 
temptible than  this,  and  will  be  himible  in  mine  own  eyes.  Michal 
had  taunted  David  with  degrading  himself  in  the  eyes  of  the  meanest 
servants.  He  replies  that  even  if  he  humbled  himself  yet  more  deeply, 
instead  of  priding  himself  on  his  royal  dignity,  they  would  continue  to 
honour  him. 

23.  Therefore  Michal'\  Simply,  And  Michal.  She  was  condemned 
to  the  reproach  of  childlessness,  the  sharpest  privation  to  an  Oriental 
woman.     Cp.  Gen.  xxx.  i;  i  Sam.  i.  5. 


w.  1—3.]  II.  SAMUEL,  VII.  97 

Ch.  VII.  I — 29.     The  Promise  of  Perpetual  Dominion  to  the 
house  of  David. 

I — 3.    David^s  desire  to  build  a  house  for  the  Lord. 

And  it  came  to  pass,  when  the  king  sat  in  his  house,  and  7 
the   Lord  had  given  him  rest  round   about  from  all  his 
enemies ;  that  the  king  said  unto  Nathan  the  prophet,  See  2 
now,   I  dwell  in  a  house  of  cedar,   but  the  ark  of  God 
dwelleth   within  curtains.      And  Nathan  said  to  the  king,  3 
Go,  do  all  that  is  in  thine  heart ;  for  the  Lord  is  with  thee. 

Ch.  VII.    1 — 29.     The  Promise  of  Perpetual  Dominion  to 

THE  HOUSE   OF   DaVID. 

=  1  Chr.  xvii.     Cp.  Ps.  Ixxxix.  19 — 37. 
1—3.    David's  desire  to  build  a  house  for  the  Lord. 

1.  when  the  king  sat  in  his  honse]  When  the  king  dwelt  in  his 
house,  which  he  had  built  in  the  "city  of  David"  (ch.  v.  9,  11 ;  i  Chr. 
xiv.  i).  At  what  period  of  his  reign  David  formed  this  resolution  to 
build  a  temple  cannot  be  exactly  determined.  On  the  one  hand  the 
emphatic  words  "when  the  Lord  had  given  him  rest  round  about  from 
all  his  enemies  "  (cp.  v.  9)  seem  to  point  to  a  time  after  some  at  least  of 
the  wars  recorded  in  ch.  viii.  On  the  other  hand  it  was  before  the 
birth  of  Solomon  (v.  12),  and  so  cannot  be  placed  in  the  latter  years  of 
his  reign.  The  arrangement  of  the  book  is  not  strictly  chronological, 
and  this  narrative  fmds  a  most  suitable  place  here  from  its  close  con- 
nexion with  the  subject  of  the  preceding  chapter. 

2.  Nathan  the  prophefX  The  first  mention  of  one  of  the  most 
eminent  men  in  the  reigns  of  David  and  Solomon.  It  was  he  who 
rebuked  David  for  his  sin  with  Bathsheba  (ch.  xii.  i  ff.)  ;  who  became 
Solomon's  tutor  (ch.  xii.  25,  note),  and  took  a  leading  part  in  securing  his 
succession  to  the  throne  (i  Kings  i.  22  ff. )  ;  who  wrote  a  history  of  the 
reign  of  David  and  of  part  at  least  of  the  reign  of  Solomon  (i  Chr. 
xxix.  29  ;  2  Chr.  ix.  29),  from  which  in  all  probability  a  large  portion 
of  the  books  of  Samuel,  Kings,  and  Chronicles,  is  derived. 

within  curtains']  The  term  applied  in  Ex.  xxvi.  i  ff.,  xxxvi.  8  ff., 
to  the  coverings  of  the  tabernacle. 

4 — 17.  The  Lord's  message  to  David. 
The  connexion  of  thought  in  vv.  5 — 13  is  as  follows :  "  Thoti  shalt  not 
build  a  house  for  Me  (5 — 7),  but  /,  who  have  chosen  thee  to  be  the 
ruler  of  my  people,  will  build  an  house /^r  thee  (8 — 11),  and  thy 
son  shall  erect  an  house  for  me"  (12,  13).  The  reasons  why  David's 
zeal  was  thus  checked  must  be  carefully  considered.  The  unsettled 
condition  of  the  nation  had  made  a  fixed  sanctuary  impossible  hitherto, 
and  even  now  the  time  for  it  was  not  yet  fully  come.  The  house  of 
David  must  be  firmly  established  and  peace  secured,  before  this  great 
II.  SAMUEL  '7 


98  II.  SAMUEL,  VII.  [vv.  4—8. 

4 — 1 7.     The  Lord's  message  to  David. 

4  ■  And  it  came  to  pass  that  night,  that  the  word  of  the  Lord 

5  came  unto  Nathan,  saying,  Go  and  tell  my  servant  David, 
Thus  saith  the  Lord,  Shalt  thou  build  me  a  house  for  me 

6  to  dwell  in  ?  Whereas  I  have  not  dwelt  in  any  house  since 
the  time  that  I  brought  up  the  children  of  Israel  out  of 
Egypt,  even  to  this  day,  but  have  walked  in  a  tent  and  in  a 

7  tabernacle.  In  all  the  places  wherein  I  have  walked  with  all 
the  children  of  Israel  spake  I  a  word  with  any  of  the  tribes 
of  Israel,  whom  I  commanded  to  feed  my  people  Israel, 

8  saying,  Why  build  ye  not  me  a  house  of  cedar?  Now 
therefore  so  shalt  thou  say  unto  my  servant  David,  Thus 

step  in  the  history  of  the  national  religion  could  be  advantageously 
taken.  Again,  David  was  not  to  build  the  house  "because  he  had 
shed  much  blood,  and  had  made  great  wars"  (i  Chron.  xxii.  8, 
xxviii.  3). 

Thus  personally  David  was  not  the  fitting  man  to  build  the  temple, 
though  he  is  not  blamed  for  wars  which  were  a  necessity  of  the  time  ; 
and  the  very  fact  that  he  had  to  wage  these  wars,  shewed  that  the  time 
for  building  the  temple  had  not  come,  because  the  kingdom  was  not  yet 
firmly  established. 

4.  the  zvord  of  the  Lord  came  tmto  Nathan']  Observe  the  clear 
distinction  between  Nathan's  own  judgment,  which  approved  David's 
resolution,  and  the  divine  message  which  he  was  commissioned  to 
deliver  to  David. 

5.  7ny  servant  David]  Any  Israelite  might  call  Himself  God's 
servant  in  addressing  God :  but  only  a  few  who  were  raised  up  to  do 
special  service,  such  as  Moses  and  Joshua,  are  honoured  by  being  thus 
distinctively  styled  "Servants  of  Jehovah."     See  Introd.  p.  44. 

Shalt  thou  build]  Thou  is  emphatic.  The  question  of  course  is 
equivalent  to  a  negative. 

7.  with  any  of  the  tribes  of  Israel]  i  Chr.  xvii.  6  reads  jtidges  for 
tribes^  and  at  first  sight  this  appears  to  be  required  by  the  following 
words,  "whom  I  commanded,"  &c.,  which  seem  more  applicable  to  an 
individual  ruler  than  to  a  tribe.  But  the  reading  "tribes"  is  supported 
by  the  versions,  and  may  be  understood  of  the  different  tribes  which 
through  the  Judges  and  leaders  chosen  from  them  successively  attained 
the  supremacy,  as  Ephraim  in  the  time  of  Joshua,  Dan  in  the  days  of 
Samson,  Benjamin  in  the  reign  of  Saul.  Compare  David's  expression 
in  I  Chr.  xxviii.  4,  "he  hath  chosen  Judah  to  be  the  ruler,"  and  the 
reference  to  the  choice  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  and  the  rejection  of  the 
tribe  of  Ephraim  in  Ps.  Ixxviii.  67,  68. 

to  feed]   To  tend,  as  a  shepherd  tends  his  sheep.    Cp.  note  on  ch.  v.  2. 

a  house  of  cedar]  Cp.  v.  1.  A  permanent  sanctuary  with  beams 
of  the  most  costly  timber.     See  note  on  ch.  v.  11. 


vv.  9—12.]  II.  SAMUEL,  VII.  99 

saith  Ihe  Lord  of  hosts,  I  took  thee  from  the  sheepcote, 
from  following  the  sheep,  to  be  ruler  over  my  people,  over 
Israel :   and  I  was  with  thee  whithersoever  thou   wentest,  9 
and  have  cut  off  all  thine  enemies  out  of  thy  sight,   and 
have  made  thee  a  great  name,  like  unto  the  name  of  the 
great  men  that  are  in  the  earth.     Moreover  I  will  appoint  a  lo 
place  for  my  people  Israel,  and  will  plant  them,  that  they 
may  dwell  in  a  place  of  their  own,  and  move  no  more ; 
neither  shall  the   children  of  wickedness  afflict  them  any 
more,  as  beforetime,   and  as  since  the  time  that  I  com-  u 
manded  judges  to  be  over  my  people  Israel,  and  have  caused 
thee  to  rest  from  all  thine  enemies.     Also  the  Lord  telleth 
thee  that  he  will  make  thee  a  house.     And  when  thy  days  15 
be  fulfilled,  and  thou  shalt  sleep  with  thy  fathers,  I  will  set 
up  thy  seed  after  thee,   which   shall   proceed    out   of  thy 

8.  from  the  sheepcote]  Rather,  from  tiie  pasture.  Cp.  Ps.  Ixxviii. 
70,  71. 

to  be  rider]     Cp.  ch.  v.  2,  vi.  21. 

10.  Alorcovcr  I  will  appoint]  It  is  probably  best  to  take  the  verbs 
here  as  perfects:  And  I  have  appointed... and  have  planted  them,  and 
they  dwell  in  their  own  place.  For  the  metaphor  of  plantuig^  comp. 
Ex.  XV.  17;  Ps.  xliv.  2. 

and  move  no  more]     Better,  and  shall  not  be  disturbed  any  more. 

the  children  of  wickedness]  Sons  of  wickedness  =  wicked  men.  Cp. 
Ps.  Ixxxix.  22. 

10,  11.  as  beforetime,  and  as  since  the  tijne]  It  is  best  to  connect 
the  first  clause  of  z'.  11  with  v.  10.  Beforetime  refers  to  the  beginning 
of  the  nation's  history  in  Egypt ;  since,  &c.  to  the  various  oppressions 
they  had  suffered  from  the  beginning  of  the  period  of  the  Judges  down 
to  the  present. 

and  have  caiised  thee  to  rest]  And  have  given  thee  rest,  as  in  v.  i ; 
to  be  connected  with  the  verbs  at  the  beginning  of  v.  10,  /  have 
appointed.  ..and  have  planted  the?n. 

Also,  &c.]  Or,  And  the  Lord  hath  told  thee,  referring  to  the 
communications  made  to  David  by  Samuel.     Cp.  i  Sam.  xxv.  28. 

12.  And  when]  And  is  not  in  the  Hebrew  text ;  perhaps  and  it 
shall  come  to  pass,  which  is  found  in  the  LXX.,  has  dropped  out. 
Nathan  now  passes  on  from  recounting  God's  past  mercies  to  Israel  and 
David  to  a  direct  prophecy  concerning  the  establishment  of  David's 
house. 

I zvill  set  up  thy  seed]  First  Solomon,  who  recognises  the  fulfilment 
of  this  promise  in  his  elevation  to  the  throne  (r  Kings  viii.  15 — 20) ;  then 
the  line  of  David's  descendants  who  succeeded  him  on  the  throne  of 
Judah;  and  finally  Christ,  in  whom  the  prophecy  reaches  its  highest 
fulfilment.     See  Luke  i.  31 — 33  ;  Acts  ii.  29 — 31;  xiii.  22,  23. 


loo  II.  SAMUEL,   VII.  [vv.  13—16. 

13  bowels,  and  I  will  establish  his  kingdom.  He  shall  build  a 
house  for  my  name,  and  I  will  stablish  the  throne  of  his 

14  kingdom  for  ever.  I  will  be  his  father,  and  he  shall  be 
my  son.  If  he  commit  iniquity,  I  will  chasten  him  with 
the  rod  of  men,  and  with  the  stripes  of  the  children  of  men : 

15  but  my  mercy  shall  not  depart  away  from  him,  as  I  took  it 

16  from  Saul,  whom  I  put  away  before  thee.  And  thine  house 
and  thy  kingdom  shall  be  stablished  for  ever  before  thee : 

13.  for  my  7iame\  The  Name  of  God  signifies  God  Himself  so  far 
as  He  has  revealed  and  manifested  Himself  to  men.  His  promise 
concerning  the  Temple  was  that  He  would  "put  His  name  there,"  that 
is,  that  He  would  be  present  and  reveal  Himself  there  in  an  especial 
manner.     See  i  Kings  viii.  29,  ix.  3. 

slablis/i]  A  shorter  form  of  establish,  both  words  being  derived  from 
Lat.  stabili7'e.  Cp.  special  and  especial  from  species,  state  and  estate  from 
status. 

14.  I  will  be  his  father  and  he  shall  he  my  so7z]  The  nation  of  Israel 
is  honoured  with  the  lofty  title  of  "Jehovah's  son"  (Ex.  iv.  22  ; 
Dent.  xiv.  i ;  Hos.  xi.  i) ;  and  the  king,  as  the  representative  of  the 
nation,  enjoys  the  same  distinction.  This  relationship  implies,  on  the 
part  of  God,  the  watchful  care  and  love  of  a  parent ;  on  the  part  of  the 
king,  the  duty  of  loyal  trust  and  willing  obedience.  Cp.  Ps.  Ixxxix. 
26,  27,  where  similar  expressions  are  applied  to  David;  Ps.  ii.  7  ;  and 
I  Chr.  xxii.  9,  10,  xxviii.  6,  where  David  quotes  this  promise  in 
reference  to  Solomon,  It  finds  its  highest  fulfilment  in  the  mysterious 
eternal  relationship  between  God  the  Father  and  Christ  the  Son,  with 
reference  to  which  these  words  are  quoted  in  Heb.  i.  5.  See  Introd.  p.  43. 

If  he  commit,  &c.]  A  warning  that  this  high  dignity  will  not  exempt 
him  from  the  danger  of  sin  nor  from  its  punishment.  He  will  be  chas- 
tised, if  need  be,  as  men  chastise  their  children  to  correct  and  reclaim 
them.     Cp.  Ps.  Ixxxix.  30 — 33,  and  i  Kings  xi.  34 — 36,  39. 

15.  shall  not  depart,  &c.]  Lit,  shall  not  be  taken  away  from  Mm, 
as  I  took  it  away  from  Saul,  wliom  I  took  away  from  before  thee. 
The  three  verbs  belong  to  the  same  root.  But  there  is  perhaps  some 
error  in  the _  text,  i  Chr.  xvii.  13  reads,  "my  mercy  will  I  not  take 
away  from  him,  as  I  took  it  away  from  him  who  was  before  thee;"  and 
the  Sept.  here  has,  "My  mercy  will  I  not  take  away  from  him,  as  I 
took  it  away  from  them  that  I  took  away  from  before  me. " 

16.  thy  kingdom  shall  be  stablished]  Better,  thy  kingdom  shall  be 
made  sure.  Two  different  words  are  translated  "shall  be  stablished" 
in  this  verse.  The  second  corresponds  to  that  in  e;.  13  :  the  first  is  that 
rendered  in  i  Sam.  ii.  35,  ^^ Sl  sure  house,  and  in  Is.  Iv.  3,  "the  snre 
mercies  of  David." 

before  thee]  The  explanation  that  "David  is  regarded  as  seeing  all 
his  descendants  pass  before  him  in  a  vision,"  is  forced,  and  it  is  best 
to  follow  the  LXX.  in  reading  before  me.  This  reading  moreover 
seems  to  be  required  by  vv.  26  and  29. 


r.  17,  18.]  II.  SAMUEL,  VII. 


thy  throne  shall  be  stablished  for  ever.     According  to  all  j 
these  words,  and  according  to  all  this  vision,  so  did  Nathan 
speak  unto  David. 

1 8 — 2  9.    David' s  prayer  and  thanJzsgtving. 

Then  went  king  David  in,  and  sat  before  the  Lord,  and  ] 
he  said,  Who  am  I,  O  Lord  God  ?  and  what  is  my  house, 

17.  this  visioii]  The  manner  in  which  God's  message  was  com- 
municated to  Nathan  was  by  "a  vision,"  in  which  his  spiritual  sight 
Avas  quickened  to  discern  the  truth.  The  word  for  "vision"  is  derived 
from  the  same  root  as  chozeh,  one  of  the  words  translated  'seer'  (see  on 
I  Sam.  ix.  9),  and  is  distinguished  as  a  method  of  revelation  from  a 
'dream.'     Cp.  Is.  i.  r. 

On  the  Messianic  interpretation  of  this  prophecy,  see  Additional 
Note  I.  p.  233. 

18 — 29.    David's  prayer  and  thanksgiving. 

David's  address  to  God  consists  of  {a)  humble  thanksgiving  for  the 
undeserved  favour  shewn  to  him  and  his  house,  vv.  18 — 21  ;  {b)  praise 
for  God's  past  manifestations  of  his  glory  in  and  to  Israel,  vv.  22 — 24; 
(c)  petition  for  the  final  fulfilment  of  the  promise,  vv.  25 — 29. 

18.  Then  zuent  king  David  in,  and  sat  before  the  Lord]  In  the  tent 
where  the  Ark,  the  symbol  of  God's  presence,  was.  As  sitting  does  not 
seem  to  have  been  a  customary  posture  for  prayer,  some  commentators 
render  tarried  instead  of  sat.  Others  suppose  that  David  sat  to  medi- 
tate, and  afterwards  stood  up  to  pray. 

Who  am  /&c.]     Cp.  Jacob's  language  in  Gen.  xxxli.  10. 

O  Lord  God]  Whenever  God  is  thus  printed  in  small  capitals,  it 
represents  the  sacred  name  Jehovah.  From  very  ancient  times  the 
Jewish  practice  in  reading  the  Scriptures  has  been  to  substitute  in  place 
of  Jehovah  Adonai,  which  means  my  Lord,  or  Lord ;  or  if  the  title 
Adonai  is  joined  with  Jehovah,  as  here,  Elohim,  which  means  God. 
The  E.V.  follows  the  Jewish  practice  in  giving  LORD  and  GOD,  and 
whenever  they  represent  the  name  Jehovah  indicates  the  fact  by  the 
use  of  capitals.  ''Lord  GoD,"  which  represents  "my  Lord  Jehovah," 
must  therefore  be  distinguished  from  "Lord  God"  {v.  25),  which 
represents  "Jehovah  Elohim,"  i.e.  "Jehovah  God."  See  Additional 
Note  II.  on  i  Samuel,  p.  236. 

The  appropriateness  of  this  address  "my  Lord  Jehovah"  in  David's 
thanksgiving  must  be  carefully  noted.  It  is  not  merely  an  acknow- 
ledgment of  the  Divine  sovereignty  in  general,  but  expresses  the  con- 
sciousness of  belonging  specially  to  God,  and  standing  under  His  imme- 
diate guidance  and  protection.  See  Oehler's  Theology  of  the  Old 
Testatnent,  I.  148.  It  is  the  correlative  of  the  title  "my  servant"  with 
which  God  distinguishes  David.  It  calls  to  mind  St  Paul's  words  "the 
God  whose  I  am,  whom  also  I  serve"  (Acts  xxvii.  23).  Compare 
Abram's  use  of  it  in  Gen.  xv.  2,8;  and  Moses'  in  Deut.  iii.  24,  ix.  26. 


I02  II.  SAMUEL,   VII.  [vv.  19—22. 

19  that  thou  hast  brought  me  hitherto  ?  And  this  was  yet  a 
small  thing  in  thy  sight,  O  Lord  God;  but  thou  hast  spoken 
also  of  thy  servant's  house  for  a  great  while  to  come.     And 

20  is  this  the  manner  of  man,  O  Lord  God  ?  And  what  can 
David  say  more  unto  thee?  for  thou,  Lord  God,  knowest 

21  thy  servant.  For  thy  word's  sake,  and  according  to  thine 
own  heart,  hast  thou  done  all  these  great  things,  to  make 

22  thy  servant  know  t/ie?n.  Wherefore  thou  art  great,  O  Lord 
God  :  for  there  is  none  like  thee,  neither  is  tJiei^e  any  God 
beside  thee,  according  to  all  that  we  have  heard  with  our 


When  he  turns  to  praise  God  for  his  dealings  with  Israel  in  general, 
David  uses  the  ordinary  title  Jelioz'ah  Elohim  {v.  12),  and  retains  it  in 
V.  25  at  the  beginning  of  his  petition,  as  if  to  identify  the  covenant  God 
of  Israel  with  the  God  to  whom  he  makes  his  prayer :  but  in  vv.  28,  29 
he  returns  to  the  more  familiar  address  of  confident  trust  "my  Lord 
Jehovah. " 

19.  Ajtd  is  this  the  manner  of  pmn]  It  is  best  to  understand  these 
difficult  words  as  David's  expression  of  humble  astonishment  at  the 
greatness  of  the  honour  destined  for  him  and  his  house.  Render,  And 
this  is  a  law  for  men!  i.e.  this  decree  that  my  kingdom  shall  be  esta- 
blished for  ever,  is  to  be  valid  for  weak  human  beings,  such  as  myself 
and  my  posterity !  Another  explanation  very  con-nnonly  adopted  is, 
yind  this  is  the  manne)'  of  man,  viz.  to  speak  so  familiarly  and  conde- 
scendingly as  thou  hast  done  to  me;  but  the  Heb.  word  is  used  nowhere 
else  in  the  sense  of  manner,  and  the  whole  context  requires  a  reference 
to  the  substance  rather  than  to  the  manner  of  the  communication. 

The  reading  in  i  Chron.  is  quite  different:  "thou  hast  regarded  me 
according  to  the  estate  of  a  man  of  high  degree."  One  or  other  of  the 
texts  is  perhaps  corrupt. 

20.  than,  Lord  God,  hnowest  thy  servant']  Words  fail,  and  David 
appeals  to  God's  omniscience.  Cp.  Ps.  xvii.  3,  cxxxix.  i — 4;  John 
xxi.  17. 

21.  For  thy  word''5  sake]  To  fulfil  Thy  promises  made  to  me 
through  Samuel.  The  reading  of  I  Chr.  xvii.  19,  and  of  the  LXX. 
here,  is,  for  thy  servants  sake. 

22.  Wherefore  thou  art  great]  Since  Thou  hast  done  these  great 
things  for  me,  I  praise  Thee  and  acknowledge  Thy  greatness.  Cp. 
Ps.  XXXV.  27,  xl.  16,  xlviii.  i. 

for  there  is  iione  like  thee,  &c.}  Cp.  Ex.  xv.  11;  Deut.  iii.  24,  iv. 
35;  I  Sam.  ii.  2. 

according  to  all,  &c.]  David  passes  from  the  evidence  of  God's 
greatness  derived  from  his  own  experience,  to  the  evidence  afforded 
by  the  history  of  His  dealings  with  Israel,  handed  down  from  father  to 
son  by  oral  tradition.  Cp.  Ex.  x.  2 ;  Deut.  iv.  9 ;  Ps.  xliv.  i,  ixxxvi. 
8—10. 


vv.  23— 27-]  II.  SAMUEL,   VII.  103 

ears.     And  what  one  nation  in  the  earth  is  like  thy  people,  23 
even  like  Israel,  whom  God  went  to  redeem  for  a  people  to 
himself,  and  to  make  him  a  name,  and  to  do  for  you  great 
things  and  terrible,  for  thy  land,  before  thy  people,  which 
thou  redeemedst  to  thee  from  Egypt,  from  the  nations  and 
their  gods  ?     For  thou  hast  confirmed  to  thyself  thy  people  24 
Israel  to  be  a  people  unto  thee  for  ever;  and  thou,  Lord,- 
art  become  their  God.     And  now,  O  Lord  God,  the  word  25 
that  thou  hast  spoken  concerning  thy  servant,  and  concern- 
ing  his  house,  establish  //  for  ever,  and  do  as  thou  hast 
said.     And  let  thy  name  be  magnified  for  ever,  saying.  The  26 
Lord  of  hosts  is  the  God  over  Israel :  and  let  the  house  of 
thy  servant  David  be  established  before  thee.     For  thou,  O  =7 

23.  And  what,  &c.]  For  wliat,  &c.,  a  further  reason  for  the  last 
statement.     Cp.  Deut.  iv.  7,  32 — 38. 

whom  Godzvent  &c.]  BeLter,  -wliich  their  god  went  to  redeem.  Eld- 
htm,  the  Heb.  word  for  God,  is  a  plural  noun,  but  regularly  takes  a 
singular  verb  when  it  denotes  the  true  God.  Here  the  verb  "  went"  is 
in  the  plural,  which  indicates  that  the  gods  of  the  nations  are  meant  to 
be  included.  The  sense  is,  '  Where  can  any  nation  be  found,  which 
has  been  delivered  by  the  deity  it  worships,  as  Israel  was  delivered 
from  Egypt  by  Jehovah?' 

for  you]  "You"  can  only  refer  to  Israel,  and  an  address  to  the 
people  is  quite  out  of  place  in  David's  prayer  to  God.  We  must  either 
omit  for  you  with  the  LXX,  or  xesid  for  them,  i.e.  the  nation,  with  the 
Vulgate. 

for  thy  land]  This  gives  no  satisfactory  sense,  and  "the  nations  and 
their  gods"  at  the  end  of  the  verse  has  no  proper  construction  in  the 
existing  text.  It  is  best  to  emend  the  text  by  the  help  of  the  LXX, 
compared  with  i  Chr.  xvii.  2 1 ,  and  read  to  drive  out  in  place  oifor  thy 
land.  The  close  of  the  verse  will  then  stand  thus;  ^^ and  to  do  great 
things  and  terrible,  to  drive  out  nations  and  their  gods  before  thy  people, 
which  thou  redeemedst  for  thyself  out  of  Egypt. ^^ 

The  construction,  which  began  in  the  third  person,  in  connexion 
with  the  relative  clause,  returns  at  the  end  of  the  verse  to  a  direct 
address  to  God. 

great  things  and  terrible]  The  miracles  of  the  Exodus,  the  journey 
through  the  wilderness,  the  Entry  into  Canaan.  Cp.  Deut.  x.  1 1  for 
the  phrase. 

24.  thou  hast  confirmed]  Establislied,  the  same  word  as  in  z/.  13. 
Cp.  Deut.  xxxii.  6. 

art  becojne  their  God]  Hast  proved  Thyself  to  be  their  God,  in  fulfil- 
ment of  the  promises  in  Gen.  xvii.  7,8;  Ex.  vi.  7. 

26.  let  the  house  of  thy  servant  David  be  established]  Rather,  the 
house  of  thy  servant  David  shall  he  established;  an  expression  of 


104  n.  SAMUEL,  VII.  VIII.       [vv.  28,  29;  i. 

Lord  of  hosts,  God  of  Israel,  hast  revealed  to  thy  servant, 
saying,  I  will  build  thee  a  house  :  therefore  hath  thy  servant 

28  found  in  his  heart  to  pray  this  prayer  unto  thee.  And  now, 
O  Lord  God,  thou  art  that  God,  and  thy  words  be  true,  and 

29  thou  hast  promised  this  goodness  unto  thy  servant :  there- 
fore now  let  it  please  thee  to  bless  the  house  of  thy  servant, 
that  it  may  continue  for  ever  before  thee  :  for  thou,  O  Lord 
God,  hast  spoken  //.•  and  with  thy  blessing  let  the  house  of 
thy  servant  be  blessed  for  ever. 

Ch.  VIII.     The  Developnent  of  David^s  Kingdom. 
I,  2.     Conquest  of  the  Philistines  and  Moahites. 
8      And   after  this   it  came  to  pass,  that  David  smote  the 

confident  assurance,  the  ground  of  which  is  introduced  by  the  "for"  of 
V.  27. 

27.  hast  revealed  to  thy  servant']  Lit.  hast  uncovered  the  ear  of  thy 
servant,  a  figure  of  speech  said  to  be  derived  from  the  practice  of 
removing  the  hair  or  a  corner  of  the  turban  from  another's  ear  in  order 
to  whisper  a  secret  into  it.     Cp.  i  Sam.  ix.  15. 

therefore]  The  promise  justified  a  prayer  which  otherwise  would 
have  seemed  presumptuous. 

found  in  his  heart]  Lit.  fonnd  his  heart ;  i.e.  found  courage.  Cp. 
the  phrase  "to  take  heart." 

28.  thott.  art  that  God]  Better,  thou  art  God,  and  thy  words  shall 
be  truth.  Truth  is  an  essential  attribute  of  God,  and  His  promises 
must  therefore  prove  true.     Cp.  Ex.  xxxiv.  6;  Ps.  xix.  9;  John  xvii, 

17- 

29.  let  the  house  of  thy  servant  be  blessed]  Or,  shall  the  house  of 
thy  servant  he  blessed.  David  concludes  with  words  of  confident 
hope,  on  the  ground  that  "Jehovah  hath  spoken  it."  Cp.  i  Chr. 
xvii.  27, 

Chap.  VIII.    The  Development  of  David's  Kingdom. 

=  I  Chr.  xviii. 

1,  2.    Conquest  of  the  Philistines  and  Moabites. 

1.  And  after  this  it  came  to  pass]  This  chapter  contains  a  summary 
account  of  the  wars  by  which  David  established  the  supremacy  of 
Israel  among  the  surrounding  nations.  At  what  periods  of  his  reign 
they  were  waged  is  not  stated.  As  has  been  already  implied  in  the 
note  on  ch.  vii.  i,  it  seems  best  to  consider  the  words  "  and  after  this  it 
came  to  pass"  as  a  general  formula  of  transition  and  connexion,  not 
necessarily  indicating  a  strict  chronological  sequence.  It  may  possibly 
be  derived  from  the  annals  which  were  the  original  source  of  the  his- 
tory.    Cp.  ch.  X.  I,  xiii.  i. 


vv.  2,  3.]  II.  SAMUEL,  VIII.  105 

Philistines,  and  subdued  them  :  and  David  took  Metheg- 
ammah  out  of  the  hand  of  the  Philistines.  And  he  smote  2 
Moab,  and  measured  them  with  a  line,  casting  them  down 
to  the  ground ;  even  with  two  lines  measured  he  to  put  to 
death,  and  tvith  one  full  line  to  keep  alive.  And  so  the 
Moabites  became  David's  servants,  and  brought  gifts. 

3 — 8.     Conquest  of  Zohah  and  Da?nasciis. 
David  smote  also  Hadadezer,  the  son  of  Rehob,  king  of  3 

took  Metlieg-amjnah,  &c.]  The  most  probable  explanation  of  this 
obscure  expression  is  took  the  bridle  of  the  metropolis  out  of  the  hand  of 
the  Philistines,  i.e.  wrested  from  them  the  control  of  their  chief  city. 
This  is  equivalent  to  the  statement  in  i  Chr.  xviii.  i  that  "David  took 
Gath  and  her  towns  out  of  the  hand  of  the  Philistines ;"  and  it  may  be 
noticed  that  the  metaphor  of  the  'mother-city'  is  employed  there,  for 
the  word  translated  "towns"  literally  means  datighters.  Gath  was 
allowed  to  retain  its  king  as  a  tributary  (1  Kings  ii.  39).  On  its  site 
and  history  see  note  on  i  Sam.  v.  8. 

2.  casting  them  down  to  the  g7-ozmd]  Making  them  lie  down  on 
tlie  ground.  The  Moabite  prisoners,  doubtless  only  the  fighting  men, 
were  ordered  to  lie  down  upon  the  ground  in  rows,  which  were  mea- 
sured with  a  measuring  line.  Two  thirds  of  them  were  executed,  and 
only  the  remaining  third  spared.  Why  David  inflicted  such  terrible 
vengeance  on  a  nation  which  had  once  received  him  and  given  his 
parents  an  asylum  (r  Sam.  xxii.  3,  4)  can  only  be  conjectured.  A 
Jewish  tradition  relates  that  the  king  of  Moab  betrayed  his  trust  and 
murdered  David's  parents.  Possibly  the  Moabites  may  have  been 
guilty  of  some  special  act  of  treachery  in  one  of  David's  wars  with  their 
neighbours  the  Ammonites  or  Edomites.  The  exploit  recorded  in 
ch.  xxiii.  20  was  perhaps  performed  in  this  war.  By  this  victory 
Balaam's  prophecy  was  fulfilled  (Num.  xxiv.  17). 

drought  g if  s}  Paid  tribute  to  David.  Cp.  v.6;  i  Kings  iv.  21.  At  the 
division  of  the  kingdom,  Moab  seems  to  have  fallen  to  Israel,  for  we 
find  Mesha,  the  king  of  Moab,  paying  a  heavy  tribute  to  Ahab,  and  at 
his  death  making  a  vigorous  effort  to  throw  off  the  Israelite  yoke 
(2  Kings  iii.  4  ff.). 

3 — 8.    Conquest  of  Zobah  and  Damascus. 

3.  Hadadezcr\  This  name  is  written  Hadarezer  in  ch.  x.  i5 — 19, 
and  in  Chronicles,  the  letters  d  (1)  and  r  ("))  being  easily  confused  in 
Hebrew.  Hadad  was  the  name  of  the  Syrian  sun-god,  and  Hadadezer 
appears  to  be  the  true  form,  meaning  "whose  help  is  Hadad." 

Zobah'l  The  exact  position  and  limits  of  this  kingdom  are  unde- 
termined. It  seems  to  have  been  north-east  of  Damascus  and  south  of 
Hamath,  between  the  Orontes  and  Euphrates.  Saul  waged  wars  with 
its  "kings,"  who  were  probably  independent  chieftains  (i  Sam.  xiv.  47), 


io6  II.  SAMUEL,  VIII.  [vv.  4,  5. 

Zobah,  as  he  went  to  recover  his  border  at  the  river  Eu- 
4phrates.  And  David  took  from  him  a  thousand  chariots, 
and  seven  hundred  horsemen,  and  twenty  thousand  foot- 
men :  and  David  houghed  all  the  chariot  horses^  but  reserved 
5  of  them^yr  an  hundred  chariots.  And  when  the  Syrians  of 
Damascus  came  to  succour  Hadadezer  king  of  Zobah,  David 

but  now  it  was  consolidated  under  one  ruler,  and  was  a  country  of  con- 
siderable wealth  and  power. 

to  recover  his  border]  The  phrase  cannot  be  thus  rendered,  but  means 
probably  either  to  renew  his  attack  or  to  re-estatolish  Ms  power.  The 
parallel  passage  in  i  Chr.  xviii.  3  has  a  different  verb,  meaning  to  set  tip 
his  power.  The  subject  of  the  sentence  is  Hadadezer,  and  the  occasion 
referred  to  is  probably  that  which  is  described  more  fully  in  ch.  x.  15 — 19. 
The  Ammonites  had  hired  the  Syrians  to  help  them  against  David, 
who  defeated  their  combined  forces.  Hadadezer  thereupon  summoned 
the  Syrians  from  beyond  the  Euphrates  to  his  assistance,  but  was  totally 
defeated. 

at  the  river  Euphrates']  Euphrates  is  not  in  the  written  text,  but 
according  to  the  Jewish  tradition  is  to  be  read  (see  Introd.  p.  15).  But 
the  addition  is  unnecessary.  "The  River"  by  itself  was  understood 
to  mean  the  Euphrates.     Cp.  ch.  x.  16;  Ps.  Ixxii.  8. 

4.  a  thousand  chariots,  and  seven  hundred  horsemeii\  The  Heb. 
text  as  it  stands  can  only  mean  a  thousand  and  seven  hu-ndred  horsemen  ; 
but  it  seems  best  to  follow  the  text  of  the  LXX.  and  of  i  Chr.  xviii.  4 
in  reading  a  thousand  chariots  and  seven  thousand  horsemen. 

houghedl     Or  hamstrung;    disabled  by  cutting  the  back  sinews  of 
their  hind  legs.     Cp.  Josh.  xi.  6,  9. 
resej'ved]     To  grace  his  triumph. 

5.  the  Syrians  of  Damascus']  The  kingdom  of  which  Damascus  was 
the  capital  was  the  most  powerful  branch  of  the  Aramaeans  or  Syrians, 
and  played  an  important  part  in  the  history  of  Israel.  It  did  not  long 
remain  subject  to  them.  In  Solomon's  reign  a  certain  Rezon  estabUshed 
himself  at  Damascus,  and  proved  a  troublesome  enemy  (i  Kings  xi. 
23 — 25).  Benhadad  I.  was  bribed  by  Asa  to  break  his  league  with 
Baasha  and  invade  the  Israelite  territory  (i  Kings  xv.  18),  and  actually 
built  a  Syrian  quarter  in  Samaria  (i  Kings  xx.  34).  His  son  and 
successor  Ben-hadad  II.  besieged  Samaria  (i  Kings  xx.  i),  but  was 
defeated,  and  compelled  to  submit  to  Ahab  ( i  Kings  xx.  34).  But  the 
defeat  and  death  of  Ahab  at  Ramoth-gilead  again  gave  Syria  the  upper 
hand  (i  Kings  xxii.);  and  in  the  reign  of  Jehoram  Samaria  was  once 
more  besieged  by  them,  and  only  saved  by  a  miraculous  interposition 
(2  Kings  vi.  24 — vii.).  The  rising  power  of  Assyria  now  began  to 
threaten  Syria,  but  in  spite  of  the  defeats  he  suffered  from  it,  the  usurper 
Hazael,  succeeding  in  repulsing  the  combined  forces  of  Judah  and  Israel 
at  Ramoth-gilead  (2  Kings  viii.  28,  29),  ravaged  the  trans-Jordanic 
territory  of  Israel  (2  Kings  x.  32,  33),  captured  Gath,  and  threatened 
Jerusalem,  which  only  escaped  on  payment  of  a  heavy  ransom  (2  Kings 


vv.  6—8.]  II.  SAMUEL,  VIII.  107 

slew  of  the  Syrians  two  and  twenty  thousand  men.     Then  6 
David  put  garrisons  in  Syria  of  Damascus  :  and  the  Syrians 
became    servants    to    David,  and  brought  gifts.     And  the 
Lord  preserved  David  whithersoever  he  went.     And  David  7 
took  the  shields  of  gold  that  were  on  the  servants  of  Hadad- 
ezer,  and  brought  them  to  Jerusalem.      And  from  Betah,  8 


xii.  17,  1 8),  and  seriously  reduced  the  power  of  the  Northern  Kingdom 
(3  Kings  xiii.  3 — 7).  Joash,  however,  recovered  the  lost  territory 
(2  Kings  xiii.  25),  and  Jeroboam  II.  extended  his  conquests  to  Damascus 
(2  Kings  xiv.  28).  Three  quarters  of  a  century  later  Syria  reappears  as 
the  ally  of  Israel  against  Judah.  Rezin,  king  of  Damascus,  made  a 
league  with  Pekah  to  depose  Ahaz  and  set  up  a  creature  of  their  own  in 
his  stead  (2  Kings  xvi.  5;  Is.  vii.  i — 9);  but  their  attempt  to  take 
Jerusalem  failed,  and  Ahaz  persuaded  TigWth-pileser,  king  of  Assyria, 
to  attack  Syria.  Rezin  was  slain  and  Damascus  destroyed  (2  Kings 
xvi.  7 — 9).  Damascus  now  disappears  from  the  O.T.  history;  but  by 
the  fourth  century  B.C.  it  had  been  rebuilt,  and  has  maintained  its 
prosperity  down  to  the  present  day.  It  is  situated  in  a  fertile  plain 
watered  by  the.river  Barada,  which  is  probably  the  Abana  of  Scripture, 
to  the  E.  of  the  great  mountain  chain  of  the  Anti-Libanus,  on  the  edge 
of  the  desert.  Travellers  describe  it  as  "embosomed  in  a  wide  forest 
of  fruit  trees,  intersected  and  surrounded  by  sparkling  streams,  in  the 
midst  of  an  earthly  paradise."  This  natural  beauty  and  fertility,  com- 
bined with  its  importance  as  a  centre  of  trade,  have  secured  the  perman- 
ence of  its  prosperity  for  nearly  4,000  years.  See  Robinson's  Biblical 
Researches^  ill.  443  if;  Stanley's  Sinai  and  Palestine,  p.  414  ff. 

6.  garrisons'\  Military  posts  to  secure  the  country.  Some  render 
the  word  officers  for  the  collection  of  the  tribute,  but  the  E.V.  is 
probably  right.     Cp.  note  on  i  Sam.  x.  5. 

brought  gifts^     See  note  on  v.  2. 

preservcd~\     Or  saved,  as  in  ch.  iii.  18,  xxii.  3,  4. 

7.  that  were  on  the  sei-vants  of  Hadadezer']  Or,  that  belonged  to, 
&c.  Probably  it  was  his  bodyguard  which  was  distinguished  by  these 
golden  shields.  Similarly  a  corps  of  the  Macedonian  army  under 
Alexander   the   Great   was   known   as   "the   silver-shields"    {dpyvpaa-- 

The  Septuagint  adds  at  the  end  of  the  verse:  "And  Susakim  [i.e. 
Shishak]  king  of  Egypt  took  them,  when  he  went  up  to  Jerusalem  in  the 
days  of  Roboam  the  son  of  Solomon."  In  i  Kings  xiv.  26  there  is  a 
corresponding  addition  in  the  Sept. :  "And  the  golden  spears  which 
David  took  from  the  hand  of  the  servants  of  Adraazar  king  of  Soba  and 
carried  to  Jerusalem,  he  took  them  all." 

8.  Betah]  The  site  of  this  city  is  unknown,  and  even  the  form  of 
the  name  is  uncertain.  Chr.  has  Tibhath,  and  the  reading  of  the  Sept. 
makes  it  probable  that  the  original  form  here  was  Tebah,  which  occurs 
as  the  name  of  one  of  the  sons  of  Nahor  the  Syrian  (Gen.  xxii.  24). 


•lo8  II.  SAMUEL,  VIII.  [vv.  9— ii. 

and  from  Berothai,  cities  of  Hadadezer,  king  David  took 
exceeding  much  brass. 

9 — 12.     Congratulatory  enih assy  fr 0711  Toi  king  of  Hamath. 

9  When  Toi  king  of  Hamath  heard  that  David  had  smitten 
10  all  the  host  of  Hadadezer,  then  Toi  sent  Joram  his  son 
unto  king  David,  to  salute  him,  and  to  bless  him,  because 
he  had  fought  against  Hadadezer,  and  smitten  him :  for 
Hadadezer  had  wars  with  Toi.  And  Joram  brought  with 
him  vessels  of  silver,  and  vessels  of  gold,  and  vessels  of 
ri  brass:  which  also  king  David  did  dedicate  unto  the  Lord, 

Be7'othai\  Probably  the  same  as  Berothah,  mentioned  by  Ezekiel 
(ch.  xlvii.  16)  in  connexion  with  Hamath  and  Damascus.  The  name 
Chun,  given  in  Chr. ,  may  be  a  later  name  for  the  place,  or  a  corruption 
of  the  text.     Its  site  has  not  been  determined. 

brass\  Rather,  copper,  or  bronze.  The  word  certainly  denotes  a 
simple  metal  in  some  passages,  e.g.  Deut.  viii.  9;  in  others  perhaps  a 
compound  one,  but  if  so,  bronze  (copper  and  tin),  not  brass  (copper  and 
zinc),  which  was  unknown  to  the  Hebrews. 

The  Sept.  has  an  addition  here  similar  to  that  in  Chr.:  "Therewith 
Solomon  made  the  brazen  sea,  and  the  pillars,  and  the  lavers,  and  all 
the  vessels." 

9 — 12.    Congratulatory  embassy  from  Toi  king  of 
Hamath. 

9.  Toi\     The  Sept.  agrees  with  Chr.  in  reading  his  name  Toil. 
HafTiathl    A  kingdom  north  of  Zobah,  with  a  capital  of  the  same 

name  situated  on  the  Orontes.  Hamath  was  one  of  the  kingdoms 
which  were  tributary  to  Solomon,  who  built  cities  there  (i  Kings  iv. 
24;  2  Chr.  viii.  4).  After  his  death  it  regained  its  independence  until 
Jeroboam  II.  recovered  it  (2  Kings  xiv.  28).  A  century  later  it  is 
reckoned  among  the  conquests  of  Assyria  (2  Kings  xix.  13).  The 
epithet  "great,"  applied  to  the  city  by  Amos  (ch.  vi.  2),  attests  its  im- 
portance. A  considerable  town,  retaining  the  name  of  Hamah,  still 
occupies  the  site. 

10.  yoravi\  Hadoram,  the  name  given  in  Chr.,  is  probably  the 
true  reading,  for  which  the  Hebrew  name  Joram  has  been  substituted 
by  a  scribe's  error. 

to  bless  him'\  To  congratulate  him,  as  in  Chr.  The  phrase  there 
translated  "to  inquire  of  his  welfare"  is  identical  with  that  rendered 
"to  salute"  here. 

Hadadezer  had  wars  with  Toi'\  Lit.  "a  man  of  wars  of  Toi  was 
Hadadezer."  A  man  of  wars  =■  one  who  wages  wars.  Cp.  i  Chr. 
xxviii.  3. 

Joram  brought,  &c.]  A  valuable  present,  intended  to  secure  the  good- 
will of  his  powerful  neighbour.     Cp.  i  Kings  xv.  18. 


vv.  12,  13.]  II.  SAMUEL,  VIII.  109 

with  the  silver  and  gold  that  he  had  dedicated  of  all  nations 
which  he  subdued;  of  Syria,  and  of  Moab,  and  of  the  children  12 
of  Amnion,  and  of  the  Philistines,  and  of  Amalek,  and  of 
the  spoil  of  Hadadezer,  son  of  Rehob,  king  of  Zobah. 

13,  14.     Conquest  of  Edom. 

And  David  gat  Jiim  a  name  when  he  returned  from  smit- 13 
ing  of  the  Syrians  in  the   valley  of  salt,  beifig  eighteen 

12.  of  Syria]  Chr.  and  the  Sept.  agree  in  reading  Edom  instead  of 
Aram  (Syria).  The  two  names  are  easily  confused  (cp.  note  on  v.  3), 
and  it  is  not  easy  to  decide  between  them.  The  order,  and  the  con- 
nexion with  INIoab  and  Amnion,  are  in  favour  of  Edom:  on  the  other 
hand  Edom  has  not  yet  been  mentioned,  and  Syria  of  Damascus  was 
distinct  from  Zobah,  and  might  very  well  be  specified  in  addition  to  it 

Amalek]     The  only  allusion  to  an  Amalekite  war,  unless  the  spoil 
taken  in  the  victory  of  i  Sam.  xxx.  16  ff.  is  meant. 
Chr.  omits  the  rest  of  the  verse. 

13,  14.    Conquest  of  Edom. 

13.  g-af  him  a  na/ne]  Won  renown.  Cp.  ch.  vii.  9.  This,  and  not 
"erected  a  monument,"  as  some  render,  is  the  right  meaning. 

7v/ien  he  returned  from  smiting  of  the  Syrians]  The  text  is  certainly 
coi-rupt.  Chr.  reads,  "And  Abishai  the  son  of  Zeruiah  smote  Edom 
in  the  valley  of  salt,  (to  the  number  of)  eighteen  thousand  men."  The 
Sept.  has,  "And  David  made  a  name:  and  as  he  returned  he  smote 
Edom  in  Gebelem  [a  corrupt  transliteration  of  the  words  meaning 
valley  of  salt]  to  the  number  of  eighteen  thousand."  Moreover  the 
Valley  of  Salt  was  nowhere  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Syria,  but  on 
the  ancient  border  between  Judah  and  Edom,  to  the  S.  of  the  Dead 
Sea.  It  was  the  scene  of  Amaziah's  victory  over  the  Edomites  (2  Kings 
xiv.  7).  We  must  therefore  either  adopt  the  Sept.  reading,  or  insert 
after  Syrians  the  words  aJtd  he  smote  Edom,  which  may  easily  have 
dropped  out,  as  the  second  of  two  similarly  ending  clauses. 

Psalm  Ix.  is  referred  to  this  occasion  by  its  title;  ''Michtam  of  David. 
When  he  fought  with  Aram  of  the  two  rivers  [Mesopotamia]  and  Aram 
of  Zobah,  and  Joab  returned  and  smote  Edom  in  the  Valley  of  Salt  (to 
the  number  of)  twelve  thousand  men."  The  genuineness  of  this  title  is 
disputed,  chiefly  on  the  ground  that  the  Psalm  speaks  of  heavy  disasters, 
of  which  there  is  no  mention  in  the  history.  But  we  should  scarcely 
expect  defeat  to  be  chronicled  in  such  an  extremely  brief  summary  as 
the  present,  which  records  only  the  final  results  of  the  war.  We  may 
conjecture  that  while  David  was  occupied  with  his  campaign  against  the 
Ammonites  and  Syrians,  Edom  seized  the  opportunity  for  invading  the 
south  of  Judah,  and  succeeded  in  inflicting  serious  damage,  until  David 
sent  back  part  of  his  forces  under  Joab  or  Abishai,  and  repulsed  their 
attack,  following  up  his  victory  by  the  complete  subjugation  of  Edom. 


no  II.  SAMUEL,  VIII.  [vv.  14—17. 

14  thousand  men.  And  he  put  garrisons  in  Edom  ;  throughout 
all  Edom  put  he  garrisons,  and  all  they  of  Edom  became 
David's  servants.  And  the  Lord  preserved  David  whither- 
soever he  went. 

15 — 18.    David'' s  administration  and  officers. 

15  And  David  reigned  over  all  Israel ;  and  David  executed 

16  judgment  and  justice  unto  all  his  people.  And  Joab  the 
son  of  Zeruiah  was  over  the  host ;  and  Jehoshaphat  the  son 

17  of  Ahilud  was  recorder ;  and  Zadok  the  son  of  Ahitub,  and 

We  learn  further  from  i  Kings  xi.  15, 1 5,  that  the  war  was  pursued  with 
relentless  severity,  and  signal  vengeance  taken  upon  the  Edomites. 
That  the  successful  campaign  is  here  attributed  to  David,  in  Chr.  to 
Abishai,  in  the  Psalm  and  in  i  Kings  to  Joab,  need  cause  no  difficulty. 
David  was  concerned  in  it  as  king,  Joab  as  general  of  the  army, 
Abishai  probably  as  commander  of  the  division  sent  forward  in  advance. 
The  variations  as  to  the  number  of  slain,  here  put  at  18,000,  in  the  Psalm 
at  12,000,  may  be  due  either  to  a  textual  error,  or  to  some  difference  in 
the  mode  of  reckoning. 

14.  garnsons\  See  note  on  v.  6.  Stress  is  laid  by  the  words 
throiighoiit  all  Edom  on  the  completeness  with  which  David  subjugated 
the  country.  Thus  was  fulfilled  the  first  part  of  Isaac's  prophecy  (Gen. 
xxvii.  37 — 40),  and  Balaam's  prophecy  (Num.  xxiv.  17,  18). 

15 — 18.    David's  administration  and  officers. 

A  summary  notice  of  the  internal  administration  of  the  kingdom, 
with  a  list  of  David's  chief  officers  of  state,  is  appended  to  the  account 
of  his  wars.  Another  list  of  these  officers  is  given  in  ch.  xx.  23 — 26  : 
on  the  differences  between  them  see  notes  there.  A  similar  list  of 
Solomon's  officers  is  to  be  found  in  i  Kings  iv.  i — 5. 

15.  executed  judgment  and  Justice']  Proving  himself  the  true  repre- 
sentative of  Jehovah,  whose  attributes  these  are  (Ps.  xxxiii.  5,  Ixxxix.  14); 
and  a  true  type  of  the  perfect  Messianic  King  (Is.  ix.  7,  xxxii.  i  j  Jer. 
xxiii.  5,  6). 

16.  recorde?-']  Or,  rememlDrancer,  a  state  officer  of  high  rank,  who 
seems  not  only  to  have  kept  a  record  of  events,  but  to  have  acted  as  the 
king's  adviser.  His  importance  is  indicated  by  2  Kings  xviii.  18,  37, 
where  he  appears  as  one  of  the  king's  representatives,  and  2  Chr.  xxxiv.  8, 
where  he  is  mentioned  as  one  of  the  commissioners  for  restoring  the 
Temple.  The  traveller  Chardin  describes  a  similar  officer  of  the  Per- 
sian court,  whose  duty  it  is  to  furnish  the  king  and  his  ministers  with 
an  account  of  all  important  events  that  take  place  in  the  kingdom, 
and  to  keep  a  record  of  them,  and  also  to  register  the  royal  acts  and 
decrees.      Travels,  1 11.,  p.  328. 

17.  Zadok  the  son  of  AhittiUl  Zadok  was  of  the  house  of  Eleazar 
(i  Chr.  vi.  4 — 8).     He  joined   David   at  Hebron  after  Saul's  death 


V.  i8.]  II.  SAMUEL,  VIII.  in 

Ahimelech  the  son  of  Abiathar,  were  the  priests ;  and  Se- 
raiah  was  the  scribe  -,  and  Benaiah  the  son  of  Jehoiada  was  is 
over  both  the  Cherethites  and  the  Pelethites;  and  David's 
sons  were  chief  rulers. 

(i  Chr.  xii.  28),  and  remained  faithful  to  him  throughout  his  reign. 
In  Absalom's  rebellion  he  left  Jerusalem  along  with  David,  and  only 
returned  at  his  command  {2  Sam.  xv.  24 — 29,  xvii.  15).  Through  him 
David  communicated  with  the  elders  of  Judah  concerning  his  return 
(ch.  xix.  11).  Finally,  when  Abiathar  joined  the  rebellion  of  Adonijah, 
Zadok  remained  faithful  to  David,  took  part  in  the  anointing  of  Solo- 
mon, and  was  made  sole  high-priest  (i  Kings  i.  8,  44,  ii.  35),  which 
office  he  held  during  some  part  of  Solomon's  reign  (i  Kings  iv.  4). 

Ahimelech  the  son  of  Abiathar]  Since  Zadok  and  Abiathar  are  else- 
where constantly  mentioned  together  as  the  high-priests  in  David's 
reign,  and  it  is  clear  from  i  Sam.  xxii.  20 — 23  that  Abiathar  was  the 
son  of  Ahimelech,  and  from  i  Kings  i.,  ii.  26  that  he  held  office 
throughout  David's  reign,  it  seems  necessary  to  emend  the  text  and 
read  Abiathar  the  son  of  Ahimelecli.  The  error,  if  it  is  one,  appears 
also  in  i  Chr.  xviii.  16,  xxiv.  3,  6,  31,  and  must  have  existed  in  one  of 
the  original  documents  from  which  these  books  were  compiled.  It 
seems  hardly  probable,  though  not  impossible,  that  the  high-priesthood 
of  Abiathar  is  assumed  as  known,  and  only  the  assistant  priests  men- 
tioned, who  stood  in  the  same  relation  to  him  as  Hophni  and  Phinehas 
to  Eli  (i  Sam.  i.  3) :  or  that  Ahimelech  officiated  for  a  time  as  deputy 
for  his  father,  who  was  incapacitated  by  illness  or  other  cause. 

priests']  Zadok  officiated  in  the  Tabernacle  at  Gibeon  (i  Chr.  xvi. 
39),  Abiathar  probably  before  the  Ark  in  Jerusalem.  On  the  origin  of 
this  double  high-priesthood,  see  preliminary  note  to  ch.  vi.,  p.  88. 

Sei'aiah]  Called  in  i  Chr.  xviii.  16  Shavsha,  and  probably  the  same 
as  Sheva  or  Shcya  (2  Sam.  xx.  25)  and  Shisha  (i  Kings  iv.  3). 

scribe]  Secretary  of  state  :  an  official  mentioned  several  times  in  the 
course  of  the  history  :  e.g.  2  Kings  xii.  10,  xviii.  18,  37,  xxii.  3,  &c. 

18.     Benaiah]     See  note  on  ch.  xxiii.  20. 

■was  over]  Over  is  not  in  the  Heb.  text,  and  must  be  supplied  from 
Chr.  But  possibly  there  is  some  further  defect,  for  the  Sept.  reads 
"Benaiah  the  son  of  Jehoiada  was  counsellor."  Cp.  note  on  ch. 
xxiii.  23. 

the  Cherethites  and  the  Pelethites]  The  first  reference  to  these  troops, 
which  are  mentioned  by  this  name  during  the  reign  of  David  only. 
They  seem  to  have  formed  the  king's  body-guard.  See  ch.  xv.  i8, 
XX.  7,  23  ;  I  Kings  i.  38,  44;  i  Chr.  xviii.  17.  Two  explanations  of 
the  names  have  been  proposed:  (i)  that  they  mean  execiitiotiers  and 
runners^  it  being  the  duty  of  the  royal  guards  to  execute  sentence  (see 
Gen.  xxxvii.  36  marg.;  i  Kings  ii.  25),  and  to  convey  the  king's 
orders  from  place  to  place  (see  2  Chr.  xxx.  6) :  (2)  that  they  are  the 
names  of  two  Philistine  tribes,  the  body-guard  being  composed  of  foreign 
mercenaries,  like  the  Pope's  Swiss  guard.  In  favour  of  the  latter  ex- 
planation it  may  be  urged  {a)  that  the  names  are  gentilic  in  form ;  {p') 


112  11.  SAMUEL,   IX.  [vv.  I— 4. 

Ch.  IX.  I — 13.    David'^s  kindness  to  MephiboshetJi. 

9  "  And  David  said,  Is  there  yet  a7iy  that  is  left  of  the  house 
of  Saul,  that  I  may  shew  him  kindness  for  Jonathan's  sake  ? 

2  And  the7'e  was  of  the  house  of  Saul  a  servant  whose  name 
ivas  TAhd,.  And  when  they  had  called  him  unto  David,  the 
king   said   unto  him,  Ai't  thou  Ziba?     And  he  said.  Thy 

3  servant  is  he.  And  the  king  said.  Is  the?'e  not  yet  any  of 
the  house  of  Saul,  that  I  may  shew  the  kindness  of  God 
unto  him?     And  Ziba  said  unto  the  king,  Jonathan  hath 

4  yet  a  son,  which  is  lame  on  his  feet.  And  the  king  said 
unto  him.  Where  is  he?  And  Ziba  said  unto  the  king. 
Behold,  he  is  in  the  house  of  Machir,  the  son  of  Ammiel, 


that  CheretJiites  certainly  denotes  a  Philistine  tribe  in  the  other  passages 
where  it  occurs  (i  Sam.  xxx.  14  ;  Ezek.  xxv.  16  ;  Zeph.  ii.  5) ;  [c]  that 
they  are  mentioned  in  conjunction  with  the  Gittites  in  ch.  xv.  18,  so  that 
David  evidently  had  some  foreign  troops  in  his  service,  whom  he  had 
gathered  round  him  during  his  residence  at  Ziklag. 

chief  rulcrs\  Ministers.  The  word  is  that  usually  translated  priest. 
It  is  derived  from  a  root  meaning  to  serve  or  minister,  and  in  a  few 
instances  denotes  a  civil  not  an  ecclesiastical  minister,  the  king's  con- 
fidential adviser.  Cp.  the  paraphrase  in  i  Chr.  xviii.  17  "  chief  by 
the  side  of  the  king;"  and  i  Kings  iv.  5,  where  the  E.V.  renders 
"principal  ofiicer." 

Ch.  IX.  1—13.    David's  kindness  to  Mephibosheth. 

Since  Mephibosheth  was  only  five  years  old  at  the  time  of  his  father's 
death  (ch.  iv.  4),  and  now  had  a  young  son  {v.  12),  the  incident  here 
recorded  cannot  have  occurred  till  David  had  been  reigning  at  Jeru- 
salem for  some  seven  years  at  least,  when  Mephibosheth  would  be  about 
20  years  old.  The  narrative  finds  a  natural  place  here  as  an  appendix 
to  the  general  summary  of  the  public  history  of  David's  reign,  and 
before  the  account  of  his  great  sin  with  its  fatal  consequences.  It  is 
omitted  in  Chronicles  as  being  a  matter  of  private  interest. 

1.  that  I  may  shew  him  kindness  for  Jonathan^  s  sa/ce]  In  fulfilmeflt 
of  his  oath  to  Jonathan.     See  i  Sam.  xx.  14 — 17,  42. 

3.  the  kindness  of  God'\  A  reference  to  Jonathan's  words  in  i  Sam. 
XX.  14.  "The  kindness  of  God"  means  kindness  or  mercy  such  as 
God  shews  to  men,  unfailing,  unsought,  unlimited.     Cp,  Luke  vi.  36. 

lame  on  his  feet']     See  ch.  iv.  4. 

Machir  the  son  of  Amtniel]  A  man  of  wealth  and  position,  to  judge 
from  the  welcome  which  he  gave  David  in  his  flight  from  Absalom 
(ch.  xvii.  27 — 29).  He  may  have  taken  charge  of  Mephibosheth  at  Jona- 
than's death.  It  may  be  inferred  from  his  name  that  he  belonged  to 
the  tribe  of  Manasseh  (Num.  xxxii.  39,  40). 


vv.  5— lo.]  II.  SAMUEL,    IX. 


in  Lo-debar.     Then  king  David  sent,  and  fet  him  out  of  the  5 
house  of  Machir,  the  son  of  Ammiel,  from  Lo-debar.     Now  6 
when  Mephibosheth,  the  son  of  Jonathan,  the  son  of  Saul, 
was  come  unto  David,  he  fell  on  his  face,  and  did  reverence. 
And  David  said,  Mephibosheth.    And  he  answered.  Behold 
thy  servant.     And  David  said  unto  him.  Fear  not :  for  I  7 
will  surely  shew  thee  kindness  for  Jonathan  thy  father's  sake, 
and  will  restore  thee  all  the  land  of  Saul  thy  father;  and 
thou    shalt    eat    bread    at    my  table   continually.     And  he  8 
bowed  himself,  and  said,   What  is  thy  servant,  that  thou 
shouldest  look  upon  such  a  dead  dog  as  I  ain  ?     Then  the  9 
king  called  to  Ziba,  Saul's  servant,  and  said  unto  him,  I 
have  given  unto  thy  master's  son  all  that  pertained  to  Saul 
and  to  all  his  house.     Thou  therefore,  and  thy  sons,  and  10 
thy  servants,  shall  till  the  land  for  him,  and  thou  shalt  bring 

Lo-debarl  A  town  on  the  E.  of  the  Jordan  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Mahanaim,  possibly  the  same  as  the  Debir  of  Josh.  xiii.  26.  Its  site 
is  not  determined. 

5.  fet\  This  archaic  form  for yir/iT/^^^ appears  in  several  passages  in  the 
original  edition  of  the  E.  V.  (1611).     It  is  found  in  Shakespeare : 

"On,  on,  you  noblest  English, 
Whose  blood  is  y^^  from  fathers  of  war-proof!" 

Henry  F.,  A.  ill.  S.  I.  18,  19. 

6.  ATephibosheth?^     See  note  on  ch.  iv.  4. 

7.  Fear  7tot\  Mephibosheth  might  be  afraid  that  David  had  only 
hunted  him  out  to  treat  him  after  the  common  fashion  of  Oriental 
usurpers,  who  often  put  all  their  predecessor's  kindred  to  death.  He 
seems  to  have  lived  in  concealment  at  Lo-debar. 

the  land  of  Said  thy  father]  Saul's  private  estate  at  Gibeah,  which 
passed  into  David's  possession  when  he  came  to  the  throne  (ch.  xii.  8). 
Father  =  grandfather,  as  frequently  :  so  in  v.  9  son  =  grandson. 

thoti  shalt  eat  bread  at  my  table]  A  common  mark  of  honour  in 
Oriental  countries.  See  i  Kings  ii.  7  ;  2  Kings  xxv.  29.  The  physician 
Democedes,  who  cured  Darius,  was  made  "a  member  of  the  king's 
table"  {ofjLOTpaTre^os  ^acrL\il',  Herod.  III.  132):  and  Histiaeus  of  Miletus 
was  invited  to  come  up  to  Susa,  and  be  Darius'  "mess-companion" 
{avaaiTos,  Herod,  v.  24). 

8.  he  bowed  hmiself]  The  same  Heb.  word  as  "did  reverence" 
in  V.  6. 

a  dead  dog\  The  vilest  and  most  contemptible  object  possible.  See 
note  on  ch.  iii,  8  ;  and  cp.  ch.  xvi.  9  ;  i  Sam.  xxiv.  14. 

10.  shall  till  the  land]  This  arrangement  suggests  that  Ziba  was 
already  in  occupation  of  the  land,  so  that  the  only  change  to  him  would 
be  that  Mephibosheth  would  now  receive  the  fruits  instead  of  David. 

II.  SAMUEL.  S 


114  II.  SAMUEL,   IX.  [vv.  ii— 13. 

in  the  fruits,  that  thy  master's  son  may  have  food  to  eat : 
but  Mephibosheth  thy  master's  son  shall  eat  bread  alway  at 
my  table.  Now  Ziba  had  fifteen  sons  and  twenty  servants. 
Then  said  Ziba  unto  the  king,  According  to  all  that  my  lord 
the  king  hath  commanded  his  servant,  so  shall  thy  servant 
do.  As  for  Mephibosheth,  said  the  king,  he  shall  eat  at  my 
table,  as  one  of  the  king's  sons.  And  Mephibosheth  had  a 
young  son,  whose  name  was  Micha.  And  all  that  dwelt  in 
the  house  of  Ziba  were  servants  unto  Mephibosheth.  So 
Mephibosheth  dwelt  in  Jerusalem:  for  he  did  eat  continually 
at  the  king's  table ;  and  was  lame  on  both  his  feet. 

that  thy  master'' s  son,  &c.]  Though  Mephibosheth  himself  was  to  be 
a  guest  at  the  royal  table,  he  would  require  the  revenues  of  this  estate 
for  the  support  of  his  family  and  household.  It  may  be  inferred  from 
the  number  of  Ziba's  servants  that  they  would  be  considerable. 

11.  As  for  Mephibosheth,  said  the  king]  There  is  nothing  to  war- 
rant the  insertion  of  the  words  "said  the  king  : "  nor  can  the  words  be 
Ziba's  assertion  that  he  would  himself  have  entertained  Mephibosheth 
royally.  It  remains  to  follow  the  LXX.  in  reading  at  David's  table 
for  "at  my  table,"  and  to  take  the  clause  along  with  the  next  two 
verses  as  the  narrator's  conclusion  of  the  story,  thus:  "So  Mephi- 
bosheth did  eat  at  David's  table,  as  one  of  the  king's  sons." 

12.  Alichd]  He  had  a  numerous  posterity.  See  i  Chr.  viii.  34,  ff., 
where  he  is  called  Micah. 

Ch.  X.    War  with  the  Ammonites  and  their  allies  the 

Syrians. 

=  I  Chron.  xix. 

David  had  now  reached  the  summit  of  his  prosperity  and  power. 
The  historian  has  now  to  record  how  he  fell  from  that  height  into  a 
sin  which  brought  shame  and  suffering  upon  himself  and  disaster  upon 
his  kingdom.  This  war  with  the  Ammonites  is  described  in  detail, 
because  of  its  close  connexion  with  that  act,  which  marked  the  fatal 
turning-point  in  David's  reign. 

The  war  with  the  Ammonites  is  incidentally  alluded  to  in  ch.  viii.  12 
among  David's  other  wars;  and  the  war  with  the  Syrians  to  which  it 
led  is  not  improbably  the  same  as  that  recorded  in  ch.  viii.  3 — 6. 

It  is  there  related  that  Hadadezer  sustained  a  crushing  defeat,  and 
that  a  great  part  of  his  vassals  transferred  their  allegiance  to  David. 
There  is  no  hint  here  that  they  had  revolted,  and  it  seems  unlikely  that 
they  could  have  raised  so  large  an  army  on  a  second  occasion.  The 
circumstances  narrated  here  {v.  16)  explain  the  otherwise  obscure  men- 
tion of  the  Euphrates  in  ch.  viii.  3  :  the  seat  of  war,  the  persons  engaged, 
the  results,  and  the  general  details,  are  so  similar  as  to  make  it  at  least 
improbable  that  the  narratives  refer  to  two  distinct  wars. 

It  is  easy  to  assign  a  reason  for  this  repetition.     There  the  account 


vv.  1—4.]  II.  SAMUEL,  X.  115 

Ch.  X.     IVar  zvith  the  Afnmo7tites  and  their  allies  the 

Syrians. 
I — 5.    David's  ambassadors  insulted  by  the  Anwionites. 

And  it  came  to  pass  after  this,  that  the  king  of  the  chil-  10 
dren  of  Amnion  died,  and  Hanim  his  son  reigned  in  his 
stead.     Then  said  David,  I  will  shew  kindness  unto  Hanun  2 
the  son  of  Nahash,  as  his  father  shewed  kindness  unto  me. 
And  David  sent  to  comfort  him  by  the  hand  of  his  servants 
for  his  father.     And  David's  servants  came  into  the  land  of 
the  children  of  Ammon.     And  the  princes  of  the  children  3 
of  Ammon  said  unto  Hanun  their  lord,  Thinkest  thou  that 
David  doth  honour  thy  father,  that  he  hath  sent  comforters 
unto  thee?  hath  not  David  rather  sent  his  servants  unto 
thee,  to  search  the  city,  and  to  spy  it  out,  and  to  overthrow 
it?     Wherefore  Hanun  took  David's  servants,  and  shaved  4 
off  the  one  half  of  their  beards,  and  cut  off  their  garments  in 

forms  part  of  the  collected  summary  of  David's  principal  wars,  as  it  was 
probably  by  far  the  most  important  and  most  distant  of  them  :  here  it 
appears  as  a  necessary  pendant  to  the  history  of  the  Ammonite  war, 
which  is  being  related  in  full  in  order  to  lead  up  to  and  explain  the 
circumstances  of  David's  fall. 

1 — 5.    David's  ambassadors  insulted  by  the  Ammonites. 

1.  And  it  came  to  pass  after  tins']  On  this  formula  of  transition  see 
note  on  ch.  viii.  / . 

the  king  of  the  children  of  Ammon]  Forty  years  at  least  had  passed 
since  the  events  of  i  Sam.  xi.,  so  that  this  Nahash  was  probably  the 
son  or  grandson  of  the  king  defeated  by  Saul  at  Jabesh.  On  the  Am- 
monites see  note  on  i  Sam.  xi.  i. 

//amen]  This  name  is  identical  with  the  Phoenician  Hanno,  which 
appears  so  frequently  in  Carthaginian  history.  In  Greek  both  take  the 
form  "k-vvwy  {Annan). 

2.  as  his  father  shewed  kindness  unto  me]  Possibly  in  the  course  of 
David's  wanderings :  possibly  by  a  congratulatory  embassy  on  his 
accession  (cp.  i  Kings  v.  i)  :  according  to  a  Jewish  tradition  by 
receiving  one  of  his  brothers,  who  escaped  when  his  parents  were  mur- 
dered by  the  king  of  Moab. 

3.  the  p7'inces  of  the  children  of  Ammoii]  The  new  king's  counsel- 
lors were  as  foolish  as  Rehoboam's  advisers  (i  Kings  xii.  10,  11). 
Their  unjust  suspicions  of  David's  motives  may  have  been  excited  by 
his  recent  conquest  of  Moab. 

tJie  city]     Kabbah,  which  was  strongly  fortified.     See  ch.  xi.  i. 

4.  shaved  off  the  one  half  of  their  beards]  Compare  the  story  in 
Herodotus  of  the  thief  who  made  some  guards  drunk,  and  for  an  insult 

8  —  2 


ii6  11.  SAMUEL,   X.  [vv.  5,  6. 

the  middle,  even  to  their  buttocks,  and  sent  them   away. 

5  When  they  told  it  unto  David,  he  sent  to  meet  them,  be- 
cause the  men  were  greatly  ashamed :  and  the  king  said. 
Tarry  at  Jericho  until  your  beards  be  grown,  and  then 
return. 

6 — 14.    Defeat  of  the  Ammonites  and  their  Syrian  allies. 

6  And  when  the  children  of  Ammon  saw  that  they  stank 
before  David,  the  children  of  Ammon  sent  and  hired  the 
Syrians  of  Beth-rehob,   and  the  Syrians   of  Zoba,   twenty 

shaved  their  right  cheeks  (ir.  121).  No  grosser  insult  could  have  been 
devised.  The  beard  was  and  still  is  to  an  Oriental  the  badge  of  the 
dignity  of  manhood.  It  was  only  shaved  as  a  sign  of  the  deepest 
mourning.  See  Is.  xv.  2;  Jer.  xli.  5.  ''Cutting  off  a  person's  beard 
is  regarded  by  the  Arabs  as  an  indignity  equal  to  flogging  and  branding 
among  ourselves.  Many  would  rather  die  than  have  tlieir  beard  shaved 
off."  D'Arvieux'  Ciistovis  of  the  Bedotiin  Arabs.  A  similar  occurrence 
is  said  to  have  taken  place  in  modern  times.  "In  1764  Kerim  Khan, 
a  pretender  to  the  Persian  throne,  sent  ambassadors  to  Mir  Mahenna, 
the  prince  of  Rendervigk,  on  the  Persian  Gulf,  to  demand  tribute  from 
him ;  but  he  in  return  cut  off  the  ambassadors'  beards.  Kerim  Khan 
was  so  enraged  at  this  that  he  went  the  next  year  with  a  large  army  to 
make  war  upon  this  prince,  and  took  the  city,  and  almost  the  whole  of 
his  territory,  to  avenge  the  insult."     Niebuhr's  Description  of  Arabia. 

cut  off  their  garments']  The  ambassadors,  who  wore  long  dignified 
garments,  were  sent  away  in  the  shameful  plight  of  captives.  See  Is. 
XX.  4. 

5.  Tarry  at  Jericho']  Jericho  was  on  their  direct  way  back  to 
Jerusalem.  David  wished  to  spare  them  the  mortification  of  returning 
to  Jerusalem  in  such  a  ridiculous  plight. 

6 — 14.    Defeat  of  the  Ammonites  and  their  Syrian  allies. 

6.  that  they  stank]  Lit.  that  they  had  made  themselves  stink:  had 
brought  themselves  into  evil  odour,  or,  made  themselves  odious.  An- 
cient history  records  many  wars  undertaken  to  avenge  insults  offered  to 
ambassadors,  whose  persons  have  always  been  considered  sacred  by 
the  law  of  nations:  e.g.  the  war  between  Rome  and  Tarentum  which 
led  to  the  invasion  of  Italy  by  Pyrrhus.  See  also  Cicero,  pro  lege 
Manil.  c.  5. 

hired]  For  a  thousand  talents  of  silver  according  to  i  Chr.  xix.  5, 
a  sum  variously  estimated  at  from  ;^25o,ooo  to  ;z{^50o,ooo.  For  other 
instances  of  the  employment  of  mercenary  troops  see  2  Kings  vii.  6; 
1  Chron.  xxv.  6. 

Beth-rehob]  Beth-rehob  {  =  house  of  Rehob)  or  Rehob  [v.  8),  the 
capital  of  this  Syrian  kingdom,  can  hardly  be  the  Beth-rehob  near  Dan 
mentioned  in  Jud.  xviii.   28,   which  was  in  Israelite  territory.     It  is 


w.7,S.]  II.  SAMUEL,   X.  117 

thousand  footmen,  and  of  king  Maacah  a  thousand  men, 
and  of  Ish-tob  twelve  thousand  men.     And  when  David  7 
heard  0/  it^  he  sent  Joab,  and  all  the  host  of  the  mighty 
men.     And  the  children  of  Ammon  came  out,  and  put  the  8 
battle  in  arrays/  the  entering  in  of  the  gate:  and  the  Syrians 

better  to  place  it  at  Rtihaibeh,  25  miles  N.E.  of  Damascus,  or  to  iden- 
tify it  with  Rehohoth  by  the  river  (Gen.  xxxvi.  37),  the  site  of  which  is 
fixed  a  few  miles  below  the  junction  of  the  Chaboras  with  the  Eu- 
phrates. In  this  case  the  Mesopotamians  mentioned  in  the  parallel 
passage  in  i  Chron.  may  be  the  same  as  the  Syrians  of  Beth-rehob. 

the  Syrians  of  Zoba\     See  note  on  ch.  viii.  3. 

and  of  king  Maacah']  Rather,  and  the  king-  of  Maacah.  This 
small  Syrian  kingdom  was  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Geshur,  adjoining 
the  province  of  Argob  in  the  north-east  of  Bashan  (Deut.  iii.  14),  some- 
where to  the  east  of  the  wild  and  rocky  region  now  called  El-Lejah. 
Some  however  would  place  it  on  the  south-west  slope  of  Hermon  at  the 
sources  of  the  Jordan.     See  notes  on  Josh.  xii.  5,  xiii.  13. 

and  of  Ish-tob]  Rather,  and  the  men  of  Tob,  the  district  in  which 
Jephthah  took  refuge  (Jud.  xi.  3).  It  seems  to  have  been  somewhere 
north  or  east  of  Giiead,  between  Syria  and  the  country  of  the  Am- 
monites. 

.  The  text  of  Chronicles  differs  from  that  of  Samuel  in  several  points, 
(a)  It  mentions  the  price  paid  to  the  Syrians,  a  thousand  talents  of 
silver,  and  names  Medeba  as  the  rendezvous  where  their  forces  assem- 
bled, {b)  The  names  of  the  countries  from  which  the  mercenaries  were 
drawn  are  given  as  Mesopotamia,  Maacah,  and  Zobah.  Belh-rehob 
may  be  included  under  Mesopotamia  (^o.  6,  note).  Tob  is  not 
mentioned;  perhaps  it  was  a  dependency  of  Zobah,  and  is  included 
under  it.  The  contingent  sent  by  each  is  not  specified,  (c)  The  total 
number  of  32,000  besides  the  men  of  Maacah,  agrees  withi  the  numbers 
here ;  but  the  reading  chariots  in  the  present  text  of  i  Chr.  xix.  7  can 
scarcely  be  right.  32,000  chariots  would  be  a  force  of  unexampled  mag- 
nitude. See  I  Kings  x.  26;  2  Chron.  xii.  3,  xiv.  9.  The  text  of 
Samuel  also  seems  to  be  defective,  as  the  force  doubtless  had  some 
cavalry  and  chariots  and  did  not  consist  of  infantry  only. 

7.  all  the  host  of  the  mighty  men]  Lit.  all  the  host,  the  mighty  men. 
Elsewhere  "the  mighty  men"  appear  to  be  distinguished  from  the 
main  body  of  the  army  as  a  corps  of  picked  warriors,  (see  note  on 
ch.  XV.  i8);  and  we  should  perhaps  read  all  the  host,  ajid  the  mighty 
men. 

8.  at  the  entering  in  of  the  gate]  This  is  generally  supposed  to  be 
the  gate  of  the  Ammonite  capital  Rabbah.  But  the  account  in  Chron- 
icles states  explicitly  that  the  Syrian  mercenaries  mustered  at  Medeba, 
which  was  nearly  20  miles  south-west  of  Rabbah,  and  clearly  implies 
that  it  was  the  city  which  the  Ammonites  occupied.  Further  it  is 
evident  from  v.  9,  which  describes  Joab  as  in  danger  of  being 
crushed  between  the  two  forces,  that  the  Syrians  were  at  no  great  dis- 


Ii8  II.  SAMUEL,  X.  [vv.  9— 13. 

of  Zoba,  and  of  Rehob,  and  Ish-tob,  and  Maacah,  were  by 

9  themselves  in  the  field.     When  Joab  saw  that  the  front  of 

the  battle  was  against  him  before  and  behind,  he  chose  of 

all  the  choice  men  of  Israel,  and  put  them  in  array  against 

10  the  Syrians:  and  the  rest  of  the  people  he  delivered  into  the 
hand  of  Abishai  his  brother,  that  he  might  put  them  in  array 

11  against  the  children  of  Ammon.  And  he  said.  If  the  Syrians 
be  too  strong  for  me,  then  thou  shalt  help  me  :  but  if  the 
children  of  Ammon  be  too  strong  for  thee,  then  I  will  come 

12  and  help  thee.  Be  of  good  courage,  and  let  us  play  the 
men  for  our  people,  and  for  the  cities  of  our  God  :  and  the 

13  Lord  do  that  which  seemeth  him  good.     And  Joab  drew 

tance  from  the  city.  And  how  came  the  Syrian  force  to  march  past 
Rabbah  to  Medeba,  if  the  Ammonites  meant  to  make  their  stand  at 
Rabbah?  or  how  could  Joab  possibly  have  advanced  to  Rabbah,  leav- 
ing this  huge  Syrian  force  in  his  rear  ? 

Medeba,  the  modern  Mddeba,  was  four  miles  south-east  of  Heshbon, 
on  a  rounded  but  rocky  hill.  It  existed  before  the  Israelite  conquest 
(Num.  xxi.  30),  was  assigned  to  Reuben  (Josh.  xiii.  9),  and  now  seems 
to  have  been  in  the  hands  of  the  Ammonites.  It  is  mentioned  on  the 
famous  Moabite  stone  as  having  been  recaptured  by  Mesha,  and  in  the 
time  of  Isaiah  was  a  Moabite  sanctuary  (Is.  xv.  2). 

in  thefield\  "The  plain  of  Medeba"  (Josh.  xiii.  9,  16)  would  be  an 
advantageous  place  for  the  manoeuvres  of  a  large  army,  especially  with 
chariots  and  cavalry. 

9.  that  the  front  of  the  battle  zvas  against  him  before  and  behind^ 
The  Ammonites  were  posted  in  front  of  the  city,  the  Syrians  on  the 
plain  opposite  to  them :  if  he  attacked  either  force  separately,  his  rear 
would  be  exposed  to  the  other.  His  choice  of  the  picked  men  to 
attack  the  Syrians,  and  his  taking  command  of  this  division  in  person, 
indicate  that  the  mercenary  troops  were  the  most  formidable  part  of 
the  Ammonite  force. 

10.  that  he  might  put  them  in  array\  Rather,  and  he  put  them  in 
array. 

12.  Be  of  good  courage,  and  let  11s  play  the  men]  Lit.  Be  strong 
and  let  us  shew  ourselves  strong- :  the  same  words  as  those  translated 
in  I  Chr.  xix.  13  "Be  of  good  courage,  and  let  us  behave  ourselves 
valiantly." 

for  the  cities  of  our  God]  As  the  people  of  Israel  were  the  people  of 
the  Lord,  so  the  land  which  He  had  given  them  was  His,  and  its  cities 
were  His.  They  were  fighting  "the  Lord's  battles,"  that  these  cities 
might  not  fall  into  heathen  hands  and  be  given  over  to  the  worship  of 
heathen  gods.     Cp.  i  Sam.  xvii.  36,  47,  xviii.  17. 

the  Lord  do  that  which  seemeth  him  good]  Better,  Jehovah  "will  do, 
&c.:  an  expression  of  trust  combined  with  resignation  to  God's  will. 
Cp,  1  Sam.  iii.  18. 


vv.  14—18.]  II.  SAMUEL,  X.  119 

nigh,  and  the  people  that  were  with  him,  unto  the  battle 
against  the  Syrians :  and  they  fled  before  him.  And  when  14 
the  children  of  Ammon  saw  that  the  Syrians  were  fled,  the7i 
fled  they  also  before  Abishai,  and  entered  into  the  city.  So 
Joab  returned  from  the  children  of  Ammon,  and  came  to 
Jerusalem. 

15 — 19.     Renewed  attack  of  the  Syriajis.     Their  total  defeat. 

And  when  the  Syrians  saw  that  they  were  smitten  before  15 
Israel,  they  gathered  themselves  together.     And  Hadarezer  16 
sent,  and  brought  out  the  Syrians  that  7£/^r<? beyond  the  river: 
and  they  came  to  Helam ;  and  Shobach  the  captain  of  the 
host  of  Hadarezer  went  before  them.     And  when  it  was  17 
told  David,  he  gathered  all  Israel  together,  and  passed  over 
Jordan,  and  came  to  Helam.     And  the  Syrians  set  them- 
selves in  array  against  David,  and  fought  with  him.     And  18 
the  Syrians  fled  before  Israel ;  and  David  slew  the  men  of 
seven  hundred  chariots  of  the  Syrians,  and  forty  thousand 
horsemen,  and  smote  Shobach  the  captain  of  their  host,  who 

13.  they  fled  before  hini\  "They  that  are  hired  to  fight  generally 
have  a  great  care  to  save  themselves,  having  no  regard  to  the  cause  for 
which  they  fight."     Patrick. 

14.  then  fled  they  alsd\  The  rout  of  their  allies  left  Joab  free  to 
help  Abishai,  and  the  Ammonites  retired  at  once  within  the  walls  of 
the  city. 

So  Joab  returned^  He  did  not  attempt  a  siege,  most  likely  because 
the  season  was  too  far  advanced.     Cp.  ch.  xi.  i. 

15 — 19.  Renewed  attack  of  the  Syrians.  Their  total  defeat. 

16.  And  Hadarezer  sent,  &c.]  The  correct  form  of  his  name  Is  pro- 
bably Hadadezer.  See  note  on  ch.  viii.  3.  He  now  mustered  his 
vassals  and  tributaries  {v.  19)  from  beyond  "the  river,"  i.e.  the  Eu- 
phrates. "Brought  out "  =  caused  to  take  the  field  :  it  is  the  causative 
voice  of  the  verb  "to  go  out,"  which  is  the  technical  term  for  going  out 
to  war  (i  Sam.  viii.  20 ;  1  Sam.  xi.  i). 

and  they  came  to  Hdam'\  The  words  might  be  translated  aitd  their 
force  catfie  ;  but  on  the  whole  it  is  preferable  to  take  Helam  as  a  proper 
name,  as  in  z/.  17.  It  has  been  proposed  to  identify  it  with  Alatnata, 
a  town  west  of  the  Euphrates,  but  it  is  nowhere  else  mentioned,  and  its 
site  is  quite  uncertain.  This  clause  is  omitted  in  Chronicles,  where  also 
in  place  of  a^id  cajne  to  Helaf?i  in  the  next  verse  we  read  and  ca??ie  upon 
them,  so  that  the  name  of  the  place  is  altogether  omitted  there. 

18.  seven  htmdred  chariots... forty  thotisand  horsemen^  The  present 
text  of  Chronicles  has  seven  thousand  chariots,.. forty  thousand  footmen. 


I20  ir.  SAMUEL,  X.  XI.  [vv.  19;  i. 

19  died  there.  And  when  all  the  kings  that  were  servants  to 
Hadarezer  saw  that  they  were  smitten  before  Israel,  they 
made  peace  with  Israel,  and  served  them.  So  the  Syrians 
feared  to  help  the  children  of  Ammon  any  more. 

Ch.  XL  I.  The  siege  of  Rahhah. 
11  And  it  came  to  pass,  after  the  year  was  expired,  at  the 
time  when  kings  go  forth  to  battle,  that  David  sent  Joab,  and 
his  servants  with  him,  and  all  Israel ;  and  they  destroyed 
the  children  of  Ammon,  and  beseiged  Rabbah.  But  David 
tarried  still  at  Jerusalem. 

It  seems  best  to  retain  the  reading  seven  hundred  chariots,  and  follow 
Chronicles  in  reading  footmen.  But  the  omission  of  horsemen  in  the 
one  and  footmen  in  the  other  makes  it  likely  that  there  is  some  further 
corruption. 

19.  the  kings  that  were  servants  to  Hadarezer'\  His  vassals  and 
tributaries  transferred  their  allegiance  to  David,  According  to  ch.  viii. 
6  (assuming  it  to  refer  to  the  same  war),  the  kingdom  of  Damascus  was 
completely  subjugated  and  secured  by  military  stations.  Both  there 
and  here  it  is  implied  that  Hadadezer  himself  still  maintained  his  inde- 
pendence in  Zobah. 

Ch.  XI.    1.     The  siege  of  Rabbah. 
=  I  Chr.  XX.  I. 

1.  after  the  year  was  expired']  Better,  at  the  return  of  the  year: 
that  is  when  spring  set  in  with  the  commencement  of  the  year  in  the 
month  Abib  or  Nisan.  Cp.  i  Kings  xx.  22,  26;  2  Chr.  xxxvi.  10.  If 
Joab's  return  to  Jerusalem  (ch.  x.  14)  was  due  to  the  lateness  of  the 
season,  the  next  year  was  probably  occupied  with  the  Syrian  campaign, 
and  the  expedition  against  Rabbah  did  not  take  place  imtil  the  year 
after  it. 

at  the  time  when  kings  go  forth  to  battle]  At  the  time  of  year  when 
kings  were  accustomed  to  reopen  the  campaign  after  the  winter  cessation 
of  hostilities. 

destroyed  the  children  of  Ammon]  The  parallel  passage  in  i  Chr. 
XX.  I  gives  the  right  explanation,  "wasted  the  country  of  the  children  of 
Ammon."     While  Rabbah  was  besieged,  the  country  was  ravaged. 

Rabbah]  Rabbah  (  =  the  great  city),  or  more  fully  Rabbah  of  the 
children  of  Ammon  (ch.  xii.  26),  the  capital  of  the  Ammonites,  was  situated 
in  a  strong  position  about  22  miles  east  of  the  Jordan,  on  a  branch  of  the 
valley  of  the  Jabbok.  It  consisted  of  the  lower  town,  called  "the  city  of 
waters"  (ch.  xii.  27),  from  the  perennial  stream  which  has  its  source  in 
it ;  and  the  citadel,  a  place  of  great  strength,  built  on  a  hill  rising 
abruptly  on  the  north  side  of  the  lower  town  (ch.  xii.  28,  29).  We  are  not 
told  whether  the  city  was  destroyed  on  its  capture.  If  so,  it  was  after- 
wards rebuilt  (Am.  i.  14),  and  was  a  place  of  importance  at  the  time  of 
Nebuchadnezzar's  invasion  (Jer.  xlix.  2,  3 ;  Ezek.  xxi.  20). 


V.  2.]  IT.  SAMUEL,  XT.  121 

2 — 5.    David^s  adultery  with  Bath-shcba. 
And  it  came  to  pass  in  an  eveningtide,  that  David  arose  2 
from  off  his  bed,  and  walked  upon  the  roof  of  the  king's 

Its  name  was  changed  to  Philadelpheia  by  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  in 
the  third  century  B.  c,  and  down  to  the  fourth  century  A.  D.  it  continued 
to  be  famous.  For  a  description  of  the  ruins,  which  give  proof  of  the 
magnificence  and  wealth  of  the  city  dui-ing  the  later  period  of  its  ex- 
istence, see  Tristram's  Land  of  Israel,  p.  533  ff.;  Oliphant's  Land  of 
Gilead,  p.  251  ff. 

David  tarried  still  at  yerzcsalent]  Exposing  himself  to  the  tempta- 
tions of  idleness.     So  Ovid  writes : 

"Quaeritur  Aegisthus  quare  sit  factus  adulter? 
In  promptu  causa  est;   desidiosus  erat." 

2 — 5.    David's  adultery  with  Bath-sheba. 

It  is  one  object  of  Holy  Scripture  to  paint  sin  in  its  true  colours.  No 
friendly  flattery,  no  false  modesty,  draws  a  veil  over  this  dark  scene  in 
David's  life.  It  is  recorded  as  a  warning  (i  Cor.  x.  ir,  12),  that  even 
holy  men  may  yield  to  temptation  and  fall  into  gross  sin;  that  one 
sin  almost  inevitably  leads  to  others ;  that  sin,  even  when  repented  of, 
brings  punishment  in  its  train. 

"With  stern  simplicity  the  inspired  prophet-historian  describes  how 
"the  lust,  when  it  hath  conceived,  beareth  sin:  and  the  sin,  when  it  is 
full  grown,  bringeth  forth  death"  (James  i.  15).  The  king  who  but  a  few 
years  before  had  sung  of  "  clean  hands  and  a  pure  heart"  (Ps.  xxiv.  4),  and 
vowed  to  exclude  from  his  palace  all  workers  of  deceit  (Ps.  ci.  7)  is 
dragged  by  his  passion  into  meanness,  ingratitude,  dissimulation, 
treacheiy,  murder.  "These  things  were  written  for  our  admonition... 
Wherefore  let  him  that  thinketh  he  standeth  take  heed  lest  he  fall  " 
(i  Cor.  x.  ir,  12). 

But  if  the  history  is  a  stern  record  of  the  enthralling  power  and  the 
inevitable  consequences  of  sin,  it  is  no  less  a  testimony  to  the  liberating 
power  of  repentance.  "Sicut  lapsus  David  cautos  facit  eos  qui  non 
ceciderunt,  sic  desperatos  esse  non  vult  qui  ceciderunt"  (Augustine  on 
Ps.  li.) :  or  in  the  words  of  Bishop  Hall :  "  How  can  we  presume  of  not 
sinning,  or  despair  for  sinning,  when  we  find  so  great  a  saint  thus  fallen, 
thus  risen." 

It  is  the  necessary  key  to  the  history  of  the  rest  of  David's  reign.  It 
explains  the  sudden  overclouding  of  his  life;  the  change  from  triumph 
and  prosperity  to  sorrow  and  failure.  See  further  in  the  Introduction, 
ch.  VI.  §  10,  p.  36,  and  §  16,  p.  41. 

This  narrative  is  altogether  omitted  in  the  Book  of  Chronicles,  for 
reasons  which  are  explained  in  the  Introduction,  ch.  ill.  p.  22. 

2.  arose  from  off  his  ded]  In  the  cool  of  the  afternoon,  after  his 
midday  siesta.     Cp.  ch.  iv.  5. 

walked  upon  the  rooff\  The  flat  roofs  of  Oriental  houses  "afford  a 
most  delightful  promenade.... During  a  large  part  of  the  year  the  roof  is 
the  most  agreeable  place  about   the   establishment,  especially  in   the 


122  II.  SAMUEL,  XI.  [vv.  3—6. 

house :  and  from  the  roof  he  saw  a  woman  washing  herself ; 

3  and  the  woman  was  very  beautiful  to  look  upon.  And 
David  sent  and  inquired  after  the  woman.  And  one  said, 
Is  not  this  Bath-sheba,  the  daughter  of  Eliam,  the  wife  of 

4  Uriah  the  Hittite?  And  David  sent  messengers,  and  took 
her;  and  she  came  in  unto  him,  and  he  lay  with  her;  for 
she  was  purified  from  her  uncleanness :  and  she  returned 

5  unto  her  house.  And  the  woman  conceived,  and  sent  and 
told  David,  and  said,  I  am  with  child. 

6 — 13.     Uriah  summoned  to  Jerusalem. 

6  And   David   sent  to  Joab,  saying^   Send  me  Uriah   the 

morning  and  the  evening."  Thomson's  The  Land  and  the  Book,  p.  39. 
David's  palace  on  Mount  Zion  (ch.  v.  9)  commanded  a  view  of  Uriah's 
house,  which  was  in  the  Lower  City  {v.  8,  go  down). 

3.  Bath-sheba,  the  daughter  of  Eliam]  In  i  Chr.  iii.  5  she  is  called 
Bath-shua,  the  daughter  of  Ainmiel.  Eliam  (  =  God  of  the  people) 
and  Ammiel  (  =  people  of  God)  are  compounded  of  the  same  words 
placed  in  different  order.  If  this  Eliam  was  the  same  as  Uriah's  brother- 
officer,  mentioned  in  ch.  xxiii.  34,  Bath-sheba  was  the  grand-daughter  of 
David's  counsellor  Ahithophel.  This,  it  has  been  thought,  explains 
Ahithophel's  adherence  to  Absalom  (ch.  xv.  12)  as  an  act  of  revenge  for 
the  seduction  of  his  grand-daughter  and  the  murder  of  her  husband. 
The  theory  has  been  well  worked  out  with  much  ingenuity  by  Prof. 
Blunt  {Undesigned  Coincidences,  p.  135  ff.),  but  must  be  regarded  as 
very  doubtful:  for  (i)  the  identity  of  Eliam  the  son  of  Ahithophel  with 
Eliam  the  father  of  Bath-sheba  cannot  be  proved;  (2)  even  if  the 
relationship  is  granted,  an  ambitious  and  unscrupulous  man  such  as 
Ahithophel  would  be  more  likely  to  regard  the  elevation  of  his  grand- 
daughter to  the  position  of  the  king's  favourite  wife  as  an  honour,  than 
to  feel  aggrieved  at  the  circumstances  by  which  it  was  effected. 

Uriah  the  Hittite]  One  of  David's  "mighty  men"  (ch.  xxiii.  39).  His 
name  (  =  light  of  Jah)  indicates  that  although  he  was  a  Canaanite  by 
race,  he  had  adopted  the  Jewish  rehgion.  Another  Hittite  in  David's 
service  was  Ahimelech  (i  Sam.  xxvi.  6).  On  the  ancient  Canaanite 
nation  of  the  Hittites,  see  note  on  i  Sam.  xxvi.  6. 

4.  David  sent  messe7igers'\  Bath-sheba  cannot  be  acquitted  from 
blame,  for  it  does  not  appear  that  she  offered  any  resistance.  Vanity 
and  ambition  prevailed  over  the  voice  of  conscience.  "  Cupido  domin- 
andi  cunctis  afTectibus  flagrantior  est."  "The  lust  of  power  burns 
more  fiercely  than  any  other  passion"  (Tac.  Ann.  xv.  53). 

5.  sent  and  told  David]  That  he  might  devise  some  plan  to  shield 
her  from  the  consequences  of  her  sin ;  for  by  the  Mosaic  law  she  was 
liable  to  be  put  to  death  (Lev.  xx.  10).  David  accordingly  sent  for 
Uriah,  in  the  hope  that  his  return  to  his  wife  might  cover  the  shame  of 
his  own  crime. 


vv.  7— II.]  II.  SAMUEL,   XI.  123 

Hittite.      And  Joab    sent   Uriah    to    David.      And   when  7 
Uriah  was  come  unto  him,  David  demanded  of  him  how 
Joab  did,  and  how  the  people  did,  and  how  the  war  pros- 
pered.    And  David  said  to  Uriah,  Go  down  to  thy  house,  8 
and  wash  thy  feet.     And  Uriah  departed  out  of  the  king's 
house,  and  there  followed  him  a  mess  ofmeafhom.  the  king. 
But  Uriah  slept  at  the  door  of  the  king's  house  with  all  the  9 
servants  of  his  lord,  and  went  not  down  to  his  house.    And  10 
when  they  had  told  David,  saying,  Uriah  went  not  down 
unto  his  house,   David  said  unto  Uriah,  Camest  thou  not 
from  thy  journey?  why  then  didst  thou  not  go  down  unto 
thine  house?     And  Uriah  said  unto  David,  The  ark,  and  n 
Israel,  and  Judah,  abide  in  tents;  and  my  lord  Joab,  and 

6—13.     Uriah  summoned  to  Jerusalem. 

7.  David  deviandcd,  &c.]  David  sent  for  Uriah  ostensibly  to  bring 
him  word  about  the  progress  of  the  war.  Uriah,  as  one  of  the  "mighty 
men,"  no  doubt  held  some  command  in  the  army. 

demandcd'\  Rather,  asked.  The  use  of  danand,  like  Fr.  deniander^ 
meaning  simply  'to  ask,'  is  an  archaism. 

8.  tvash  thy  feet]  An  indispensable  refreshment  after  a  journey  in 
the  East,  where  sandals  only  were  worn.  Cp.  Gen.  xviii.  4,  xliii.  24; 
Luke  vii.  44. 

a  mess  of  meat  fi-ovi  the  king]  A  portion  from  the  king's  table  as  a 
mark  of  honour  for  his  faithful  servant.     Cp.  Gen.  xliii.  34. 

9.  Uriah  slept  at  the  door  of  the  ki  Jig's  house']  Probably  in  the  guard 
chamber  in  the  outer  court.     Cp.  i  Kings  xiv.  ^y,  28. 

10.  Camest  thou  not  from  thy  Journey]  Better,  Art  not  thou  corae 
from  a  journey?  David  expresses  surprise  and  displeasure  that  Uriah 
had  not  done  as  men  usually  do  on  their  return  from  a  journey,  and 
gone  to  his  own  home.  Uriah's  brave  resolution  not  to  enjoy  the  com- 
forts of  his  home  even  for  a  single  night,  while  his  comrades  were  en- 
during the  hardships  of  a  campaign,  bade  fair  to  frustrate  David-'s 
scheme  for  concealing  his  sin.  He  may  too  have  had  some  suspicion 
of  his  wife's  unfaithfulness. 

11.  The  ark]  These  wars  were  "the  wars  of  Jehovah"  (see  note  on 
ch.  X.  12),  and  the  Ark  had  been  taken  along  with  the  army  as  the  symbol 
of  His  presence  and  favour.  Cp.  Josh.  vi.  6 ;  i  Sam.  iv.  3,  xiv.  18  (but 
see  note  there);  2  Sam.  xv.  24. 

Israel,  and  Judah]  The  description  of  the  nation  as  "Israel  and 
Judah"  marks  the  tendency  to  isolation  on  the  part  of  Judah,  which  had 
been  confirmed  by  the  separation  in  the  early  part  of  David's  reign,  and 
prepared  the  way  for  the  permanent  division  of  the  kingdoms.  See  note 
on  I  Sam.  xi.  8,  and  Introd.  ch.  I.  §  5  (^),  p.  13. 

tents]  Properly,  booths,  rough  shelters  or  huts  extemporised  out  of 
the  boughs  of  trees. 


124  II.  SAMUEL,  XT.  [vv.  12—16. 

the  servants  of  my  lord,  are  encamped  in  the  open  fields ; 
shall  I  then  go  into  mine  house,  to  eat  and  to  drink,  and  to 
lie  with  my  wife?  as  thou  livest,  and  as  thy  soul  liveth,  I 

12  will  not  do  this  thing.  And  David  said  to  Uriah,  Tarry 
here  to  day  also,  and  to  morrow  I  will  let  thee  depart.     So 

13  Uriah  abode  in  Jerusalem  that  day,  and  the  morrow.  And 
when  David  had  called  him,  he  did  eat  and  drink  before 
him ;  and  he  made  him  drunk :  and  at  even  he  went  out  to 
lie  on  his  bed  with  the  servants  of  his  lord,  but  went  not 
down  to  his  house. 

14 — 17.    David^s  letter  to  Joah.      Uriah's  death. 

14  And  it  came  to  pass  in  the  morning,  that  David  wrote 

15  a  letter  to  Joab,  and  sent  //  by  the  hand  of  Uriah.  And 
he  wrote  in  the  letter,  saying,  Set  ye  Uriah  in  the  forefront 
of  the  hottest  battle,  and  retire  ye  from  him,  that  he  may  be 

16  smitten,   and  die.     And  it  came  to  pass,  when  Joab  ob- 


as  tJioit  livest,  and  as  thy  S021I  Iheth']  This  form  of  oath  does  not 
occur  elsewhere.  We  usuall)^  have  either  "as  the  Lord  liveth"'(ch.  iv.  9), 
or  "as  thy  soul  liveth"  (ch.  xiv.  19),  or  the  two  combined  (i  Sam.xx.  3). 
Possibly  **as  thou  livest"  is  a  textual  error  for  "as  the  LORD  liveth." 
The  Sept.  reads  How?  as  thy  soiil  liveth,  &c. 

13.  and  he  made  him  drunk']  In  the  hope  that  he  might  forget  his 
oath  and  break  his  resolution  not  to  go  home.  But  this  plan  also  failed. 
"The  Providence  of  God  is  here  manifest,  defeating  David's  base  con- 
trivances, and  bringing  his  sin  to  the  open  light.  It  is  no  less  clear  how 
mercy  was  at  the  bottom  of  this  severity  which  issued  in  David's  deep 
repentance,  and  has  also  given  to  the  Church  one  of  the  most  solemn 
and  searching  warnings  as  to  the  evil  of  sin  which  is  contained  in  the 
whole  Bible."     Speake7-''s  Comm. 

14—17.    David's  letter  to  Joab.    Uriah's  death. 

14.  sent  it  by  the  hand  of  Uriah']  So  in  the  Greek  story  Proetus 
sent  Bellerophon  to  Jobates  with  his  own  death-warrant.  Cp.  Horn.//. 
VI.  168,  169. 

"Slay  him  he  would  not,  that  his  soul  abhorred; 
But  to  the  father  of  his  wife,   the  king 
Of  Lycia,  sent  him  forth,  with  tokens  charged 
Of  dire  import,  on  folded  tablets  traced. 
Poisoning  the  monarch's  mind  to  work  liis  death." 

15.  that  he  may  be  smitten',  and  die]  So  blinded  was  David  by  his 
passion,  and  so  eager  to  screen  himself  and  Bath-sheba  from  the  disgrace 
of  exposure,  that  he  did  not  shrink  from  plotting  the  murder  of  one  of 


vv.  17—21.]  II.  SAMUEL,   XL  125 

served  the  city,  that  he  assigned  Uriah  unto  a  place  where 
he  knew  that  vahant  men  were.     And  the  men  of  the  city  17 
went  out,  and  fought  with  Joab  :  and  there  fell  so7Jie  of  the 
people  of  the  servants  of  David ;  and  Uriah  the  Hittite  died 
also. 

18 — 25.    News  of  Uriah's  death  carried  to  David. 

Then   Joab   sent   and  told    David   all   the   things    con-  i3 
cerning    the    war;    and    charged   the   messenger,    saying,  ip 
When  thou  hast  made  an  end   of  telling  the   matters    of 
the  war  unto  the  king,  and  if  so  be  that  the  king's  wrath  2^ 
arise,  and  he  say  unto  thee,  Wherefore  approached  ye  so 
nigh  unto  the  city  when_>'^  did  fight?  knew  ye  not  that  they 
w^ould  shoot  from  the  wall?    Who  smote  Abimelech  the  son  21 
of  Jerubbesheth  ?  did  not  a  woman  cast  a  piece  of  a  mill- 
stone upon  him  from  the  wall,  that  he  died  in  Thebez?  why 

his  bravest  soldiers.     The  King's  command  was  sufiicient  warrant  to 
Joab,  without  inquiry  into  the  reason  for  it. 

16.  when  Joab  observed  the  city\  Better,  as  Joab  watclied  tlie  city, 
i.e.  besieged  it. 

a  place  where  he  knew  that  valiant  men  were"]  Uriah  was  posted 
opposite  the  most  strongly  guarded  part  of  the  city,  where  the  fighting 
was  likely  to  be  fiercest  in  case  of  a  sally. 

17.  went  ot(t]  Made  a  sally,  in  which,  as  the  messenger  describes 
(vv.  23,  24),  the  men  of  Israel  imprudently  pursued  the  enemy  till  they 
were  within  shot  of  the  archers  on  the  wall,  and  suffered  considerable 
loss. 

18—25.    News  of  Uriah's  death  carried  to  David. 

19.  the  matters  of  the  war]  The  same  Heb.  phrase  as  that  trans- 
lated in  z/.  18  "the  things  concerning  the  war." 

20.  (f  so  be  that  the  kiii^s  wrath  arise\  Joab  assumes  that  David 
would  find  fault  with  him  for  bad  generalship,  until  he  knew  that  his 
commission  was  executed  by  Uriah's  death. 

21.  Who  smote  Abwtelech]  See  Jud.  ix.  50 — 54.  This  reference  is 
interesting,  as  shewing  a  familiarity  with  the  history  of  the  time  of  the 
Judges;  but  whether  it  was  preserved  by  written  annals  or  by  oral 
tradition,  is  uncertain.  It  is  not  likely  that  our  Book  of  Judges  was  in 
existence  in  its  present  form. 

Jertcbbesheth]  Jerubbaal  or  Gideon  (Jud.  vi,  32),  The  form  Jernb- 
besheth  occurs  here  only.  The  Sept.  reads  Jerubbaal,  and  this  was 
perhaps  the  original  reading,  altered  for  the  reasons  stated  in  the  note 
to  ch.  ii.  8. 

in  Thebez]    Only  mentioned  here  and  in  Judges,  but  its  site  and 


126  II.  SAMUEL,  XI.  [vv.  22—27. 

went  ye  nigh  the  wall?  then  say  thou,  Thy  servant  Uriah 

22  the  Hittite  is  dead  also.     So  the  messenger  went,  and  came 

23  and  shewed  David  all  that  Joab  had  sent  him  for.  And  the 
messenger  said  unto  David,  Surely  the  men  prevailed  against 
us,  and  came  out  unto  us  into  the  field,  and  we  were  upon 

24  them  even  unto  the  entering  of  the  gate.  And  the  shooters 
shot  from  off  the  wall  upon  thy  servants ;  and  souie  of  the 
king's  servants  be  dead,  and  thy  servant  Uriah  the  Hittite 

25  is  dead  also.  Then  David  said  unto  the  messenger.  Thus 
shalt  thou  say  unto  Joab,  Let  not  this  thing  displease  thee, 
for  the  sword  devoureth  one  as  well  as  another :  make  thy 
battle  more  strong  against  the  city,  and  overthrow  it :  and 
encourage  thou  him. 

26,  27.    Bath'Sheha  becomes  David'' s  wife. 

26  And  when  the  wife  of  Uriah  heard  that  Uriah  her  husband 

27  was  dead,  she  mourned  for  her  husband.     And  when  the 

name  are  both  preserved  by  the  village  of  Tubas,  about  ten  miles  N.E. 
of  Shechem. 

22.  The  Sept.  reads  this  verse  as  follows:  "And  Joab's  messen.2;er 
went  to  the  king  to  Jerusalem.  And  he  came  and  told  David  all  that 
Joab  had  told  him,  even  all  the  things  concerning  the  war.  And  David 
was  wroth  with  Joab,  and  said  unto  the  messenger,  Wherefore  did  ye 
approach  unto  the  city  to  fight?  Knew  ye  not  that  ye  would  be  struck 
from  the  wall?  Who  smote  Abimelech  the  son  of  Jerubbaal?  Did  not 
a  woman  cast  upon  him  a  piece  of  a  millstone  from  the  wall,  and  he 
died  in  Thebez?  Wherefore  did  ye  approach  unto  the  wall?"  Such 
a  repetition  may  have  formed  part  of  the  original  text.  But  it  is  some- 
what strange  that  Joab  should  anticipate  the  illustration  which  the  king 
would  use :  and  it  is  possible  that  the  reference  to  Abimelech  originally 
occurred  in  David's  speech  only,  and  was  transferred  by  mistake  to  that 
of  Joab  also,  and  finally  in  the  revision  of  the  Hebrew  text  omitted  in 
the  second  place,  instead  of  in  the  first,  as  it  should  have  been. 

23.  we  were  upon  thefn]  Or,  against  them:  we  repulsed  the  sally, 
and  pursued  them  to  the  gate  of  the  city. 

25.  the  sword  devouret/i]  Cp.  the  phrase  "the  mouth  (E.V.  edge)  of 
the  sword"  (i  Sam.  xv.  8). 

encourage  thou  htm]  This  is  certainly  the  right  rendering.  That  of 
the  LXX.,  and  take  it,  which  follows  a  slightly  different  text,  is  contrary 
to  the  usage  of  the  verb. 

26,  27.    Bath-sheba  becomes  David's  wife. 

26.  she  moio'ned for  her  husband^  Seven  days  was  the  usual  period 
of  mourning.  See  Gen.  1.  10;  i  Sam.  xxxi.  13;  Judith  xvi.  24;  Ecclus. 
xxii.  12.     In  exceptional  cases  thirty  days  were  observed.     See  Num. 


w.  1—4.]  II.  SAMUEL,  XII.  127 

mourning  was  past,  David  sent  and  fet  her  to  his  house, 
and  she  became  his  wife,  and  bare  him  a  son.  But  the 
thing  that  David  had  done  displeased  the  Lord. 

Ch.  XI L  1—6.    Nathan's  Parable. 

And  the  Lord  sent  Nathan  unto  David.     And  he  came  12 
unto  him,  and  said  unto  him,  There  were  two  men  in  one 
city  ;  the  one  rich,  and  the  other  poor.     The  rich  mait  had  2 
exceeding  many  flocks  and  herds :  but  the  poor  man  had  3 
nothing,  save  one  little  ewe  lamb,  which  he  had  bought  and 
nourished  up  :  and  it  grew  up  together  with  him,  and  with 
his  children ;  it  did  eat  of  his  own  meat,  and  drank  of  his 
own   cup,  and  lay  in  his  bosom,  and  was  unto  him  as  a 
daughter.     And  there  came  a  traveller  unto  the  rich  man,  4 

XX.  29;  Deut.  xxxiv.  8.  No  special  time  seems  to  have  been  prescribed 
for  widows.  There  is  no  indication  that  Bath-sheba's  mourning  was 
more  than  a  formal  ceremony. 

27.    fet  he?-]     See  note  on  ch.  ix.  5. 

But  the  thing  that  David  had  done  displeased  the  Lord]  The 
divine  sentence  on  David's  conduct  prepares  the  way  for  the  mission  of 
Nathan  in  the  next  chapter. 

Ch.  XII.  1 — 6.     Nathan's  Parable. 

1.  the  Lord  se7tt  Nathan"]  A  year  had  passed,  and  Bath-sheba's 
child  had  been  born,  before  Nathan  was  sent  to  rouse  the  king's  slum- 
bering conscience. 

To  this  crisis  belong  Psalms  li.  and  xxxii.  See  Introd.  ch.  Viii.  §  5, 
p.  47. 

and  said  unto  him]  Some  MSS  of  the  Vulg.  add  Give  me  a  judgment. 
The  words  cannot  be  regarded  as  part  of  the  original  text,  though  they 
are  a  correct  gloss.  The  prophet  asks  for  the  king's  decision,  as  though 
he  were  consulting  him  about  a  case  which  had  really  happened.  Com- 
pare the  plan  adopted  by  the  widow  of  Tekoah  (ch.  xiv.  4 — 7) ;  and  by 
the  prophet  sent  to  rebuke  Ahab  (i  Kings  xx.  35 — 41).  Other  parables 
are  found  in  the  O.T.  in  Jud.  ix.  7 — ts;  2  Kings  xiv.  9;  Is.  v.  i,  2. 

2.  The  rich  man,  &c.]  Observe  how  the  details  of  the  parable  are 
all  arranged  so  as  to  bring  the  heartless  selfishness  of  the  rich  man  into 
the  strongest  relief. 

3.  of  his  own  meat]  Of  his  own  morsel.  The  E.V.  misses  some- 
thing of  the  graphic  tenderness  of  the  original,  describing  how  the  lamb 
actually  shared  the  poor  man's  meal. 

4.  "The  apologue  of  the  rich  man  and  the  ewe  lamb... ventures  to 
disregard  all  particulars,  and  is  content  to  aim  at  awakening  the  general 
sense  of  outraged  justice.  It  fastens  on  the  essential  guilt  of  l3avid's 
sin  J  not  its  sensuality  or  its  impurity,  so  much  as  its  meanness  and  selfish- 


128  II.  SAMUEL,  XII.  [vv.  5—8. 

and  he  spared  to  take  of  his  own  flock  and  of  his  own  herd, 
to  dress  for  the  wayfaring  man  that  was  come  unto  him ; 
but  took  the  poor  man's  lamb,  and  dressed  it  for  the  man 

5  that  was  come  to  him.  And  David's  anger  was  greatly 
kindled  against  the  man ;  and  he  said  to  Nathan,  As  the 
Lord  liveth,  the  man  that  hath  done  this  ^/ling  shall  surely 

6  die :  and  he  shall  restore  the  lamb  fourfold,  because  he  did 
this  thing,  and  because  he  had  no  pity. 

7 — 14.     The  Prophefs  sentence.     David' s  confession. 

7  And  Nathan  said  to  David,  Thou  art  the  man.  Thus 
saith  the  Lord  God  of  Israel,  I  anointed  thee  king  over 
Israel,   and   I   delivered   thee   out   of  the   hand   of  Saul; 

8  and  I  gave  thee  thy  master's  house,  and  thy  master's 
wives  into  thy  bosom,  and  gave  thee  the  house  of  Israel 
and  of  Judah;  and  if  that  had  been  too  little,  I  would 
moreover  have  given   unto   thee    such   and   such   things. 

ness...A  true  description  of  a  real  incident,  if  like  in  its  general  charac- 
ter however  unlike  to  our  own  case  in  all  the  surrounding  particulars, 
strikes  home  with  greater  force  than  the  sternest  personal  invective." 
Stanley's  Led.  ii.  90. 

5.  shall  surely  die]  Or,  is  worthy  to  die  ;  lit.  is  a  son  of  death.  Cp. 
I  Sam.  XX.  31,  xxvi.  16. 

6.  fourfold]  The  legal  compensation.  See  Ex.  xxii.  i ;  Luke  xix. 
8.  The  Sept.  reads  sevenfold,  and  this  may  be  the  original  reading. 
David  in  his  indignation  would  be  likely  to  prescribe  a  more  liberal 
restitution  than  the  usual  fourfold.     Cp.  Prov.  vi.  31. 

7 — 14.    The  Prophet's  sentence.    David's  confession. 

7.  Thoic  art  the  man]  The  consciousness  that  they  were  God's  mes- 
sengers inspired  the  prophets  with  fearless  courage.  Samuel  rebuked 
Saul  for  his  disobedience :  the  prophet  from  Judah  reproved  Jeroboam 
for  his  idolatry :  Elijah  pronounced  sentence  on  Ahab  for  his  murder  of 
Naboth :  Isaiah  chid  Ahaz  for  his  faithlessness :  John  the  Baptist  con- 
demned Herod  for  his  adultery. 

I  anointed  thee,  &c.]  God's  successive  favours  to  David  are  enumer- 
ated, to  bring  out  the  baseness  of  his  ingratitude  and  the  folly  of  his 
sin. 

8.  thy  master's  house]     His  household  and  property.     Cp.  ch.  ix.  7. 
thy  master's  ivives]     It  was  lawful  for  the  King,  and  for  him  only,  to 

marry  his  predecessor's  wives.  See  note  on  ch.  iii.  7.  That  David 
actually  married  any  of  Saul's  wives  does  not  appear.  Only  one  wife 
(i  Sam.  xiv.  50)  and  one  concubine  (2  Sam.  iii.  7)  of  Saul's  are  men- 
tioned. 


vv.  9—13.]  II.  SAMUEL,  XII.  129 

Wherefore  hast  thou    despised   the   commandment  of  the  9 
Lord,    to  do   evil   in   his   sight?  thou   hast  killed  Uriah 
the  Hittite  with  the  sword,  and  hast  taken  his  wife  to  be 
thy  wife,  and  hast  slain  him  with  the  sword  of  the  children 
of  Ammon.     Now  therefore  the  sword  shall  never  depart  10 
from  thine  house,  because  thou  hast  despised  me,  and  hast 
taken  the  wife  of  Uriah  the  Hittite  to  be  thy  wife.     Thus  n 
saith  the  Lord,  Behold,  I  will  raise  up  evil  against  thee  out 
of  thine  own  house,  and  I  will  take  thy  wives  before  thine 
eyes,  and  give  them  unto  thy  neighbour,  and  he  shall  lie 
with  thy  wives  in  the  sight  of  this  sun.     For  thou  didst  //  12 
secretly:  but  I  will  do  this  thing  before  all  Israel,  and  before 
the   sun.     And    David   said   unto    Nathan,  I  have  sinned  13 
against   the   Lord.     And   Nathan   said   unto  David,  The 

9.  Wherefore  hast  thou  despised  the  commandment  of  the  Lord] 
Cp.  Num.  XV.  31 ;  I  Sam.  xv.  23,  26.  Great  as  was  David's  sin  against 
Uriah  and  Bath-sheba,  his  sin  against  God  was  greater  in  thus  breaking 
two  express  commandments  of  the  decalogue.     Cp.  Ps.  li.  4. 

and  hast  slain  him  with  the  s7ao?-d  of  the  children  of  Ammoii^  This  is 
not  a  mere  repetition  of  the  clause  "thou  hast  killed  Uriah  the  Hittite 
with  the  sword."  The  verb  is  stronger,  "thou  hast  murdered;"  and 
the  offence  is  shewn  to  have  been  aggravated  by  the  employment  of  the 
Ammonites,  the  enemies  of  God's  people,  as  the  instruments  for  its  com- 
mission. 

10.  the  szvord  shall  never  depart  from  thine  house\  The  Heb.  word  for 
never  is  a  relative  term,  which  must  be  explained  by  the  context.  Here 
it  may  be  understood  as  equivalent  to  "all  the  days  of  thy  life."  Cp.  i 
Sam.  i.  22,  xxvii.  12.  The  prophecy  was  fulfilled  by  Amnon's  murder 
(ch.  xiii.  28);  Absalom's  death  as  a  rebel  (ch.  xviii.  14);  and  Adonijah's 
execution  as  a  traitor  (i  Kings  ii.  25).  In  all  these  deeds  may  be  traced 
the  bitter  fruit  of  David's  sin.  Amnon  no  doubt  excused  his  lust  by 
alleging  his  father's  example :  Absalom's  rebellion  was  indirectly  the 
consequence  of  Amnon's  act :  Adonijah  died  for  presuming  to  appear 
as  the  rival  of  Bath-sheba's  son. 

11.  I  will  take  thy  wives']  See  ch.  xvi.  21,  22.  "Having  become  the 
man  of  blood,  of  blood  he  was  to  drink  deep;  and  having  become  the 
man  of  lust,  by  that  same  baneful  passion  in  others  was  he  himself  to  be 
scourged  for  ever."     Blunt's  Undesigned  Coincidences,  p.  134. 

13.  /  have  sinned  against  the  Lord]  True  confession  needs  but  few 
words.  Cp.  Lk.  xviii.  13.  There  is  no  attempt  to  excuse  or  palliate 
the  sin.  Saul  too  could  say  "I  have  sinned"  (i  Sam.  xv.  24,  30),  but 
he  felt  no  real  contrition,  and  his  chief  desire  was  to  save  his  own  repu- 
tation with  the  people :  David  is  crushed  by  the  sense  of  his  guilt  in  the 
sight  of  God.  Cp.  Ps.  xxxii.  5,  li.  4.  Cp.  August,  c.  Fanstwn,  xxii. 
67.     "In  simili  voce  quam  sensus  humanus  audiebat,  dissimile  pectus 

II.  SAMUEL  Q 


I30  II.  SAMUEL,   XII.  [vv.  14—17. 

14  Lord  also  hath  put  away  thy  sin ;  thou  shalt  not  die.  How- 
beit,  because  by  this  deed  thou  hast  given  great  occasion  to 
the  enemies  of  the  Lord  to  blaspheme,  the  child  also  that 
is  born  unto  thee  shall  surely  die. 

15—23.     The  Death  of  the  Child. 

15  And  Nathan  departed  unto  his  house.  And  the  Lord 
strake  the  child  that  Uriah's  wife  bare  unto  David,  and  it 

16  was  very  sick.  David  therefore  besought  God  for  the  child; 
and  David  fasted,  and  went  in,  and  lay  all  night  upon  the 

17  earth.  And  the  elders  of  his  house  arose,  and  ivent  to  him, 
to  raise  him  up  from  the  earth :  but  he  would  not,  neither 

erat  quod  divinus  oculus  discernebat."  "Though  the  words  heard  by 
the  human  ear  were  alike,  the  heart  seen  by  the  eye  of  God  was  unHke." 

See  Keble's  poem  for  the  Sixth  Sunday  after  Trinity  in  the  Christian 
Year. 

thou  shalt  not  die]  The  sentence  which  he  had  pronounced  on 
himself  {v.  5)  should  not  be  executed,  though  he  deserved  to  die  as  an 
adulterer  and  murderer  (Lev.  xx.  10,  xxiv.  17).  The  punishment  of 
death  would  certainly  not  have  been  inflicted  on  the  king,  who  was 
supreme  in  the  state,  by  any  human  authority:  but  God  might  Himself 
have  inflicted  it.  The  context  shews  that  temporal  death  is  primarily 
meant,  and  though  we  may  now  read  in  the  words  a  reference  to  spiritual 
life  and  death,  it  may  be  doubted  whether  they  could  be  so  understood 
at  the  time. 

14.  thou  hast  given  great  occasion,  &c.]  The  enemies  of  Jehovah 
would  mock  and  blaspheme  Him,  when  they  saw  His  chosen  represen- 
tative, the  King  of  Israel,  thus  breaking  His  law.  To  divorce  Bath- 
sheba  now  would  be  a  further  wrong.  Yet  if  he  was  not  punished  men 
might  answer  yes  to  the  question  "May  one  be  pardoned  and  retain  the 
offence?"  And  therefore  a  long  series  of  chastisements,  beginning  with 
the  death  of  the  child,  must  unequivocally  declare  the  divine  judgment 
on  such  sin. 

15—23.    The  Death  of  the  Child. 

15.  strake]     An  archaism  for  struck.     Cp.  ch.  xx.  10. 

16.  besought  God  for  the  child]  Such  a  prayer  was  not  presumptuous, 
for  God's  threatenings  like  his  promises  are  conditional.  See  Is.  xxxviii. 
I  fF. ;  Jonah  iii.  7 — 10. 

fasted]     Cp.  Neh.  i.  4;  Esther  iv.  16;  Dan.  ix.  3;  Acts  xiv.  23. 

went  in]  To  his  private  chamber  (Matt.  vi.  6),  where  he  lay  all 
night  upon  the  floor,  instead  of  sleeping  on  his  bed.  Cp.  ch.  xiii.  31. 
Ttie  tense  of  the  verbs  wt7z/  in  and  lay  all  night  is  frequentative, 
indicating  that  David  did  so  repeatedly. 

17.  the  elders  of  his  house]  His  oldest  and  most  confidential  servants. 
Cp.  Gen.  xxiv.  2,  1.  7. 


vv.  18-25.]  II.  SAMUEL,   XII.  131 

did  he  eat  bread  with  them.     And  it  came  to  pass  on  the  18 
seventh  day,  that  the  child  died.    And  the  servants  of  David 
feared  to  tell  him  that  the  child  was  dead :  for  they  said, 
Behold,  while  the  child  was  yet  alive,  we  spake  unto  him, 
and  he  would  not  hearken  unto  our  voice  :    how  will  he 
then  vex  himself,  if  we  tell  him  that  the  child  is  dead  ?    But  19 
when  David  saw  that  his  servants  whispered,   David  per- 
ceived that  the  child  was  dead :  therefore  David  said  unto 
his  servants,   Is  the  child  dead?     And   they   said.  He   is 
dead.     Then  David  arose  from  the  earth,  and  washed,  and  25 
anointed  himself,  and  changed  his  apparel,  and  came  i7ito 
the  house  of  the  Lord,  and  worshipped :  then  he  came  to 
his  own  house;  and  when  he  required,  they  set  bread  before 
him,   and  he  did  eat.     Then  said  his  servants  unto  him,  21 
What  thing  is  this  that  thou  hast   done  ?  thou  didst  fast 
and  weep  for  the  child,  while  it  was  alive;  but  when  the 
child  was  dead,  thou  didst  rise  and  eat  bread.    And  he  said,  22 
While  the  child  was  yet  alive,  I  fasted  and  wept:  for  I  said. 
Who  can  tell  whether  God  will  be  gracious  to  me,  that  the 
child  may  live?     But  now  he  is  dead,  wherefore  should  I  23 
fast  ?  can  I  bring  him  back  again  ?     I  shall  go  to  him,  but 
he  shall  not  return  to  me. 

24,25.     The  hiiih  of  Solomo?i. 
And  David  comforted  Bath-sheba  his  wife,  and  went  in  24 
unto  her,  and  lay  with  her:  and  she  bare  a  son,  and  he 
called  his  name  Solomon:  and  the  Lord  loved  him.     And  25 

20.  washed,  and  anointed  himself,  and  changed  his  apparel]  He  laid 
aside  all  the  outward  signs  of  mourning.     Cp.  Matt.  vi.  17. 

anointed  himself]  Anointing  the  head  and  body  witii  oil  was  and 
still  is  the  regular  practice  in  Eastern  countries.  It  was  believed  to 
contribute  to  health  and  cleanliness.  Its  discontinuance  was  a  mark  of 
mourning.     Cp.  ch.  xiv.  2;  Is.  Ixi.  3. 

22.  GOD]  The  LORD.  The  Heb.  is  Jehovah,  not  Elohim,  as  is 
indicated  by  the  capital  letters.     Cp.  Gen.  vi.  5. 

23.  I  shall  go  to  him]  Cp.  Gen.  xxxvii.  35.  A  belief  in  the  con- 
tinued existence  of  the  soul  after  death  in  a  state  of  consciousness  is 
necessarily  implied  though  not  expressly  stated:  but  how  far  this  falls 
short  of  the  Christian  hope  of  the  Resurrection  of  the  Body,  and  the 
Life  Everlasting ! 

24,  25.     The  birth  of  Solomon. 

24.  he  called  his  7ia7ne  Solomon]     The  name  was  given  at  the  time 

9—2 


132  11.  SAMUEL,  XII.  [vv.  26—28. 

he  sent  by  the  hand  of  Nathan  the  prophet;  and  he  called 
his  name  Jedidiah,  because  of  the  Lord. 

26 — 31.     Capture  of  Rabb ah. 

26  And  Joab  fought  against  Rabbah  of  the  children  of  Am- 

27  mon,  and  took  the  royal  city.     And  Joab  sent  messengers 
to  David,  and  said,  I  have  fought  against  Rabbah,  and  have 

28  taken  the  city  of  waters.     Now  therefore  gather  the  rest  of 

of  circumcision  (Lk,  i.  59,  ii.  21).  The  Hebrew  form  of  the  name  is 
Sheldmoh,  the  Sept.  Salomon,  which  by  the  time  of  the  N.T.  had  be- 
come shortened  to  the  famihar  Solomon.  It  signifies  peaceable,  and 
was  given  him  in  anticipation  of  the  peace  and  quietness  promised 
to  Israel  in  his  reign  in  contrast  to  his  father's  wars  (i  Chron.  xxii. 
9).  Solomon's  birth  is  naturally  related  as  the  sequel  to  the  pre- 
ceding narrative,  though  in  all  probability  it  did  not  take  place  until 
some  four  or  five  years  afterwards.  See  Introd.  ch.  iv.  §  3,  p.  26,  and 
nole  on  ch.  v.  14, 

25.  he  sent  by  the  hand  of  Nathan,  &c.]  Jehovah  commissioned 
Nathan  (for  the  phrase  cp.  Ex,  iv.  13)  to  give  the  boy  a  second  name, 
which  he  did  accordingly.  This  is  the  meaning  of  the  text  as  it  stands  : 
but  some  commentators  would  alter  it  slightly  in  accordance  with  the 
Vulgate,  and  render  he  (David)  committed  him  to  the  hand  of  Nathan, 
that  he  might  take  charge  of  his  education.  But  the  explanation  is 
doubtful,  and  there  is  no  further  trace  of  the  fact,  though  it  has  been 
very  generally  supposed  that  Nathan  was  Solomon's  tutor. 

yedidiahl  That  is  Beloved  of  yah.  Cp.  Deut.  xxxiii.  12  ;  Ps. 
cxxvii.  2.  It  is  derived  from  the  same  root  as  David,  which  means 
beloved  or  darling.  The  name  was  given  "  because  of  the  Lord,"  i.  e. 
because  Jehovah  loved  the  child ;  and  it  served  as  a  pledge  to  David 
that  he  was  again  fully  received  into  God's  favour. 

26—31.    Capture  of  Rabbah. 
=  I  Chron.  xx.  i — 3. 

26.  And  Joab  fought  against  Rabbali]  The  narrative  returns  to  the 
point  at  which  it  was  left  in  ch.  xi.  i.  But  how  long  a  time  was  occu- 
pied in  the  siege  does  not  appear.  It  is  possible  that  it  lasted  more 
than  one  year,  and  did  not  come  to  an  end  till  after  the  birth  of  Bath- 
sheba's  first  child.  But  on  the  other  hand  it  would  be  quite  natural 
for  the  historian,  having  once  commenced  his  account  of  Bath-sheba,  to 
complete  it  before  narrating  the  capture  of  Rabbah,  so  that  this  may 
have  been  effected  within  a  year. 

and  took  the  royal  city]  "The  royal  city"  seems  to  be  equivalent  to 
"the  city  of  waters"  of  v.  27,  that  is,  the  lower  city  on  the  river,  as 
distinguished  from  "the  city"  (v.  28),  i.e.  the  citadel.  The  capture  of 
this  probably  deprived  the  citadel  of  its  water-supply,  and  so  rendered 
it  untenable  for  any  length  of  time. 

27.  the  city  of  zvaters~\     "Just  before  reaching  Amman  [the  modern 


vv.  29— 31.]  n.  SAMUEL,  XII.  133 

the  people  together,  and  encamp  against  the  city,  and  take 
it :  lest  I  take  the  city,   and  it  be  called  after  my  name. 
And  David  gathered  all  the  people  together,  and  went  to  29 
Rabbah,  and  fought  against  it,  and  took  it.     And  he  took  30 
their  king's  crown  from  off  his  head,  the  weight  whereof  teas 
a  talent  of  gold  with  the  precious  stones  :  and  it  was  se^  on 
David's  head.     And  he  brought  forth  the  spoil  of  the  city 
in  great  abundance.     And  he  brought  forth  the  people  that  31 
tuere  therein,  and  put  ^/lem  under  saws,  and  under  harrows 

name  of  Rabbah],  the  gorge  takes  a  sudden  turn  to  the  north,  and  then 
swells  into  a  narrow  plain,  covered  with  luxuriant  grass,  and  embosomed 
in  low  round  hills.  The  fish-stocked  stream,  with  shells  studding 
every  stone  and  pebble,  winds  in  the  midst,  a  narrow  channel,  receiving 
occasional  affluents  in  its  course,  and  making  Rabbah  most  truly  a  '  city 
of  waters.'"     Tristvam^s  Laud  o/Israe/,  p.  533. 

28.  ««(/  fa/ce  ti]  Curtius  relates  how  Craterus  in  like  manner 
resigned  the  capture  of  Artacacna  into  the  hands  of  Alexander.  "  After 
all  the  preparations  were  made,  he  awaited  the  king's  arrival,  yielding 
to  him,  as  was  fitting,  the  honour  of  taking  the  city"  (Curt.  vi.  6). 

and  it  be  called  after  my  na77ie'\  This  is  the  usual  meaning  of  the 
phrase.  Rabbah  might  have  been  called  "the  city  of  Joab"  as  Zion 
was  called  "  the  city  of  David." 

30.  their  king's  crozcn]  The  word  Malcham,  rendered  their  king, 
may  also  be  taken  as  a  proper  name.  It  occurs  in  Zeph.  i.  5  ;  Jer.  xiix. 
I,  3  (marg.),  as  a  form  of  the  name  of  the  Ammonite  deity,  Moloch  or 
Milcom.  The  Sept.  now  reads  Molchom  their  king,  "their  king" 
being  probably  a  gloss,  and  "  Molchora"  the  original  reading.  A 
Jewish  tradition  recorded  by  Jerome  tells  how  the  crown  was  snatched 
from  the  head  of  Milcom  by  Ittai  the  Gittite,  because  it  was  unlawful 
for  a  Hebrew  to  take  spoil  from  an  idol  [Qiiaest.  Hebr.  on  i  Chron.  xx.  i). 
But  while  it  was  natural  for  David  to  take  and  wear  the  king's  crown, 
as  the  symbol  of  the  subjection  of  the  Ammonites  to  his  rule,  would  he 
not  have  regarded  the  idol's  crown  with  abhorrence,  and  have  shrunk 
from  wearing  it  ? 

a  talent  of  go  hi]  Estimated  at  more  than  100  pounds.  If  this  estimate 
is  correct,  it  can  never  have  been  habitually  worn,  and  must  have  been 
placed  on  David's  head  for  a  few  moments  only. 

31.  put  them  tinder  saivs\  Put  them  upon  saws  :  or  perhaps  we 
should  read  as  in  Chron.,  sawed  them  with  saws.  Cp.  Heb.  xi.  37. 
This  barbarous  practice  was  not  unknown  at  Rome.  ''  [Caligula] 
medios  serradissecuit."     (Sueton.  Calig.2i.) 

harrows  of  iron]  Threshing-sledges  of  iron  :  sledges  or  frames 
armed  on  the  underside  with  rollers  or  sharp  sjDikes,  used  for  the  pur- 
pose of  bruising  the  ears  of  corn,  and  extracting  the  grain,  and  at  the 
same  time  breaking  up  the  straw  into  small  pieces  for  use  as  fodder. 
See  Wilkinson's  Ancient  Egyptians,  i.  408,  ii.  423. 


134  11-  SAMUEL,   XIII.  [v.  i. 

of  iron,  and  under  axes  of  iron,  and  made  them  pass  through 
the  brickkiln:  and  thus  did  he  unto  all  the  cities  of  the 
children  of  Ammon.  So  David  and  all  the  people  returned 
unto  Jerusalem. 

Ch.  XIII.  I — 2  2.    Amnon^s  shameful  outrage. 

13      And  it  came  to  pass  after  this,  that  Absalom  the  son 
of  David  had  a  fair  sister,  whose  name  was  Tamar;  and 

■made  them  pass  through  the  brick-kiln']  Burned  them  in  brick-kilns. 
The  phrase  is  chosen  with  reference  to  the  idolatrous  rite  practised  by 
the  Ammonites,  of  "making  their  children  pass  through  the  fire"  in 
honour  of  Moloch  (2  Kings  xxiii.  10).  This  is  the  meaning  of  the 
Qri  or  read  text  (see  Introd.  p.  15),  which  is  probably  correct.  The 
Kthibh  or  written  text  however  has  "  made  them  pass  through  the 
Malchan,^'  which  is  explained  to  mean  the  place  where  they  burnt  their 
children  in  honour  of  Moloch.  But  the  word  occurs  nowhere  else,  and 
is  of  doubtful  authority. 

These  cruel  punishments  must  be  judged  according  to  the  standard 
of  the  age  in  which  they  were  inflicted,  not  by  the  light  of  Christian 
civilisation.  The  Ammonites  were  evidently  a  savage  and  brutal  nation 
(i  Sam.  xi.  i,  2  ;  2  Sam,  x.  i — 5  ;  Amos  i.  13),  and  in  all  probability 
they  were  treated  no  worse  than  they  were  accustomed  to  treat  others. 
It  was  the  age  of  retaliation,  when  the  law  of  like  for  like — the  lex 
talionis — prevailed  (Jud.  i.  7  ;  Lev.  xxiv.  19,  20).  They  had  foully 
insulted  David,  and  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  if  he  was  provoked  into 
making  a  signal  example  of  them  by  this  severity.  In  this  respect  he 
did  not  rise  above  the  level  of  his  own  age.  JSiodern  history  has  its 
parallels,  not  only  in  the  barbarities  perpetrated  at  Alen9on  by  a  ruth- 
less soldier  like  William  the  Conqueror,  but  in  the  merciless  massacre 
by  which  the  Black  Prince  sullied  his  fair  fame  on  the  capture  of 
Limoges.     Green's  History,  pp.  72,  226. 

Ch.  XIII.  1 — 22.    Amnon's  shameful  outrage. 

This  chapter  relates  how  the  doom  pronounced  on  David's  house 
began  to  receive  its  fulfilment  (i)  by  Amnon's  shameful  outrage  on 
Tamar,  (2)  by  Absalom's  murder  of  Amnon  in  revenge  for  that  outrage. 

The  events  here  related  probably  occurred  soon  after  David's  marriage 
with  Bath-sheba.     See  Introd.  ch.  iv.  p.  26. 

Dean  Stanley  points  out  how  "  the  story,  revolting  as  it  is,  has  the 
interest  of  revealing  to  us  the  interior  of  the  royal  household  beyond 
that  of  any  other  incident  of  those  times,  (i)  The  establishments  of  the 
princes.  (2)  The  simplicity  of  the  royal  employments.  (3)  The  dress  of 
the  princesses.  (4)  The  relation  of  the  king  to  the  princesses  and  to 
the  law."     Smith's  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  iii.  1433. 

1.  Tamar]  Tamar  and  Absalom  were  the  children  of  Maacah 
daughter  of  Talmai  king  of  Geshur  (ch.  iii.  3).  Tamar  means  pahn-tree. 
The  Arabs  still  frequently  give  their  daughters  the  names  of  trees  dis- 


vv.  2—7.]  II.  SAMUEL,   XIII.  135 

Amnon  the  son  of  David  loved  her.     And  Amnon  was  so  2 
vexed,  that  he  fell  sick  for  his  sister  Tamar;  for  she  2e/as  a 
virgin ;  and  Amnon  thought  it  hard  for  him  to  do  any  thing 
to  her.     But  Amnon  had  a  friend,  whose  name  was  Jo-  3 
nadab,  the  son  of  Shimeah  David's  brother  :  and  Jonadab 
7C'as  a  very  subtil  man.     And  he  said  unto  him,  Why  arf  4 
thou,  M/ig  the  king's  son,  lean  from  day  to  day  ?  wilt  thou 
not  tell  me?     And  Amnon  said  unto  him,  I  love  Tamar, 
my  brother  Absalom's  sister.     And  Jonadab  said  unto  him,  5 
Lay  //ice  down  on  thy  bed,  and  make  thyself  sick  :  and 
when  thy  father  cometh  to  see  thee,  say  unto  him,  I  pray 
thee,  let  my  sister  Tamar  come,  and  give  me  meat,  and 
dress  the  meat  in  my  sight,  that  I  may  see  if,  and  eat  zV  at 
her  hand.     So  Amnon  lay  down,  and  made  himself  sick  :  6 
and  when  the  king  was  come  to  see  him,  Amnon  said  unto 
the  king,  I  pray  thee,  let  Tamar  my  sister  come,  and  make 
7/ie  a  couple  of  cakes  in  my  sight,  that  I  may  eat  at  her  hand. 
Then  David  sent  home  to  Tamar,  saying.  Go  now  fo  thy  7 

tingulshed  for  their  grace,  beauty,  or  fruitfulness.     See  Van  Lennep's 
Bible  Lands,  II.  501. 

Ajfinoji]     David's  first-born,  the  son  of  Ahinoam  the  Jezreelitess. 

2.  Amnon  thought  it  hard^  It  seemed  impossible  to  Amnon. 
Tamar  lived  a  secluded  life  in  the  women's  apartments,  where  Amnon 
could  not  obtain  access  to  her. 

3.  a  friend^  This  narrative  is  a  strong  warning  against  the  danger 
of  evil  companions.  The  clever  but  unprincipled  friend  is  more  likely 
to  provide  means  for  gratifying  evil  passions  than  help  in  resisting  them. 

yonadab,  the  son  of  Shivieah']  Shimeah  is  called  Shammah  in  i  Sam. 
xvi.  9.     He  had  another  son  Jonathan  (ch.  xxi.  21). 

snbtil]  The  word  means  simply  wise,  and  pronounces  no  judgment 
on  the  way  in  which  Jonadab  misused  his  sagacity.  Cp.  Job  v.  13; 
Jer.  iv.  22. 

4.  IVhy,  (Src]  Wliy  art  thou  so  wasted,  0  king's  son,  morning 
Dy  morning?  His  cousin  Jonadab  either  lived  in  the  same  house  with 
Amnon  as  his  companion,  or  noticed  his  worn  looks  when  he  came  to 
visit  him  at  his  morning  levee. 

5.  7nake  thyself  sick]     Feign  thyself  sick,  and  so  in  v.  6. 

to  see  thee]     To  visit  in  sickness,  as  in  Ps.  xli.  6  ;  2  Kings  viii.  29. 

6.  cakes']  The  word  occurs  here  only,  and  may  denote  some  special 
delicacy  suited  for  an  invalid. 

7.  ho??ie]  Into  the  house  :  the  inner  part  of  the  palace,  where  the 
women's  apartments  were, 

to  thy  brother  Amnon'' s  house]  Cp.  v.  20.  Each  of  the  royal  princes 
evidently  had  a  separate  house. 


136  II.  SAMUEL,   XIII.  [v v.  8-15. 

8  brother  Amnon's  house,  and  dress  him  meat.  So  Tamar 
went  to  her  brother  Amnon's  house;  and  he  was  laid  down. 
And  she  took  flour,  and  kneaded  it,  and  made  cakes  in  his 

9  sight,  and  did  bake  the  cakes.  And  she  took  a  pan,  and 
poured  them  out  before  him ;  but  he  refused  to  eat.  And 
Amnon  said.  Have  out  all  men  from  me.     And  they  went 

10  out  every  man  from  him.  And  Amnon  said  unto  Tamar, 
Bring  the  meat  into  the  chamber,  that  I  may  eat  of  thine 
hand.  And  Tamar  took  the  cakes  which  she  had  made, 
and  brought  them  into  the  chamber  to  Amnon  her  brother. 

11  And  when  she  had  brought  thetn  unto  him  to  eat,  he  took 
hold  of  her,  and  said  unto  her,  Come  lie  with  me,  my  sister. 

12  And  she  answered  him.  Nay,  my  brother,  do  not  force  me ; 
for  no  such  thing  ought  to  be  done  in  Israel :  do  not  thou 

13  this  folly.  And  I,  whither  shall  I  cause  my  shame  to  go  ? 
and  as  for  thee,  thou  shalt  be  as  one  of  the  fools  in  Israel. 
Now  therefore,  I  pray  thee,   speak  unto  the  king ;  for  he 

14  will  not  withhold  me  from  thee.  Howbeit  he  would  not 
hearken  unto  her  voice:  but,  being  stronger  than  she,  forced 

15  her,  and  lay  with  her.    Then  Amnon  hated  her  exceedingly; 

8.  flo7ir'\    The  dough. 

9.  a  _pan]  The  pan  in  which  the  cakes  or  puddings  had  been 
cooked. 

12.  no  such  thing  07ight  to  be  done  in  Isj'acl]  Israel  was  a  holy 
nation,  sanctified  by  the  peculiar  presence  of  Jehovah  among  them ; 
and  therefore  all  acts  of  unchastity  were  an  offence  against  the  true 
character  and  calHng  of  the  nation.  Such  acts  might  be  common  among 
heathen  nations,  but  to  Israel  they  were  forbidden  by  the  Law,  which 
placed  them  on  a  loftier  level  of  morality. 

13.  as  one  of  the  fools  in  Israel']  "Fool"  denotes  not  merely  one 
who  is  stupid  and  ignorant,  but  one  who  has  abandoned  the  fear  of  God, 
and  cast  off  the  restraints  of  decency  and  moi-ality.  Cp.  ch.  iii.  33  ; 
Ps.  xiv.  r.      "  Folly"  is  a  term  specially  applied  to  unchastity. 

he  will  not  withhold  me  from  thee]  The  marriage  of  half-brothers 
and  sisters  was  permitted  in  patriarchal  times,  as  is  shewn  by  the 
example  of  Abraham  and  Sarah  (Gen.  xx.  12),  but  was  expressly  for- 
bidden by  the  Mosaic  law.  Either  the  law  was  not  strictly  observed 
at  this  time,  or  Tamar,  hoping  to  escape  immediate  violence,  suggested 
that  the  king  had  a  dispensing  power,  and  might  permit  a  regular  mar- 
riage. 

15.  hated  her  exceedingly]  "  Proprium  humani  ingenil  est  odisse 
quem  laeseris."  "  It  is  characteristic  of  human  nature  to  hate  one 
whom  you  have  injured."     Tac.  Agric.  c.  43. 


vv.  16-20.]  II.  SAMUEL,   XIII.  137 

so  that  the  hatred  wherewith  he  hated  her  was  greater  than 
the  love  wherewith  he  had  loved  her.     And  Amnon  said 
unto  her,  Arise,  be  gone.     And  she  said  unto  him,  There  is  xs 
no  cause  :  this  evil  in  sending  me  away  is  greater  than  the 
other  that  thou  didst  unto  me.     But  he  would  not  hearken 
unto  her.     Then  he  called  his  servant  that  ministered  unto  17 
him,  and  said.  Put  now  this  uwman  out  from  me,  and  bolt 
the  door  after  her.    And  she  had  a  garment  of  divers  colours  is 
upon  her:  for  with  such  robes  were  the  king's  daughters  that 
were  virgins  apparelled.     Then  his  servant  brought  her  out, 
and   bolted  the   door   after   her.     And   Tamar   put   ashes  19 
on  her  head,  and  rent  her  garment  of  divers  colours  that 
was  on  her,  and  laid  her  hand  on  her  head,  and  went  on 
crying.     And  Absalom  her  brother   said   unto  her,   Hath  20 
Amnon  thy  brother   been  with   thee  ?  but  hold   now  thy 
peace,  my  sister :  he  is  thy  brother  ;  regard  not  this  thing. 
So   Tamar   remained    desolate   in   her    brother  Absalom's 

16.  There  is  no  cause]  The  Heb.  text  cannot  be  so  translated,  and 
is  certainly  corrupt.  The  Sept.  is  also  confused,  but  its  original  reading 
as  indicated  by  the  Old  Latin  Version  gives  an  excellent  sense,  thus ; 
^'Aitd  she  said  tmto  him,  Nay,  viy  brother,  for  greater  will  be  this 
latter  wrong,  in  senditig  me  away,  than  the  former  that  thou  didst 
unto  mey 

18.  a  garment  of  divers  colours']  The  expression  is  used  elsewhere 
only  of  Joseph's  "coat  of  many  colours"  (Gen.  xxxvii.  3,  23),  and  pro- 
bably means  a  long  tunic  with  sleeves,  worn,  it  would  seem,  as  an 
outer  garment  in  place  of  the  usual  mantle.  The  fact  of  her  wearing 
this  distinctive  dress  is  mentioned,  to  shew  that  the  servant  and  the 
people  who  met  her  in  the  street  would  at  once  recognise  who  she  was. 

19.  A7id  Tamar  put  ashes,  &c.]  The  ashes  and  the  torn  garments 
(i  Sam.  iv.  12;  Esth.  iv.  i),  and  the  hands  clasped  above  the  head 
(Jer.  ii.  37),  were  all  marks  of  grief  and  shame. 

went  on  crying]  Went  away  shrieking-  as  she  went;  not  lament- 
ing with  silent  tears,  but  with  loud  passionate  shrieks  and  wailing. 

20.  Amnon]  The  Heb.  form  here,  and  here  only,  is  Aminon,  which 
has  been  explained  as  a  diminutive  intended  to  express  contempt,  but 
may  possibly  be  only  an  accidental  variation. 

hold  nozu  thy  peace]  Absalom  urged  her  to  bear  the  outrage  patiently, 
and  avoid  a  public  scandal ;  feeling  sure  that  David  would  not  be  per- 
suaded to  inflict  an  adequate  punishment  on  Amnon,  and  intending  to 
watch  his  own  opportunity  for  revenge.  To  him,  according  to  Oriental 
custom,  belonged  the  duty  of  avenging  his  sister's  wrongs.  Cp.  Gen. 
xxxiv.  27. 

desolate]  Ruined  and  deserted.  Cp.  Is.  liv.  i,  where  "the  desolate" 
is  contrasted  with  the  married  wife. 


138  II.  SAMUEL,   XIII.  [w.  21—26. 

21  house.     But  when  king  David  heard  of  all  these  things,  he 

22  was  very  wroth.  And  Absalom  spake  unto  his  brother  Am- 
non  neither  good  nor  bad :  for  Absalom  hated  Amnon, 
because  he  had  forced  his  sister  Tamar. 

23 — 29.    Ahsalom^s  vengeance. 

23  And  it  came  to  pass  after  two  full  years,  that  Absalom 
had  sheepshearers  in  Baal-hazor,  which  is  beside  Ephraim : 

24  and  Absalom  invited  all  the  king's  sons.  And  Absalom 
came  to  the  king,  and  said.  Behold  now,  thy  servant  hath 
sheepshearers ;  let  the  king,  I  beseech  thee,  and  his  servants 

25  go  with  thy  servant.  And  the  king  said  to  Absalom,  Nay,  my 
son,  let  us  not  all  now  go,  lest  we  be  chargeable  unto  thee. 
And  he  pressed  him :  howbeit  he  would  not  go,  but  blessed 

26  him.     Then  said   Absalom,  If  not,    I   pray  thee,   let   my 

21.  was  very  zvrofJi]  The  Sept.  and  the  ordinary  text  of  the  Vulgate 
add,  "and  he  vexed  not  the  spirit  of  Amnon  his  son,  because  he  loved 
him,  because  he  was  his  firstborn,"  i.e.  in  spite  of  his  anger  he  did  not 
punish  or  even  rebuke  the  offence,  though  the  legal  penalty  of  his  crime 
was  death.  David's  indulgent  treatment  of  his  sons  was  a  fruitful  source 
of  mischief  (cp.  i  Kings  i.  6),  and  led  in  this  case  to  the  murder  of 
Amnon,  and  ultimately  to  Absalom's  rebellion.  The  consciousness  of 
his  own  guilt  moreover  weakened  his  hands  for  dealing  with  Amnon's 
offence. 

22.  neither  good  nor  had'\  He  made  no  allusion  whatever  to  the 
matter,  in  order  to  quiet  Amnon's  suspicions.  For  the  phrase  cp.  Gen. 
xxiv.  50;  xxxi.  24. 

23—29.    Absalom's  vengeance. 

23.  Absalom  had  sheepshearers']  Sheepshearing  was  and  still  is  an 
occasion  of  festivity.     Cp.  i  Sam.  xxv.  7  ff. 

Baal-hazor,  ivhich  is  beside  Ephraimi  Possibly  Tell  Asiir,  five  miles 
north-east  of  Bethel,  and  two  miles  north-west  of  et-  Taiyibeh,  which  is 
supposed  to  represent  Ephraim.  The  preposition  beside  or  near  implies 
that  Ephraim  is  here  the  name  of  a  town  not  of  the  tribe  territory.  Cp. 
John  xi.  54. 

24.  let  the  king,  &c.]  A  clever  plan  for  removing  all  suspicion  from 
Amnon's  mind. 

25.  lest  we  be  chargeable  njito  thee]  Lest  we  be  burdensome  unto 
thee.  Chargeable  is  derived  from  charge,  in  the  now  obsolete  sense  of 
'a  load'  or  'burden,'  cp.  i  Thess.  ii.  9.  It  is  "the  first  instance  history 
offers  of  the  ruinous  cost  of  royal  visits  to  those  who  are  honoured  with 
them."     Kitto's  Bible  Ilhistr.  p.  403. 

blessed  hiju]  i.e.  dismissed  him  with  a  farewell  blessing,    Cp.  ch.  xix. 

39- 


vv.  27— 32.]  II.  SAMUEL,   XIII.  139 

brother  Amnon  go  with  us.     And  the  king  said  unto  him, 
Why  should  he  go  with  thee  ?     But  Absalom  pressed  him,  27 
that  he  let  Amnon  and  all  the  king's  sons  go  with  him. 
Now  Absalom  had  commanded  his  servants,  saying,  Mark  28 
ye  now  when  Amnon's  heart  is  merry  with  wine,  and  when 
I  say  unto  you,  Smite  Amnon  ;  then  kill  him,  fear  not :  have 
not    I    commanded  you?    be  courageous,  and  be  valiant. 
And  the  servants  of  Absalom  did  unto  Amnon  as  Absalom  29 
had  commanded.     Then  all  the  king's  sons  arose,  and  every 
man  gat  him  up  upon  his  mule,  and  fled. 

30 — 39.     The  neivs  brought  to  David.    Absaloi7i' s  flight. 

And  it  came  to  pass,  while  they  zucre  in  the   way,    that  30 
tidings  came  to  David,  saying,  Absalom  hath  slain  all  the 
king's  sons,  and  there  is  not  one  of  them  left.     Then  the  31 
king  arose,  and  tare  his  garments,  and  lay  on  the  earth ;  and 
all  his  servants  stood  by  with  their  clothes  rent.     And  Jon-  32 
adab,  the  son  of  Shimeah  David's  brother,  ansv/ered  and  said, 

26.  let  my  brother  Amnon  go'\  If  David  would  not  go  himself,  at 
least  he  might  send  his  eldest  son  as  his  representative.  David's  reluct- 
ance to  consent  shews  that  he  felt  some  misgivings  that  Absalom  had  not 
forgiven  Amnon. 

27.  At  the  end  of  this  verse,  the  Sept.  adds,  "And  Absalom  made  a 
feast  like  the  feast  of  a  king."  The  words  may  easily  have  dropped  out 
of  the  Hebrew  text  owing  to  the  similar  endings  of  the  sentences. 

28.  Now  Absalom  had  comf}ianded'\  And  Absalom  commanded. 
Absalom  felt  himself  bound  in  honour  to  avenge  his  sister's  wrong,  and 
moreover  welcomed  the  pretext  for  getting  rid  of  Amnon,  who  stood 
between  himself  and  the  succession  to  the  throne. 

29.  did  ujiio  Amnon,  &c.]  Though  the  princes  were  attended  by  a 
numerous  retinue  {v.  34),  the  blow  was  struck  so  suddenly  and  unex- 
pectedly, that  no  resistance  was  possible,  and  Absalom  escaped  without 
difficuliy. 

upon  his  mnle]  Mules  were  generally  used  for  riding  at  this  time  by 
persons  of  distinction,  as  Absalom  (ch.  xviii.  9),  David,  and  Solomon 
(I  Kings  i.  33,  38). 

30—39.    The  news  brought  to  David.    Absalom's  flight. 

31.  tare  his  garments'\  Rent  his  clothes.  The  E.V.  has  introduced 
a  distinction  which  does  not  exist  in  the  Hebrew.     Cp.  ch.  i.  11. 

lay  on  the  earthy     Cp.  ch.  xii.  16. 

and  all  his  servants,  &c.]  The  Sept.  and  Vulg.  represent  a  slightly 
different  reading;  "And  all  his  servants,  who  stood  by  him,  rent  their 
clothes." 


I40  11.  SAMUEL,  XIII.  [w.  33— 37. 

Let  not  my  lord  suppose  that  they  have  slain  all  the  young 
men  the  king's  sons ;  for  Amnon  only  is  dead  :  for  by  the 
appointment  of  Absalom  this  hath  been  determined  from  the 
23  day  that  he  forced  his  sister  Tamar.  Now  therefore  let  not 
my  lord  the  king  take  the  thing  to  his  heart,  to  think  that  all 

34  the  king's  sons  are  dead  :  for  Amnon  only  is  dead.  Bat  Ab- 
salom fled.  And  the  young  man  that  kept  the  watch  lift 
up  his  eyes,  and  looked,  and  behold,  there  came  much  people 

35  by  the  way  of  the  hill  side  behind  him.  And  Jonadab  said 
unto  the  king,  Behold,  the  king's  sons  come  :  as  thy  servant 

36  said,  so  it  is.  And  it  came  to  pass,  as  soon  as  he  had  made 
an  end  of  speaking,  that  behold,  the  king's  sons  came,  and 
lift  up  their  voice  and  wept :  and  the  king  also  and  all  his 

yj  servants  wept  very  sore.  But  Absalom  fled,  and  went  to 
Talmai,  the  son  of  Ammihud,  king  of  Geshur.     And  David 

32.  Let  not  my  lord  suppose,  &c.]  A  practicalillustration  of  the  sagacity 
for  which  Jonadab  was  famous  (z/.  3).  He  at  once  rejects  the  exaggera- 
tions of  rumour,  and  predicts  accurately  what  had  really  happened. 

by  the  appointment  of  Absalom  this  hath  been  determined^  Lit., 
npon  Absalom's  month  hath  it  been  set ;  that  is,  Absalom's  sinister 
looks  have  all  along  betrayed  his  determination  to  kill  Amnon ;  or,  his 
purpose  has  been  obvious  from  his  words ;  but  the  latter  explanation  is 
less  likely,  as  Absalom  seems  to  have  dissembled  his  revenge  in  order 
to  disarm  Amnon's  suspicion. 

34.  But  Absalom  Jied\  This  brief  statement  of  Absalom's  escape  is 
inserted  here  in  anticipation  oivv.  37,  38,  in  order  to  contrast  Absalom's 
flight  with  the  return  of  the  king's  sons  to  Jerusalem. 

the  young  man  that  kept  the  watch'l  At  Jerusalem,  probably  in  the 
tower  over  one  of  the  gates.     Cp.  ch.  xviii.  24. 

much  people']  The  princes  had  been  attended  by  a  numerous  retinue 
of  followers. 

by  the  way  of  the  hill  side  behind  him]  From  the  way  behind  him 
from  the  side  of  the  hill:  that  is  probably,  if  the  text  is  sound, /;w;/  the 
west.  But  the  Sept.  has  important  variations,  thus:  "And  behold  much 
people  were  coming  in  the  way  behind  him  by  the  side  of  the  hill  at  the 
descent.  And  the  watchman  came  and  told  the  king,  and  said,  I  have 
seen  men  coming  from  the  way  of  Oronen,  by  the  side  of  the  hill.  And 
Jonadab  said,"  &c.  Oj'onen  may  represent  Ho7'onaim  or  Beth-horon, 
the  dual  form  referring  to  the  two  places  of  that  name,  the  "Upper" 
and  "Lower"  Beth-horon — which  lay  north-west  of  Jerusalem. 

37.  But  Absalom  fled,  &c.]  Now  Absalom  had  fled  and  gone  to 
Talmai.  The  narrative  goes  back  to  v.  34.  Talmai  was  Absalom's 
grandfather.     See  note  on  ch.  iii.  3. 

And  David  mounted]  David  has  fallen  out  of  the  Ileb.  text,  but  is 
found  in  the  Sept.  and  Vulg. ,  and  is  clearly  necessary  to  the  sense. 


vv.  38,  39;  I.]        II.  SAMUEL,  XIII.  XIV.  141 

mourned  for  his  son  every  day.     So  Absalom  fled,  and  went  38 
to  Geshur,  and  was  there  three  years.     And  the  soul  of  king  39 
David  longed  to  go  forth  unto  Absalom  :  for  he  was  com- 
forted concerning  Amnon,  seeing  he  was  dead. 

Ch.  XIV.  I — 20.    JoaU s  stratagem  to  procure  Absalom^ s 
recall. 

Now  Joab  the  son  of  Zeruiah  perceived  that  the  king's  14 

for  his  soul  Amnon,  not  Absalom,  is  meant.  His  first  feeling  towards 
Absalom  was  one  of  anger. 

38.  "If  the  text  of  these  verses  is  sound,  they  afford  a  curious  speci- 
men of  Hebrew  narrative.  In  V.  34  we  read  Absalom  fed ;  in  v.  37, 
Absalom  fled  and  went  to  Tabiiai,  the  son  of  Ammihiid,  king  of  Geshiir; 
in  V.  38,  Absalom  fled  and  went  to  Geshiir  and  was  there  three  years. 
At  each  step  of  the  narrative  only  the  fact  is  brought  out  which  is 
wanted,  (i)  the  flight;  (2)  the  place  whither  he  fled;  (3)  the  duration  of 
the  absence ;  but  with  each  new  fact  the  old  ones  on  which  it  depends 
are  repeated."     Speaker''s  Co??im. 

39.  And  the  soul  of  king  David,  &c.  ]  The  Heb.  of  this  verse  is 
obscure,  and  has  been  made  to  bear  almost  opposite  meanings,  (i)  The 
E.V.,  following  the  Jewish  commentators,  supplies  the  soul  as  the 
subject  of  the  verb,  which  is  feminine.  It  describes  David  as  pining 
for  the  return  of  Absalom,  after  his  sorrow  for  Amnon's  death  had 
abated.  To  this  interpretation  it  may  be  objected,  {a)  that  the  verb,  in 
the  voice  used  here,  does  not  mean  longed:  {b)  that  if  David  had  been 
anxious  for  Absalom's  return,  he  might  have  recalled  him  at  once, 
whereas  even  when  by  Joab's  instrumentality  he  had  been  brought  back 
to  Jerusalem,  he  was  not  admitted  to  the  royal  presence.  (2)  By  taking 
the  verb  impersonally  we  may  obtain  the  sense,  David  desisted  frojn 
going  forth  against  Absalom  (so  the  Vulg.  "cessavitque  rex  David  per- 
sequi  Absalom;"  and  probably  the  Sept.),  i.e.  he  gave  up  plans  of 
pursuit  and  revenge;  or  by  emending  the  text  according  to  a  very 
probable  conjecture,  the  king's  wrath  ceased  to  go  forth  against  Absalom. 
Either  of  these  renderings  gives  the  general  sense  which  seems  to  be 
required  by  the  context,  that  David's  active  hostility  towards  Absalom 
was  mitigated  by  the  lapse  of  time. 

Ch.  XIV.  1—20.    Joab's  stratagem  to  procure  Absalom's 

RECALL, 

1.  that  the  king's  heart  was  toward  Absalo^n]  This  verse  like  the 
preceding  one  admits  of  two  widely  different  explanations,  (i)  If  the 
rendering  of  the  E.V.  is  retained,  the  exact  meaning  will  depend  on 
whether  the  first  or  the  second  explanation  of  chap.  xiii.  39  given  above, 
is  adopted,  {a)  In  combination  with  the  first  of  those  explanations,  the 
words  simply  state  Joab's  recognition  of  the  king's  yearning  towards 
his  son  which  is  there  described,     {b)  In  combination  with  the  second 


142  II.  SAMUEL,   XIV.  [v.  2. 

3  heart  was  toward  Absalom.    And  Joab  sent  to  Tekoah,  and 

of  those  explanations,  which  seems  to  be  preferable,  the  words  describe 
a  further  change  in  the  king's  feeling  from  indifference  to  a  positive 
desire  for  reconciliation.  But  on  the  supposition  that  David  was 
longing  to  be  reconciled  to  Absalom  it  is  by  no  means  easy  to  explain  the 
following  narrative.  Why  was  Joab's  subtle  scheme  necessary,  if  David 
was  eager  of  his  own  accord  to  recall  Absalom?  Why,  if  he  was  long- 
ing for  a  reconciliation,  did  he  refuse  to  admit  him  to  his  presence  for 
two  whole  years  after  his  return? 

(2)  The  words  may  however  be  rendered:  "And  Joab  the  son  of 
Zeruiah  knew  that  the  king's  heart  was  against  Absalom."  In  favour 
of  this  rendering  it  may  be  urged  {a)  that  the  preposition  generally 
means  against  not  toward:  {b)  that  in  the  only  other  passage  where  the 
phrase  occurs  (Dan.  xi.  28),  it  unquestionably  expresses  hostility :  {c) 
that  this  meaning  agrees  better  with  the  whole  course  of  the  narrative, 
which  leaves  the  impression  that  Absalom's  recall  was  a  concession 
extorted  from  David  by  Joab's  cunning.  Although  David  had  abandoned 
the  ideas  of  vengeance  which  he  at  first  entertained  (of  course  the  second 
explanation  of  ch.  xiii.  39  is  the  only  one^ which  can  stand  in  combination 
with  this  rendering)  his  heart  remained  set  against  Absalom,  and  he 
shewed  no  disposition  to  recall  him  from  exile.  This  view  of  the  state 
of  David's  feelings  towards  Absalom  at  once  accounts  for  Joab's  subtle 
scheme  to  convinse  the  king  of  the  hardship  of  prolonging  Absalom's 
exile,  and  for  the  king's  refusal  to  see  Absalom  when  he  had  been  per- 
suaded to  allow  him  to  return.  It  may  seem  inconsistent  with  the 
passionate  affection  which  he  afterwards  displayed  for  his  rebellious  son 
(ch.  xviii,  5,  33),  but  it  is  not  really  so.  A  violent  revulsion  of  feeling, 
when  Absalom's  life  was  in  danger,  and  still  more  when  he  had  perished 
by  a  miserable  death,  would  be  quite  in  accordance  with  David's  im- 
pulsive character. 

Most  commentators  however  adopt  the  rendering  of  the  E.V. ,  and 
suppose  that  political  and  judicial  reasons  prevented  David  from  yielding 
to  the  dictates  of  affection:  that,  perceiving  this,  Joab  planned  his 
scheme  in  order  to  give  the  king  the  excuse  he  desired  for  recalling  his 
son :  that  the  refusal  to  see  Absalom  was  prompted  by  a  hope  that  the 
"discipline  of  disapproval"  might  bring  him  to  a  state  of  penitence 
for  his  offence. 

2.  Tekoah^  Situated  on  a  lofty  hill  five  miles  south  of  Bethlehem. 
The  name  survives  almost  unaltered  in  the  modern  TeMa.  It  was  the 
native  place  of  Ira,  one  of  David'sThirtyHeroes(ch.xxiii.26):  Rehoboam 
fortified  it  as  a  defence  against  invasions  from  the  south  (2  Chr.  xi.  6)  : 
but  its  chief  claim  to  be  remembered  is  as  the  home  of  the  prophet 
Amos  who  was  "among  the  herdmen  of  Tekoa"  (Am.  i.  i).  The 
proximity  of  Tekoah  to  Bethlehem  explains  Joab's  acquaintance  with 
this  woman,  whose  shrewdness  fitted  her  to  act  the  part  he  wished. 
The  term  "wise  woman"  does  not  mean  a  witch,  as  the  Speaker's 
Comm.  implies  when  it  speaks  of  her  "lawless  profession."  Cp.  ch. 
XX.   16. 


v^^  3—7.]  '       II.  SAMUEL,  XIV.  143 

fetcht  thence  a  wise  woman,  and  said  unto  her,  I  pray  thee, 
feign  thyself  to  be  a  mourner,  and  put  on  now  mourning 
apparel,  and  anoint  not  ^/lyse// with,  oil,  but  be  as  a  woman 
f/ia^  had 2,  long  time  mourned  for  the  dead:  and  come  to  3 
the  king,  and  speak  on  this  manner  unto  him.    So  Joab  put 
the  words  in  her  mouth.     And  when  the  woman  of  Tekoah  4 
spake  to  the  king,  she  fell  on  her  face  to  the  ground,  and 
did  obeisance,  and  said.  Help,  O  king.     And  the  king  said  i 
unto  her.  What  aileth    thee?     And    she   answered,    I   am 
indeed  a  widow  woman,  and  mine  husband  is  dead.     And  6 
thy  handmaid  had  two  sons,  and  they  two  strove  together 
in  the  field,  and  there  was  none  to  part  them,  but  the  one 
smote  the  other,  and  slew  him.     And  behold,  the  whole  7 
family  is  risen  against  thine  handmaid,  and  they  said.  De- 
liver him  that  smote  his  brother,  that  we  may  kill  him,  for 
the  life  of  his  brother  whom  he  slew ;  and  we  will  destroy 
the  heir  also :  and  so  they  shall  quench  my  coal  which  is 

feign  thyself  to  be  a  77iotinie7']  Compare  the  similar  'acted  parable' 
in  I  Kings  xx.  35 — 43. 

a7toiiit  7iot  thyself^     Cp.  ch.  xii.  20,  note. 

3.  co77ie  to  the  king]  An  interesting  evidence  of  the  simplicity  of 
the  times,  when  the  king  was  thus  directly  accessible  to  his  subjects 
who  had  causes  to  be  tried  or  grievances  to  be  redressed.  Cp.  ch.  xv.  2 ; 
I  Kings  iii.  16. 

4,  Aiid  when  the  woma7t... spake... she  fell\  All  the  versions  and 
many  Hebrew  MSS  read  as  the  sense  requires:  "And  the  woman  of 
Tekoah  came  to  the  king,  and  fell,"  &c. 

fell  0)1  her  face  to  the  grotmd}  It  was  and  in  some  cases  still  is  the 
practice  in  Oriental  countries  for  a  subject  approaching  the  king, 
especially  with  any  petition,  to  kneel  down  and  bend  forward  until 
the  forehead  actually  touches  the  ground.  See  the  illustrations  from 
Assyrian  and  Egyptian  monuments  in  Van  Lennep's  Bible  La/ids, 
II.  649. 

did  obeisa7ice'\  See  note  on  ch.  i.  1,  and  cp.  the  almost  identical  phrase 
in  I  Sam.  xxv.  23. 

Hclp\  Or,  Save.  Cp.  1  Kings  vi.  26;  Ps.  xx.  9.  The  Sept.  repeats 
it  twice  :  "  Help,  O  king,  help." 

7.  the  whole  fa/7iily,  &c.]  The  whole  clan  demanded  blood -revenge, 
according  to  the  primitive  custom,  sanctioned  and  regulated  by  tlie 
Mosaic  Law.     See  Num.  xxxv.  19;  Deut.  xix.  12,  13. 

a7id  we  will  destroy  the  heir  also']  The  woman  puts  these  words  that 
we  may  kill  him... and  destroy  the  heir  also  into  the  mouth  of  her  kins- 
men, in  order  to  make  their  conduct  appear  in  the  worst  possible  light, 
as  actuated  not  so  much  by  a  wish  to  observe  the  law  as  by  covetousness 


144  n.  SAMUEL,  XIV.  [vv.  8— 13. 

left,  and  shall  not  leave  to  my  husband  neither  name  nor  re- 

8  raainder  upon  the  earth.  And  the  king  said  unto  the 
woman,  Go  to  thine  house,  and  I  will  give  charge  concerning 

9  thee.  And  the  woman  of  Tekoah  said  unto  the  king.  My 
lord,  O  king,  the  iniquity  be  on  me,  and  on  my  father's 

10  house :  and  the  king  and  his  throne  be  guiltless.  And 
the  king  said.  Whosoever  saith  ought  unto  thee,  bring  him 

11  to  me,  and  he  shall  not  touch  thee  any  more.  Then 
said  she,  I  pray  thee,  let  the  king  remember  the  Lord 
thy  God,  that  thou  wouldest  not  suffer  the  revengers  of 
blood  to  destroy  any  more,  lest  they  destroy  my  son.  And 
he  said,  As  the  Lord  Hveth,  there  shall  not  one  hair  of 

12  thy  son  fall  to  the  earth.  Then  the  woman  said.  Let  thine 
handmaid,  I  pray  thee,  speak  one  word  unto  my  lord  the 

13  king.  And  he  said.  Say  on.  And  the  woman  said.  Where- 
fore then  hast  thou  thought  such  a  thing  against  the  people 
of  God?  for  the  king  doth  speak  this  thing  as  one  which  is 
faulty,  in  that  the  king  doth  not  fetch  home  again  his  ban- 

and  a  desire  to  share  the  inheritance  among  themselves.     Cp.  Matt. 
xxi.  38. 

they  shall  quench  my  coal  which  is  left]  The  surviving  son,  who  is 
the  last  hope  for  the  continuance  of  his  family,  is  compared  to  the  live 
coal  still  left  among  the  embers,  by  which  the  fire  almost  extinct  may 
be  rekindled. 

8.  /  zvill  give  charge,  &c.]  Implying  that  her  son  should  be  pro- 
tected. The  king  could  reasonably  grant  a  free  pardon,  as  it  was  a 
case  of  manslaughter  and  not  a  premeditated  murder. 

9.  the  iniquity  be  on  jne,  &c.]  If  there  is  any  guilt  in  thus  leaving 
bloodshed  unavenged,  may  I  and  my  family  bear  the  punishment.  She 
wishes  to  lead  the  king  up  to  a  more  definite  promise,  before  she  applies 
her  parable  to  the  case  of  Absalom. 

11.  let  the  king  remember  the  Lord  thy  God]  She  presses  for  the 
further  assurance  of  an  oath  in  the  name  of  God. 

there  shall  not  one  hair,  &c.]  Cp.  i  Sam.  xiv.  45;  1  Kings  i.  52  ; 
Matt.  x.  30;  Luke  xxi.  18  ;  Acts  xxvii.  34. 

12.  Let  thine  handmaid,  &c.]  The  great  object  of  her  errand  has 
still  to  be  effected.  Firmly  and  clearly,  but  yet  to  all  appearance 
incidentally,  she  argues  from  the  case  of  her  son  to  that  of  Absalom. 

13.  Wherefore  then,  (S:c.]  David's  resolution  to  keep  Absalom  in  exile 
was  an  injury  to  the  people  of  God,  for  he  was  the  heir  to  the  throne. 

for  the  king,  &c.]  Better,  and  by  the  king's  speaking  this  word  he 
is  as  one  guilty.  The  promise  of  protection  to  her  son  was  a  con- 
demnation of  his  own  conduct  towards  Absalom.  He  had  acknowledged 
the  possibility  of  an  exception  to  the  general  rule  of  punishment  for 


vv.  14—17.]  II.  SAMUEL,  XIV.  145 

ished.  For  we  must  needs  die,  and  are  as  water  spilt  on  the 
ground,  which  cannot  be  gathered  up  again;  neither  doth 
God  respect  any  person  :  yet  doth  he  devise  means,  that  his 
banished  be  not  expelled  from  him.  Now  therefore  that 
I  am  come  to  speak  of  this  thing  unto  my  lord  the  king, 
it  is  because  the  people  have  made  me  afraid :  and  thy 
handmaid  said,  I  will  now  speak  unto  the  king ;  it  may  be 
that  the  king  will  perform  the  request  of  his  handmaid.  For 
the  king  will  hear,  to  deliver  his  handmaid  out  of  the  hand 
of  the  man  that  would  destroy  me  and  my  son  together 
out  of  the  inheritance  of  God.  Then  thine  handmaid  said, 
The  word  of  my  Lord  the  king  shall  now  be  comfortable : 
for  as  an  angel  of  God,  so  is  my  lord  the  king  to  discern 
good  and  bad :  therefore  the  Lord  thy  God  will  be  with 

murder,  but  he  had  not  extended  this  exception  to  his  own  son,  in  spite 
of  the  strongest  reasons  for  so  doing. 

14.  For  we  nmst  needs  die'\  The  argument  of  this  verse  seems  to  be, 
that  since  life  is  uncertain  and  cannot  be  restored,  and  since  God  Him- 
self sets  the  example  of  mercy,  David  should  be  reconciled  to  his  son 
at  once,  before  it  is  too  late.  For  the  simile  of  water  spilt,  cp.  Ps. 
Iviii.  7. 

neither  doth  God  respect  any  person'\  This  translation  cannot  be  de- 
fended. Better :  and  God  dotJi  not  take  away  life,  but  devisetli  devices 
(lit.  thinkcth  thoughts,  cp.  v.  13)  to  the  end  that  lie  may  not  [utterly] 
banish  a  banished  one.  The  statement  is  quite  general,  but  contains  a 
pointed  allusion  to  God's  mercy  in  sparing  David's  own  life  when  he 
had  deserved  death  for  adultery  and  murder,  and  devising  a  plan  to 
bring  him  to  repentance  and  so  restore  him  to  His  presence- 

15.  Nozu  therefore,  &c.]  Simply,  And  now.  There  seems  to  be  a 
studied  ambiguity  about  this  verse.  If  "the  people"  means  the  family 
who  had  demanded  the  surrender  of  her  son,  she  is  artfully  returning  to 
her  own  petition,  to  prevent  the  king  from  suspecting  that  her  whole 
story  is  a  fiction  :  if,  as  is  more  natural,  "the  people"  means  the  nation, 
she  is  excusing  her  boldness  on  the  ground  that  she  was  forced  by  them 
into  speaking  thus. 

16.  the  inheritance  of  God\  The  nation  of  Israel.  Cp.  i  Sam.  xxvi. 
19;  Deut.  xxxii.  9. 

17.  Then  thine  ha^idniaid  said]  Sept.  "And  the  woman  said:" 
which  suits  the  context  better. 

shat/  now  be  comfortable\  Lit.  Let  the  word... be  for  rest:  give  me 
security  from  my  enemies. 

as  an  angel  of  God]     Cp.  v.  20;  ch.  xix.  27;  and  i  Sam.  xxix.  9. 

to  discern  good  and  bad]  To  hear  the  good  and  the  evil :  to  listen 
patiently  to  all  manner  of  petitions,  and  decide  justly  upon  them. 

therefore  the  LoRD  thy  God  zvill  be  with  thee]  The  words  are  a  prayer 
or  blessing :  and  Jehovah  thy  God  be  with  thee. 

II.  SAMUEL  10 


146  II.  SAMUEL,  XIV.  [vv.  18—24. 

18  thee.  Then  the  king  answered  and  said  unto  the  woman, 
Hide  not  from  me,  I  pray  thee,  the  thing  that  I  shall  ask 
thee.     And  the  woman  said.   Let  my  lord  the  king  now 

19  speak.  And  the  king  said.  Is  not  the  hand  of  Joab  with 
thee  in  all  this  ?  And  the  woman  answered  and  said.  As  thy 
soul  liveth,  my  lord  the  king,  none  can  turn  to  the  right 
hand  or  to  the  left  from  ought  that  my  lord  the  king  hath 
spoken :  for  thy  servant  Joab,  he  bade  me,  and  he  put  all 

20  these  words  in  the  mouth  of  thine  handmaid :  to  fetch  about 
this  form  of  speech  hath  thy  servant  Joab  done  this  thing: 
and  my  lord  is  wise,  according  to  the  wisdom  of  an  angel  of 
God,  to  know  all  things  that  are  in  the  earth. 

21 — 24.    Joab  sent  to  bring  Absalom  back. 

21  And  the  king  said  unto  Joab,  Behold  now,  I  have  done 
this  thing  :  go  therefore,  bring  the  young  man  Absalom  again. 

22  And  Joab  fell  to  the  ground  on  his  face,  and  bowed  himself, 
and  thanked  the  king:  and  Joab  said,  To  day  thy  servant 
knoweth  that  I  have  found  grace  in  thy  sight,  my  lord,  O 
king,  in  that  the  king  hath  fulfilled  the  request  of  his  servant. 

23  So  Joab  arose  and  went  to  Geshur,  and  brought  Absalom 

24  to  Jerusalem.  And  the  king  said.  Let  him  turn  to  his  own 
house,  and  let  him  not  see  my  face.  So  Absalom  returned 
to  his  own  house,  and  saw  not  the  king's  face. 

19.  none  can  turn^  &c.]  The  king's  words  hit  the  mark  precisely : 
he  discerns  the  exact  state  of  the  case. 

20.  to  fetch  about  this  fortn  of  speech']  Rather,  in  order  to  bring 
round  the  face  of  the  business :  that  is,  to  alter  the  aspect  of  Absalom's 
relations  to  his  father. 

21—24.      JOAB  SENT  TO  BRING   ABSALOM   BACK. 

21.  /  have  done  this  thing]  I  have  granted  thy  wish  and  restored 
Absalom  to  favour.  The  "read"  text  or  ^r/ has  thou  hast  done,  but 
the  "written"  text  or  Kthibh  (supported  by  the  Sept.  and  Vulg.)  is 
certainly  right  here. 

22.  his  sei'vant]  This  is  the  reading  of  the  Kthfbh,  and  is  clearly 
best :  the  marginal  alternative  thy  comes  from  the  Qri. 

24.  let  him  not  see  my  face]  To  recall  Absalom  without  giving  him 
a  full  pardon  was  a  most  dangerous  policy.  It  could  not  fail  to  irritate 
him.  It  may  be  inferred  from  vv.  29  and  31  that  he  was  confined  to 
his  house  by  David's  order,  for  otherwise  he  would  not  have  had  to 
wait  until  Joab  came.  David's  reasons  for  this  course  of  action  are 
discussed  in  the  note  on  z'.  i. 


vv.  25—29.]  11.  SAMUEL,   XIV.  147 

25 — 27.    Absalom' s  person  ajid family. 

But  in  all  Israel  there  was  none  to  be  so  much  praised  as  ?5 
Absalom  for  his  beauty  :  from  the  sole  of  his  foot  even  to 
the  crown  of  his  head  there  was  no  blemish  in  him.     And  26 
when  he  polled  his  head,  (for  it  was  at  every  year's  end  that 
he  polled  //.•  because  the  hair  was  heavy  on  him,  therefore 
he  polled  it :)  he  weighed  the  hair  of  his  head  at  two  hun- 
dred shekels  after  the  king's  weight.     And  unto  Absalom  27 
there  were  born  three  sons,  and  one  daughter,  whose  name 
was  Tamar  :  she  was  a  woman  of  a  fair  countenance. 

28 — 2iZ'    Absalom  readmitted  to  David' s  presence  through 
Joab^s  mediation. 

So  Absalom  dwelt  two  full  years  in  Jerusalem,  and  saw  not  28 
the  king's  face.  Therefore  Absalom  sent  for  Joab,  to  have  29 
sent  him  to  the  king ;  but  he  would  not  come  to  him :  and 

25 — 27.    Absalom's  person  and  family. 

26.  polled^  From  poll^  the  head,  comes  the  verb  to  poll,  to  cut  the 
hair. 

two  hundred  shekels  after  the  king's  weight']  If  the  royal  shekel  was 
the  same  as  the  sacred  shekel,  two  hundred  shekels  would  be  about  six 
pounds,  an  extraordinary  weight.  But  perhaps  the  royal  shekel  was 
smaller,  or  as  is  so  often  the  case  with  numbers,  there  may  be  some 
error  in  the  text.  It  was  not  considered  effeminate  for  men  to  wear 
their  hair  long  :  the  Nazarites  did  so  (Num.  vi.  5),  and  Josephus  says 
that  Solomon's  body-guard  had  long  flowing  hair.  Modern  Arabs  fre- 
quently allow  the  hair  to  grow  to  its  natural  length. 

27.  three  sons']  Who  are  not  named,  because  none  of  them  lived  to 
grow  up.     See  ch.  xviii.  18. 

Tamar]  Who  inherited  the  beauty  as  well  as  the  name  of  her  aunt. 
The  Sept.  adds,  "  and  she  became  the  wife  of  Roboam  the  son  of  Solo- 
mon, and  bare  him  Abia."  This  however  does  not  agree  with  the 
books  of  Kings  and  Chronicles.  From  i  Kings  xv.  2  we  learn  that 
Maachah  the  daughter  of  Abishalom  was  the  wife  of  Rehoboam  and 
mother  of  Abijam  :  from  2  Chr.  xiii.  2  that  Abijah's  mother's  name 
was  Michaiah  the  daughter  of  Uriel  of  Gibeah  (cp.  1  Chr.  xi.  20—22). 
The  natural  inference  is  that  Michaiah  is  an  alternative  name  or  a 
textual  error  for  Maachah,  and  that  Maachah  was  the  daughter  of  Uriel 
and  Tamar,  and  granddaughter  of  Absalom,  named  after  her  great- 
grandmother. 

28—33.    Absalom  readmitted  to  David's  tresence  through 
Joab's  mediation. 
29.     he  wotdd  not  come  to  him]     Not  choosing  to  incur  David's  dis- 
pleasure by  visiting  Absalom  while  he  was  still  in  disgrace. 

10 — 2 


148  II.  SAMUEL,  XIV.  XV.        [vv.  30—33;  i. 

when  he  sent  again  the  second  time,  he  would  not  come. 

30  Therefore  he  said  unto  his  servants,  See,  Joab's  field  is  near 
mine,  and  he  hath  barley  there ;  go  and  set  it  on  fire.     And 

31  Absalom's  servants  set  the  field  on  fire.  Then  Joab  arose, 
and  came  to  Absalom  unto  his  house,  and  said  unto  him, 

32  Wherefore  have  thy  servants  set  my  field  on  fire  ?  And 
Absalom  answered  Joab,  Behold,  I  sent  unto  thee,  saying. 
Come  hither,  that  I  may  send  thee  to  the  king,  to  say. 
Wherefore  am  I  come  from  Geshur?  it  had  been  good  forme 
to  have  beeii  there  still :  now  therefore  let  me  see  the  king's 
face ;  and  if  there  be  any  iniquity  in  me,  let  him  kill  me. 

33  So  Joab  came  to  the  king,  and  told  him  :  and  when  he  had 
called  for  Absalom,  he  came  to  the  king,  and  bowed  himself 
on  his  face  to  the  ground  before  the  king:  and  the  king 
kissed  Absalom, 

Chs.  XV.— XIX.     Absalom's  Rebellion. 

Ch.  XV.  I — 6.  Absalom  ingratiates  himself  with  the  people. 

15      And  it  came  to  pass  after  this,  that  Absalom  prepared 

30.  set  it  oji  fire]  Partly  in  revenge  for  Absalom's  refusal  (cp.  Jud. 
XV.  3 — 5),  partly  in  the  hope  of  bringing  Joab  to  make  a  complaint  in 
person.  ' 

The  Sept.  and  some  MSS.  of  the  Vulg.  add  at  the  end  of  the  verse: 
"  And  Joab's  servants  came  to  him  with  their  clothes  rent,  and  said, 
Absalom's  servants  have  set  thy  field  on  fire."  The  words  are  not 
absolutely  necessary  to  the  sense,  but  they  may  have  been  accidentally 
omitted  from  the  Heb.  text. 

32.  if  there  be  any  iniquity  in  me]  Let  the  king  treat  me  either  as 
guilty  or  as  innocent.  This  half-forgiveness  is  worse  than  death. 
Absalom  means  to  protest  that  he  is  innocent,  and  had  been  fully 
justified  in  taking  revenge  on  Amnon,  as  the  king  had  left  his  offence  un- 
punished. 

33.  the  king  kissed  Absalo7ii\  As  a  pledge  of  reconciliation.  See 
Gen.  xxxiii.  4  ;  xlv.  15  ;  Luke  xv.  20. 

Chs.  XV. — XIX.    Absalom's  Rebellion. 

For  the  Psalms  illustrative  of  this  period  see  Introd.  ch.  vili.  §  5, 
p.  48. 

Ch.  XV.  1—6.    Absalom  ingratiates  himself  with  the  people. 

1.  And  it  came  to  pass  after  this]  To  recall  Absalom  without 
granting  him  a  full  pardon  was  ill-judged  :  to  readmit  him  to  favour, 
after  he  had  been   irritated  by  two   years  of  exclusion,    without  the 


vv.  2— 6.]  II.  SAMUEL,  XV.  149 

him  chariots  and  horses,  and  fifty  men  to  ran  before  him. 
And  Absalom  rose  up  early,  and  stood  beside  the  way  of  2 
the  gate :  and  it  was  so,  that  when  any  man  that  had  a  con- 
troversy came  to  the  king  for  judgment,  then  Absalom  called 
unto  him,  and  said.  Of  what  city  art  thou  ?     And  he  said, 
Thy  servant  is  of  one  of  the  tribes  of  Israel.     And  Absalom  3 
said  unto  him.  See,   thy  matters  a7'e  good  and  right ;  but 
the?'e  is  no  man  deputed  of  the  king  to  hear  thee.     Absalom  4 
said  moreover,  Oh  that  I  were  made  judge  in  the  land,  that 
every  man  which  hath  any  suit  or  cause  might  come  unto 
me,  and  I  would  do  him  justice.     And  it  was  so,  that  when  5 
any  man  came  nigh  to  him  to  do  him  obeisance,  he  put  forth 
his  hand,  and  took  him,  and  kissed  him.    And  on  this  man-  6 

slightest  sign  of  repentance  on  his  part,  was  fatal.     The  natural  con- 
sequences of  such  treatment  are  recorded  in  the  following  chapters  ^. 

chariots  mtd  horses,  &c.]  A  chariot  and  horses.  Absalom  imitated 
the  magnificence  of  foreign  monarchs,  in  order  to  make  an  impression 
on  the  people.  Cp.  Adonijah's  practice  (i  Kings  i.  5),  and  see  i  Sam. 
viii.  II. 

2.  beside  the  way  of  the  gate\  By  the  side  of  the  road  leading  to  the 
gate  of  the  king's  palace,  where  he  sat  to  transact  business.  Cp.  ch. 
xix.  8.  From  this  practice  the  Sultan's  government  is  still  popularly 
called  in  Turkey  "the  Sultan's  gate,"  and  the  Sublime  Porte,  which  is 
the  French  equivalent  oi  Bab-i-Humayooii  (the  high  gate),  the  name  of 
the  principal  gate  of  the  palace  at  Constantinople,  is  used  by  us  as  a 
synonym  for  the  Turkish  government. 

a  conti-oversyl    Better,  a  suit,  as  in  v.  4. 

of  one  of  the  tribes  of  Is7'ael\  Belongs  to  such  and  such  a  tribe  or 
city  :  naming  the  particular  one  in  each  case. 

3.  See,  thy  77iatters,  &c.]  He  artfully  flatters  each  suitor  by  pro- 
nouncing a  favourable  decision  on  his  case,  condoles  with  him  on  the 
improbability  of  his  obtaining  a  hearing,  and  hints  how  differently 
matters  would  be  managed  if  he  were  in  power. 

there  is  no  man,  &c.]  This  and  not  the  marginal  alternative  none 
will  hear  thee  fi'o?n  the  king  dowmvard  is  the  correct  rendering.  There 
was  no  one  appointed  to  investigate  the  evidence  and  lay  it  before  the 
king.  He  implies  that  decisions  were  given  hastily  and  arbitrarily,  and 
that  his  father  needed  assessors  to  help  him.  There  is  no  reason  to 
suppose  that  David  was  neglecting  his  duty  as  a  judge ;  but  the  task 
was  growing  too  heavy  for  one  man  to  perform  it.  See  Ewald's  Hist. 
iii.  176. 

5.    put  forth  his  hajtd'\     Instead  of  allowing  the  people  to  do  him 

1  Dryden  has  made  use  of  the  events  of  this  period  as  the  basis  of  his  political 
poem  on  the  court  of  Charles  II.,  entitled  "Absalom  and  Achithophel,"  in  which 
Absalom  represents  the  Duke  of  Monmouth,  and  Achithophel  his  evil  adviser  Shaftes- 
bury. 


I50  II.  SAMUEL,  XV.  [w.  7— lo. 

ner  did  Absalom  to  all  Israel  that  came  to  the  king  for 
judgment:  so  Absalom  stole  the  hearts  of  the  men  of  Israel. 

7 — 12.    A  bsalom's  conspiracy. 

7  And  it  came  to  pass  after  forty  years,  that  Absalom  said 
unto  the  king,  I   pray  thee,   let  me  go  and  pay  my  vow, 

8  which  I  have  vowed  unto  the  Lord,  in  Hebron.  For  thy 
servant  vowed  a  vow  while  I  abode  at  Geshur  in  Syria, 
saying,  If  the  Lord  shall  bring  me  again  indeed  /^  Jerusa- 

9  lem,  then  I  will  serve  the  Lord.     And  the  king  said  unto 
10  him.  Go  in  peace.    So  he  arose,  and  went  to  Hebron.     But 

Absalom  sent  spies  throughout  all  the  tribes  of  Israel,  saying, 
As  soon  as  ye  hear  the  sound  of  the  trumpet,  then  ye  shall 

homage  as  the  king's  son,  he  took  them  by  the  hand,  and  saluted  them 
famiUarly  with  a  kiss.     Cp.  ch.  xx.  9. 

Compare  the  description  of  Bolingbroke's  behaviour  which  Shakes- 
peare puts  into  the  mouth  of  Richard  II.  : 

Ourself  and  Bushy,  Bagot  here  and  Green 
Observed  his  courtship  to  the  common  people; 
How  he  did  seem  to  dive  into  their  hearts 
With  humble  and  familiar  courtesy, 
What  reverence  he  did  throw  away  on  slaves, 
Wooing  poor  craftsmen  with  the  craft  of  smiles. 

King  Richard  II.,  Act  i,  Sc.  4.  23. 

6.  stole  the  hearts']  Robbed  his  father  of  the  people's  affection  and 
transferred  it  to  himself.     Sept.  t5to7roterro  =  made  his  own. 

7 — 12.     Absalom's  conspiracy. 

7.  after  forty  years']  There  is  no  obvious  date  from  which  forty 
years  could  be  reckoned  in  this  way  without  specifying  what  point  of 
time  was  intended.  In  place  oi  forty  we  must  read  four  with  Josephus 
and  some  of  the  ancient  versions.  The  four  years  are  to  be  reckoned 
in  all  probability  from  the  time  of  Absalom's  reconciliation  to  David. 
They  were  spent  in  preparing  for  the  conspiracy  by  ingratiating  himself 
with  the  people  in  the  way  described  in  the  preceding  verses. 

in  Hebron]  The  fact  that  Hebron  was  his  birth-place  would  make 
the  wish  to  pay  his  vow  there  instead  of  at  Jerusalem  seem  sufficiently 
natural. 

8.  then  tvill  I  serve  the  Lord]  By  offering  a  sacrifice  in  accordance 
with  his  vow.      Cp.  Jacob's  similar  vow  (Gen.  xxviii.  20—22). 

10.  spies]  Absalom's  emissaries  are  called  spies,  because  they  were 
sent  secretly  to  ascertain  public  feeling,  and  only  divulge  their  real 
purpose  where  they  could  count  on  support. 

the  sound  of  the  trtwipet]  The  signal  for  revolt  and  for  the  gathering 
of  his  supporters,  like  the  hoisting  of  a  standard  in  modern  times.     He 


vv.  II— 13.]  11.  SAMUEL,  XV.  fSi 

say,  Absalom  reigneth  in  Hebron.  And  with  Absalom  n 
went  two  hundred  men  out  of  Jerusalem,  that  were  called ; 
and  they  went  in  their  simplicity,  and  they  knew  not  any 
thing.  And  Absalom  sent  for  Ahithophel  the  Gilonite,  12 
David's  counseller,  from  his  city,  even  from  Giloh,  while  he 
offered  sacrifices.  And  the  conspiracy  was  strong;  for  the 
people  increased  continually  with  Absalom. 

1 3 — 18.     The  king's  flight  from  Jerusalem. 

And  there  came  a  messenger  to  David,  saying,  The  hearts  13 

was  to  be  proclaimed  king  simultaneously  all  over  the  country.     Cp. 
ch.  XX.  I  ;  I  Kings  i.  34;  2  Kings  ix.  13. 

in  Hebroii]  The  choice  of  Hebron  clearly  shews  that  Absalom 
expected  to  find  his  chief  support  in  the  tribe  of  Judah.  It  is  probable 
that  the  old  tribal  jealousies  had  been  revived,  and  that  Judah  resented 
its  absorption  into  the  nation  at  large.  Such  a  spirit  of  discontent 
would  account  for  the  slackness  of  Judah  to  bring  back  the  king  when 
the  rebellion  was  over  (ch.  xix.  1 1).  Hebron  itself  too  probably  contained 
many  persons  who  were  aggrieved  by  the  removal  of  the  court  to  Jeru- 
salem.    See  Ewald's  i/z>/.  of  Israel,  iii.  176. 

11.  txvo  hundred  men. ..that  were  called'\  Invited  to  the  sacrificial 
feast  as  Absalom's  guests.  In  all  probability  they  were  men  of  distinc- 
tion, and  would  naturally  be  regarded,  both  at  Jerusalem  and  at  Hebron, 
as  accomplices  in  the  conspiracy.  No  doubt  Absalom  hoped  that  many 
of  them,  finding  themselves  thus  compromised,  and  seeing  the  number 
of  his  supporters,  would  decide  to  join  him  ;  or  failing  this,  they  might 
be  held  as  hostages. 

12.  Gilonite\  Formed  from  Giloh,  as  Shilonite  (i  Kings  xi.  29)  from 
Shiloh.  Giloh  was  one  of  a  group  of  cities  in  the  mountains  of  Judah, 
to  the  south  or  south-west  of  Hebron  (Josh.  xv.  51). 

sent  for  Ahithophel^  The  sense  is  no  doubt  right,  but  it  cannot  be 
got  out  of  the  existing  text.  Probably  some  word  has  dropped  out ;  the 
original  reading  may  have  been  seJit  and  called  Ahithophel. 

Ahithophel  has  justly  been  regarded  as  a  type  of  the  arch-traitor 
Judas.  Even  if  the  words  *'  mine  own  familiar  friend  in  whom  I  trusted 
which  did  eat  of  my  bread,  hath  lifted  up  his  heel  against  me"  (Ps.  xli.  9, 
quoted  in  John  xiii,  18),  were  not  written  of  Ahithophel,  the  parallel 
between  his  treachery  and  suicide,  and  the  treachery  and  suicide  of 
Judas,  is  too  striking  to  be  neglected. 

while  he  offered  sacrifcesl  While  lie  offered  tlie  sacrifices.  In  order 
to  give  time  for  his  adherents  to  gather,  Absalom  celebrated  the  sacri- 
fice, which  was  the  ostensible  object  of  his  journey.  To  Ahithophel, 
who  no  doubt  had  already  been  sounded,  he  sent  a  special  invitation  to 
join  him. 

13—18.    The  king's  flight  from  Jerusalem. 

For  the  Psalms  written  during  the  Flight  see  Introd.  ch.  viii.  §  6, 
p.  48. 


152  II.  SAMUEL,  XV.  [w.  14—18. 

14  of  the  men  of  Israel  are  after  Absalom.  And  David  said 
unto  all  his  servants  that  were  with  him  at  Jerusalem,  Arise, 
and  let  us  flee  ;  for  we  shall  not  else  escape  from  Absalom  : 
make  speed  to  depart,  lest  he  overtake  us  suddenly,  and 
bring  evil  upon  us,  and  smite  the  city  with  the  edge  of 

15  the  sword.  And  the  king's  servants  said  unto  the  king. 
Behold,  thy  servants  are  ready  to  do  whatsoever  my  lord 

16  the  king  shall  appoint.  And  the  king  went  forth,  and  all  his 
household  after  him.     And  the  king  left  ten  women,  which 

17  ivere  concubines,  to  keep  the  house.  And  the  king  went 
forth,  and  all  the  people  after  him,  and  tarried  in  a  place 

i8  that  was  far  off.  And  all  his  servants  passed  on  beside  him; 
and  all  the  Cherethites,  and  all  the  Pelethites,  and  all 
the  Gittites,  six  hundred  men  which  came  after  him  from 
Gath,  passed  on  before  the  king. 

13.  The  Marts,  &c.]    Cp.  v.  6 ;  Jud.  ix.  3. 

14.  let  us  flee']  For  the  moment  David's  courage  seems  to  have 
failed  him.  The  calamities  predicted  by  Nathan  (ch.  xii.  11),  stared  him 
in  the  face  :  a  sack  of  Jerusalem  with  all  the  horrors  of  civil  war  seemed 
imminent :  he  could  not  face  them,  and  retreat  proved  in  the  end  to  be 
the  wisest  course.  Time  was  gained  ;  the  first  violence  of  rebellion 
spent  itself;  his  loyal  subjects  recovered  from  their  alarm  and  rallied  to 
defend  him.  Ahithophel  was  perfectly  right  in  discerning  that  delay 
would  be  fatal  to  the  enterprise  (ch.  xvii.  1,2). 

16.  And  the  king  went  foi'th']  "It  was  apparently  early  on  the 
morning  of  the  day  after  he  had  received  the  news  of  the  rebellion  that 
the  king  left  the  city  of  Jerusalem.  There  is  no  single  day  in  the  Jewish 
history  of  which  so  elaborate  an  account  remains  as  that  which  describes 
this  memorable  flight.  There  is  none,  we  may  add,  that  combines  so 
many  of  David's  characteristics — his  patience,  his  high-spirited  religion, 
his  generosity,  his  calculation:  we  miss  only  his  daring  courage.  Was 
it  crushed,  for  the  moment,  by  the  weight  of  parental  grief,  or  of  bitter 
remorse?"  Stanley's  Led.  ii.  97.  Who,  we  may  ask,  was  the  eye- 
witness who  has  preserved  the  picture  of  the  scene  with  such  minute 
and  life-like  detail  ?     May  it  not  have  been  the  prophet  Nathan  ? 

17.  tarried  in  a  place  that  was  far  off}  Better,  halted  at  the  Far 
House  :  the  last  house  on  the  outskirts  of  the  city,  before  the  road 
crossed  the  Kidron.  It  seems  to  be  used  almost  as  a  proper  name — 
Beth-merchak — for  the  locality.  Here  David  halted,  while  his  troops 
passed  in  review  before  him,  and  crossed  the  Kidron. 

18.  all  the  Gittites']  If  the  text  is  sound,  we  must  infer  that  David 
had  brought  with  him  a  body  of  Philistine  followers  from  Gath,  a  sup- 
position which  is  in  accordjince  vvdth  the  view  that  the  Cherethites  and 
Pelethites  were  Philistines.  See  note  on  ch.  viii.  18.  But  it  is  pos- 
sible that  we  should  follow  the  LXX.  in  reading  Gibbdrim  in  place  of 


w.  19, 20.]  II.  SAMUEL,   XV.  153 

19 — 23.     The  fidelity  of  Ittai. 

Then  said  the  king  to  Ittai  the  Gittite,  Wherefore  goest  19 
thou  also  with  us  ?  return  to  thy  place,  and  abide  with  the 
king :  for  thou  art  a  stranger,  and  also  an  exile.     Whereas  20 

Gittites.  During  his  wanderings  David  formed  a  corps  of  six  hundred 
picked  men,  who  were  particularly  distinguished  as  "David's  men." 
They  appear  first  at  Keilah  (r  Sam.  xxiii.  13,  cp.  xxii.  2),  were  with 
him  in  the  wilderness  of  Paran  (xxv.  13),  followed  him  to  Gath  (xxvii. 
2,  3)  and  Ziklag  (xxvii.  8,  xxixr-:!^ xxx.  i,  9),  came  up  with  him  to  -  ~ 
Hebron  {1  Sam.  ii.  3),  and  finally  to  Jerusalem  (v.  6).  This  corps 
seems  to  have  been  afterwards  maintained  as  a  guard  with  the  title 
of  **the  Gibborim,"  that  is,  ''the  Heroes"  or  "the  Mighty  Men" 
(cp.  ch.  X.  7,  xvi.  6,  XX.  7 ;  i  Kings  i.  8),  and  it  is  natural  to  identify  the 
six  hundred  here  mentioned  with  that  body.  Some  critics  think  that 
without  altering  the  reading,  we  should  identify  the  Gittites  with  the 
Gibborim,  and  suppose  that  they  were  called  Gittites  either  because 
they  had  followed  David  ever  since  his  residence  in  Gath  ;  or  because 
the  corps  had  at  this  time  been  largely  recruited  from  the  natives  of 
Gath. 

The  Sept.  text  of  v.  18  is  as  follows-:  "And  all  his  servants  passed 
on  beside  him,  and  all  the  Cherethites  and  all  the  Pelethites,  and 
halted  at  the  olive  tree  in  the  wilderness.  And  all  the  people  marched 
by  close  to  him,  and  all  his  attendants,  and  all  the  mighty  men,  and 
all  the  warriors,  six  hundred  men,  and  were  present  by  his  side ;  and 
all  the  Cherethites  and  all  the  Pelethites,  and  all  the  Gittites,  the  six 
hundred  men  who-  came  after  him  from  Gath,  marched  on  before  the 
king."  This  appears  to  be  the  rendering  of  a  text  differing  somewhat 
from  the  present  Hebrew,  to  which  has  been  added  a  rendering  of  the 
present  Hebrew  text,  with  some  further  glosses  or  alternative  renderings. 
"The  olive  tree  in  the  wilderness,"  which  marked  the  scene  of  the 
second  halt,  (if  the  reading  is  genuine  and  not  a  mere  mistranslation), 
was  probably  beyond  the  Mount  of  Olives  on  the  road  to  the  Jordan. 

19—23.     The  fidelity  of  Ittai. 

19.  Ittai  the  Gittite]  A  distinguished  Philistine  who  had  quite 
recently  [v.  20)  migrated  from  his  home  with  his  family  and  followers 
[v.  22)  to  enter  David's  service.  From  the  fact  that  he  shared  the 
command  of  the  army  with  Joab  and  Abishai  (ch.  xviii.  2)  it  is  clear 
that  he  must  have  been  an  experienced  general. 

reticrn  to  thy  place"]  His  new  home  in  Jerusalem.  This  is  the  right 
rendering  of  the  Hebrew  text  as  it  stands  :  but  the  order  of  the  words 
is  unusual,  and  both  Sept.  and  Vulg.  support  a  different  reading : 
Return  and  divell  with  the  king ;  for  thou  art  a  stranger  and  also  an 
exile  froT7i  thy  place. 

with  the  king]  David's  meaning  is  that  Ittai  need  not  involve  him- 
self in  the  revolutions  of  a  foreign  country,  but  might  take  service  under 
Absalom  or  any  other  reigning  king  without  breach  of  faith. 


154  n.  SAMUEL,  XV.  [vv.21— 23. 

thou  earnest  but  yesterday,  should  I  this  day  make  thee  go 
up  and  down  with  us  ?  seeing  I  go  whither  I  may,  return 
thou,  and  take  back  thy  brethren :  mercy  and  truth  be  with 

21  thee.  And  Ittai  answered  the  king,  and  said,  As  the  Lord 
liveth,  and  as  my  lord  the  king  liveth,  surely  in  what  place 
my  lord  the  king  shall  be,  whether  in  death  or  life,  even 

22  there  also  will  thy  servant  be.  And  David  said  to  Ittai, 
Go  and  pass  over.  And  Ittai  the  Gittite  passed  over,  and 
all  his  men,  and  all  the  little  ones  that  were  with  him. 

23  And  all  the  country  wept  with  a  loud  voice,  and  all  the 
people  passed  over :  the  king  also  himself  passed  over  the 

an  exile]  We  can  only  conjecture  that  Ittai  had  been  compelled  to 
leave  his  country  in  consequence  of  some  revolution.  If  v^e  may  sup- 
pose this  to  have  been  the  case,  it  gives  additional  delicacy  to  David's 
thoughtfulness  in  wishing  to  spare  him  the  repetition  of  hardships  he 
had  but  lately  experienced. 

20.  I  go  whither  1 7nay\  Not  knowing  where  he  might  find  a  home, 
as  in  the  old  days  of  his  flight  from  Saul.     Cp.  i  Sam.  xxiii.  13. 

take  back  thy  brethren :  mercy  and  truth  be  with  thee]  The  Hebrew 
as  it  stands  must  be  rendered  :  take  back  thy  brethren  with  thee  in  mercy 
and  truth :  but  the  true  text  is  probably  preserved  by  the  Sept.  and 
Vulg.  Take  back  thy  brethre/t  with  thee:  and  the  Lord  shew  thee 
[or,  shall  shew  thee]  mercy  and  truth  :  to  which  some  texts  of  the  Vulg. 
add  :  because  thou  hast  sheivn  kiiidness  and  faithfulness.     Cp.  ch.  ii.  5,  6. 

21.  Ittai  anszvered]  Compare  Ruth's  answer  to  her  mother-in-law 
(Ruthi.  16,  17). 

23.  all  the  country]  Lit.  all  the  land :  the  inhabitants  who  stood  by 
to  watch  the  procession,  as  distinguished  from  all  the  people^  the  army 
and  retinue  of  followers  accompanying  David. 

the  brook  Kidron]  The  ravine  of  Kidron  is  the  deep  ravine  on  the 
east  of  Jerusalem,  now  commonly  known  as  the  Valley  of  Jehoshaphat, 
which  separates  the  city  from  the  Mount  of  Olives.  No  stream  now 
flows  in  it  except  during  the  heavy  rains  of  winter,  nor  is  there  any 
evidence  that  there  was  anciently  more  water  in  it  than  at  present. 
The  name,  if  it  is  a  Hebrew  word,  means  black,  referring  either  to  the 
blackness  of  the  torrent  flowing  through  it  (Job  vi.  16),  or  more  pro- 
bably to  the  gloominess  of  the  ravine.  The  Sept.,  following  the 
common  tendency  to  substitute  a  significant  name  of  similar  sound, 
calls  it  the  ravine  of  the  cedars  {xei/J.appovs  tujv  Ke5pwv — Cedron,  cp. 
John  xviii.  i).  In  the  O.  T.  it  is  chiefly  mentioned  as  an  unhallowed 
spot  used  for  a  common  cemetery,  into  which  idolatrous  abominations 
were  thrown  by  reforming  kings  (i  Kings  xv.  13;  2  Chr.  xxix.  16, 
XXX.  14  ;  2  Kings  xxiii.  4,  6,  12  ;  Jer.  xxxi.  40).  The  single  mention 
of  it  in  the  N.  T.  is  perhaps  designed  to  recall  the  present  occasion  and 
to  suggest  the  parallel  between  David  fleeing  from  Jerusalem,  and 
Christ  leaving  the  city  which  had  rejected  Him,  as  the  treachery  of 


vv.  24—27.]  II.  SAMUEL,  XV.  155 

brook  Kidron,  and  all  the  people  passed  over,  toward  the 
way  of  the  wilderness. 

24—29.     The  Ark  sent  hack  to  Jerusalem. 

And  lo  Zadok  also,  and  all  the  Levites  were  with  him,  bear-  24 
ing  the  ark  of  the  covenant  of  God  :  and  they  set  down  the 
ark  of  God;  and  Abiathar  went  up,  until  all  the  people 
had  done  passing  out  of  the  city.     And  the  king  said  unto  25 
Zadok,  Carry  back  the  ark  of  God  into  the  city :  if  I  shall 
find  favour  in  the  eyes  of  the  Lord,  he  will  bring  me  again, 
and  shew  me  both  it,  and  his  habitation :  but  if  he  thus  say,  26 
I  have  no  delight  in  thee ;  behold,  here  am  I,  let  him  do  to 
me  as  seemeth  good  unto  him.     The  king  said  also  unto  27 
Zadok  the  priest,  Art  not  thou  a  seer?  return  into  the  city 

Judas  was  the  counterpart  and   "fulfilment"  of  that  of  Ahithophel 
(John  xviii.  i,  xiii.  18). 

toivard  the  way  of  the  wilderness]  The  road  to  Jericho  led  through 
the  northern  part  of  the  desert  of  Judah.     Cp.  v.  28  and  ch.  xvi.  2. 

24—29.  The  Ark  sent  back  to  Jerusalem. 

24.  and  Abiathar  went  tip]  The  Ark  halted,  to  allow  the  people 
who  were  still  coming  out  of  the  city  time  to  overtake  the  procession. 
Meanwhile  Abiathar  went  on  up  the  Mount  of  OHves,  for  some  purpose 
which  is  not  stated,  possibly  to  watch  the  stream  of  people  coming  out 
of  the  city.  He  then  returned  to  carry  the  Ark  back.  It  seems  best 
to  suppose  that  the  narrative  goes  back  here,  and  that  the  Ark  was 
not  taken  across  the  Kidron.  Certainly  it  does  not  seem  to  have  been 
carried  up  the  Mount  of  Olives. 

25.  his  habitation]  Jerusalem,  and  in  particular  the  tent  where  the 
Ark  was  kept,  was  "the  habitation"  (Ex.  xv.  13),  the  earthly  "dwell- 
ing-place," of  Jehovah  (i  Kings  viii.  13),  so  far  as  that  could  be  said  of 
any  special  locality  (i  Kings  viii.  27).     For  the  thought  cp.  Ps.  xliii.  3. 

26.  /  have  no  delight  in  thee]  For  as  he  had  sung  in  the  confident 
faith  of  happier  days,  deliverance  from  his  enemies  depended  on  God's 
good  pleasure.     See  ch.  xxii.  20,  and  cp.  1  Kings  x.  9. 

behold  here  am  /,  &c.]  Words  of  true  resignation  and  humble  sub- 
mission to  the  will  of  God.  He  felt  that  he  deserved  this  punishment 
for  his  sins. 

27.  Art  not  thou  a  seer]  An  obscure  expression  variously  explained. 
{\)  Art  thou  a  seer  f  The  high-priest  is  supposed  to  be  called  a  seer^ 
because  he  received  divine  revelations  by  means  of  the  Urim  and 
Thummim ;  but  there  is  no  trace  of  such  a  use  of  the  term  elsewhere. 
{2)  Dost  thou  see?  i.e.  understand:  an  untenable  rendering.  (3)  The 
Vulg.  gives  different  vowels  to  the  consonants,  and  renders,  O  seer, 
return ,  &c.     (4)  The  Sept.  reads,  See!  thou  shalt  return^  which  re- 


156  II.  SAMUEL,  XV.  [w.  28—31. 

in  peace,  and  your  two  sons  with  you,  Ahimaaz  thy  son, 

28  and  Jonathan  the  son  of  Abiathar.  See,  I  will  tarry  in  the 
plain  of  the  wilderness,  until  there  come  word  from  you  to 

29  certify  me.  Zadok  therefore  and  Abiathar  carried  the  ark 
of  God  again  to  Jerusalem :  and  they  tarried  there. 

30 — 37.    Hushai  conwiissioned  to  defeat  Ahithophel. 

30  And  David  went  up  by  the  ascent  of  vio^int  Olivet,  and 
wept  as  he  went  up,  and  had  his  head  covered,  and  he  went 
barefoot :  and  all  the  people  that  was  with  him  covered 
every  man  his  head,  and  they  went  up,  weeping  as  they 

3t  went  up.  And  ojie  told  David,  saying,  Ahithophel  is  among 
the  conspirators  with  Absalom.     And  David  said,  O  Lord, 

quires  but  a  small  change  in  the  Heb.  text,  and  is  probably  the  best 
solution  of  the  difficulty. 

28.  in  the  plain  of  the  wilderness]  The  level  district  of  the  Jordan 
valley  near  Jericho,  called  elsewhere  "  the  plains  of  Jericho."  Cp. 
Josh.  V.  10;  2  Kings  xxv.  5  ;  and  note  on  ch.  ii.  29.  Instead  however 
of  plains  which  is  the  traditional  reading  (Qri),  the  written  text 
(Kthibh)  has  fords.  This  certainly  seems  the  more  probable  reading 
both  here  and  in  ch.  xvii.  16,  where  there  is  the  same  variation,  for  a 
definite  place  must  have  been  named  at  which  the  messenger  was  to 
find  David,  and  the  ford,  as  a  critical  point,  would  be  a  most  natural 
halting  place. 

to  certify  me]    To  tell  me  how  matters  are  going  in  the  city. 

30 — 37.    Hushai  commissioned  to  defeat  Ahithophel. 

30.  theasce7itofm.o\xx\\.  Olivet]  Lit.  by  the  ascent  of  Olives:  the 
name  mount  Olivet  is  derived  from  7?iofis  oliveti  in  the  Vulgate  of  Acts 
i.  12.  The  "  mount  of  Olives"  is  the  i^idge  which  rises  on  the  east  of 
Jerusalem  above  the  Kidron  ravine,  screening  the  city  from  the  desert 
country  beyond.  With  the  exception  of  this  touching  scene,  there  is 
little  of  interest  connected  with  the  Mount  of  Olives  in  the  O.  T.  On 
it,  perhaps  on  the  spot  already  consecrated  for  worship  {v.  32),  Solomon 
erected  high  places  for  the  false  gods  of  his  foreign  wives  (i  Kings 
xi.  7,  8),  which  were  desecrated  long  afterwards  by  Josiah  (2  Kings 
xxiii.  13,  14).  A  passing  allusion  to  the  woods  which  covered  it 
(Neh.  viii,  15),  and  the  details  of  the  scenery  in  two  prophetic  visions 
(Ezek.  xi.  23  ;  Zech.  xiv.  4),  complete  the  references  to  it  in  the  O.  T. 
"Its  lasting  glory  belongs  not  to  the  Old  Dispensation  but  to  the  New." 
See  Stanley's  Sinai  and  Pal.  p.  185  ff. 

had  his  head  covered,  and  he  went  barefoot]  The  muffled  head  marks 
the  deep  grief  which  shuts  itself  up  from  the  outer  world  :  the  bare  feet 
— still  a  sign  of  mourning  in  the  East — betoken  affliction,  self-humilia- 
tion, penitence.     Cp  ch.  xix.  4;   Esth.  vi.  12;  Ezek.  xxiv.  17. 


vv.  32-34.]  II.  SAMUEL,   XV.  157 

I  pray  thee,  turn  the  counsel  of  Ahithophel  into  foolishness. 
And  it  came  to  pass,  that  when  David  was  come  to  the  top  32 
of  the  inoimf,  where  he  worshipped  God,  behold,  Hushai  the 
Archite  came  to  meet  him  with  his  coat  rent,  and  earth  upon 
his  head :  unto  whom  David  said,  If  thou  passest  on  with  33 
me,  then  thou  shalt  be  a  burden  unto  me :   but  if  thou  34 
return  to  the  city,  and  say  unto  Absalom,  I  will  be  thy 

32.  the  top  of  the  mount]  The  head  or  top  is  used  here  and  in 
ch.  xvi.  I  ahnost  as  a  proper  name,  and  would  naturally  refer  to  the 
highest  summit,  where  the  high  place  would  most  probably  be.  David 
seems  to  have  taken  the  road  leading  directly  over  the  hill  to  Bahurim 
(see  note  on  ch.  iii.  16)  instead  of  the  southern  road  to  Jericho. 

where  he  7vors hipped  God]  Wliere  he  was  wont  to  worship  God  :  or, 
where  God  was  wont  to  he  worshipped.  The  tense  indicates  that  an 
habitual  practice  is  meant.  It  was  no  doubt  one  of  the  high  places, 
which  seem  to  have  been  recognised  as  legitimate  sanctuaries  until 
the  Temple  was  built.  Cp.  i  Sam.  vii.  17,  ix.  13  7iote;  1  Kings 
iii.  2 — 4. 

Hushai  the  Archite]  "The  border  of  the  Archite"  (E.  V.  wrongly 
Arc  hi)  is  mentioned  as  one  of  the  boundary  marks  between  Ephraim 
and  Benjamin  (Josh.  xvi.  2).  A  trace  of  the  name  is  perhaps  pre- 
served in  Ain  Arfk,  about  six  miles  W.  S.  W.  of  Bethel.  As  Hushai 
came  to  meet  David  he  had  probably  been  absent  from  the  city — 
perhaps  at  his  native  place — when  the  rebellion  broke  out,  and  hastened 
back  to  join  his  master.  His  coming  was  in  a  manner  the  answer  to 
David's  prayer  in  z'.  31. 

with  his  coat  rent,  (Src]  See  note  on  ch.  1.  2.  The  term  rendered 
coat  denotes  the  loose  shirt  or  tunic,  over  which  a  cloak  was  usually 
worn.  See  the  illustrations  in  Smith's  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  i.  454,  or 
Lane's  Modcrti  Egyptians,  I.  36. 

33.  unto  whom  David  said]    And  David  said  unto  him. 

a  burden  unto  me]  Perhaps  Hushai  was  old  and  somewhat  infinn. 
Cp.  ch.  xix.  35. 

34.  and  say  unto  Absalom]  "Hushai's  conduct  is  certainly  no 
model  of  Christian  uprightness.  It  is  therefore  curiously  instructive  to 
see  it  made  the  warrant  of  a  similarly  questionable  act  in  modern  times. 
Sir  Samuel  Morland,  Secretary  of  State  to  Cromwell,  in  describing  his 
betrayal  of  his  master  to  Charles  II.,  says,  '  I  called  to  remembrance 
Hushai's  behaviour  towards  Absalom,  which  I  found  not  at  all  blamed 
in  Holy  Writ,  and  yet  his  was  a  larger  step  than  mine.' "  Stanley's 
Lect.  II.  99.  Stratagems  of  this  kind,  involving  deliberate  falsehood 
and  treachery,  have  been  employed  in  all  ages,  but  the  morality  of 
them  cannot  be  approved.  In  connexion  with  this  question  it  may  be 
remarked,  (i)  that  wrong  actions  are  often  related  in  Scripture  without 
express  condemnation,  because  the  healthy  and  enlightened  conscience 
can  discern  at  once  they  are  wrong ;  (2)  that  many  actions,  allowable 
under  the  Old  Testament  dispensation,  are  not  allowable  to  those  who 


158  II.  SAMUEL,  XV.  XVI.  [vv.  35—37;  1—3. 

servant,  O  king;  as  I  have  been  thy  father's  servant  hitherto, 
so  will  I  now  also  be  thy  servant :  then  mayest  thou  for  me 

35  defeat  the  counsel  of  Ahithophel.  And  hast  thou  not  there 
with  thee  Zadok  and  Abiathar  the  priests  ?  therefore  it  shall 
be,  that  what  thing  soever  thou  shalt  hear  out  of  the  king's 
house,  thou  shalt  tell  it  to  Zadok  and  Abiathar  the  priests. 

36  Behold,  they  have  there  with  them  their  two  sons,  Ahimaaz 
Zadok's  soji,  and  Jonathan  Abiathar's  son;   and  by  them 

37  ye  shall  send  unto  me  every  thing  that  ye  can  hear.  So 
Hushai  David's  friend  came  into  the  city,  and  Absalom 
came  into  Jerusalem. 

Ch.  XVI.  I — 4.    David  met  by  Ziba  with  a  present. 

16  And  when  David  was  a  little  past  the  top  of  the  hill,  be- 
hold, Ziba  the  servant  of  Mephibosheth  met  him,  with  a 
couple  of  asses  saddled,  and  upon  them  two  hundred  loaves 

.     <?/"  bread,  and  an  hundred  bunches  of  raisins,  and  an  hundred 

2  of  summer  fruits,  and  a  bottle  of  wine.  And  the  king  said 
unto  Ziba,  What  meanest  thou  by  these  ?  And  Ziba  said. 
The  asses  be  for  the  king's  household  to  ride  on ;  and  the 
bread  and  summer  fruit  for  the  young  men  to  eat ;  and  the 
wine,  that  such  as  be  faint  in  the  wilderness  may  drink. 

3  And  the  king  said,  And  where  is  thy  master's  son  ?     And 

have  received  the  light  of  Christ's  revelation  :  (3)  that  Scripture  gives 
no  sanction  to  the  doctrine,  maintained  even  now  in  some  quarters,  that 
political  and  social  morality  are  not  governed  by  the  same  rules.  See 
also  the  notes  on  i  Sam.  xxvii.  11,  xxix.  8. 

37.  David'' s  friend']  "The  king's  friend"  was  a  regular  state- 
officer,  the  king's  confidential  adviser.  Cp.  i  Chr.  xxvii.  33  (E.  V., 
compatiion) ;  i  Kings  iv.  5. 

Ch.  XVI.  1 — 4.     David  met  by  Ziba  with  a  present. 

1.  tAe  top  of  the  hill]     See  note  on  ch.  xv.  32. 

two  hundred  loaves  of  bread,  &c.]  Compare  Abigail's  present  (i  Sam. 
XXV.  18).  Ziba  was  shrewd  enough  to  foresee  the  result  of  the  rebel- 
lion, and  wished  to  secure  the  king's  favour. 

an  hundred  of  sumtner  fruits]  Probably  cakes  of  dried  figs  (so  the 
Vulg.)  or  dates  (so  the  Sept.).     Cp.  Amos  viii.  i. 

a  bottle  of  wine]    A  skin,  holding  a  considerable  quantity. 

2.  the  wilderness]     See  note  on  ch.  xv.  23. 

3.  thy  master's  son]  Mephibosheth  is  called  the  son,  i.e.  grandson, 
of  Ziba's  lord  Saul  in  ch.  ix.  9.  David  was  hurt  by  Mephibosheth's 
apparent  ingratitude. 


vv.  4-7-]  II.  SAMUEL,  XVI.  159 

Ziba  said  unto  the  king,  Behold,  he  abideth  at  Jerusalem  : 
for  he  said,  To  day  shall  the  house  of  Israel  restore  me  the 
kingdom  of  my  father.  Then  said  the  king  to  Ziba,  Behold,  4 
thine  are  all  that  pertained  unto  Mephibosheth.  And  Ziba 
said,  I  humbly  beseech  thee  that  I  may  find  grace  in  thy 
sight,  my  lord,  O  king. 

5 — 14.    David  cursed  by  Shi7tiei. 
And  when  king  David  came  to  Bahurim,  behold,  thence  5 
came  out  a  man  of  the  family  of  the  house  of  Saul,  whose 
name   was   Shimei,  the  son  of  Gera :  he  came  forth,  and 
cursed  still  as  he  came.     And  he  cast  stones  at  David,  and  6 
at  all  the  servants  of  king  David :  and  all  the  people  and 
all  the  mighty  men  ivere  on  his  right  hand  and  on  his  left. 
And  thus  said  Shimei  when  he  cursed.  Come  out,  come  out,  7 

for  he  said,  To  day,  &c.]  That  Ziba  was  calumniating  Mephibosheth 
is  sufficiently  obvious.  How  could  Mephibosheth,  an  insignificant 
cripple,  who  had  never  claimed  the  crown,  or  taken  any  part  in 
politics,  expect  to  be  made  king,  even  in  the  confusion  of  parties  which 
might  ensue  upon  Absalom's  rebellion  ?  Ziba's  story  was  an  audacious 
fiction,  invented  in  the  hope  of  getting  a  grant  of  the  estate  which  he 
was  cultivating  for  Mephibosheth's  benefit,  and  in  spite  of  its  improba- 
bility, it  passed  muster  in  the  haste  and  confusion  of  the  moment. 

4.  Behold,  thine  are  all,  &c.]  David  was  rash  and  hasty  in  thus 
treating  his  grant  to  Mephibosheth  as  forfeited  by  treason  without  a 
word  of  inquiry.  This  unreflecting  impetuosity  was  a  marked  fault  of 
his  character.     Cp.  i  Sam.  xxv.  13  ff. 

I  humbly  beseech  thee,  &c.]  Rather,  I  t)OW  myself  down:— equiva- 
lent to  our  "I  lay  myself  at  thy  feet,"  an  Oriental  expression  of  grati- 
tude : — let  me  find  favour  in  thine  eyes,  my  lord,  0  king-.  Cp.  i  Sam. 
i.  18. 

5—14.     David  cursed  by  Shimei. 

5.  Bahjirini]     See  note  on  ch.  iii.  16. 

Shimei]  See  ch.  xix.  16 — 23 ;  i  Kings  ii.  8,  9.  His  connexion 
with  the  clan  of  Saul  accounts  for  the  virulence  of  his  hatred. 

6.  And  he  cast  stojies,  &c.]  The  scene  is  described  with  an  exact- 
ness which  bespeaks  an  eye-witness.  The  road  apparently  was  parallel 
to  a  ridge — the  "rz^"  or  "side  of  the  hill,"  v.  13 — and  separated  from 
it  by  a  deep  but  narrow  ravine — "let  me  go  over,"  v.  9 — so  that 
Shimei  was  out  of  easy  reach,  though  within  a  stone's  throw  of  David 
and  his  party. 

and  all  the  people,  &c.]  This  enhanced  the  impudent  audacity  of 
Shimei 's  behaviour, 

7.  Come  out,  come  out]  Out!  out!  from  the  land  and  from  thy 
kingdom  into  exile. 


i6o  II.  SAMUEL,   XVI.  [vv.  8—10. 

8  thou  bloody  man,  and  thou  man  of  Belial :  the  Lord  hath 
returned  upon  thee  all  the  blood  of  the  house  of  Saul,  in 
whose  stead  thou  hast  reigned;  and  the  Lord  hath  de- 
livered the  kingdom  into  the  hand  of  Absalom  thy  son  : 
and,  behold,  thou  art  taken  to  thy  mischief,  because  thou 

9  art  a  bloody  man.  Then  said  Abishai  the  son  of  Zeruiah 
unto  the  king,  Why  should  this  dead  dog  curse  my  lord  the 
king  ?  let  me  go  over,  I  pray  thee,  and  take  off  his  head. 

10  And  the  king  said,  What  have  I  to  do  with  you,  ye  sons  of 
Zeruiah?  so  let  him  curse,  because  the  Lord  hath  said 
unto  him,  Curse  David.     Who  shall  then  say.  Wherefore 

thoii  bloody  man'\  Tliou  man  of  blood,  thou  murderer.  Shimei  seems 
to  have  supplied  Cromwell's  army  with  the  terms  of  its  resolution  "to 
call  Charles  Stuart,  that  man  of  blood,  to  account  for  the  blood  he  has 
shed  and  the  mischief  he  has  done  to  the  utmost  against  the  Lord's 
cause  and  people  in  this  poor  nation."     Green's  SJwj-t  History,  p.  552. 

thou  man  of  Belial]     Tbou  ■wicked  man.     See  note  on  i  Sam.  i.  16. 

8.  all  the  blood  of  the  house  of  Saul]  Shimei  probably  refers  to  the 
deaths  of  Saul  and  his  sons  at  Gilboa,  of  Abner  and  Ish-bosheth  by 
treacherous  murder,  charging  David  with  the  guilt  of  crimes  which  he 
had  repudiated  and  punished :  possibly  also  he  regarded  the  execution 
of  Saul's  sons  (ch.  xxi.  i — g),  which  in  all  probability  had  taken  place 
before  this  time,  as  a  judicial  murder.  Shimei  would  not  intend  to  refer 
to  Uriah,  though  David  would  feel  that  it  was  for  his  death  that  the 
curse  was  not  undeserved. 

behold,  tho7c  art  taken  to  thy  mischief]  Rather,  behold,  thou  art  in 
thy  calamity.  To  is  the  original  reading  of  161 1;  in  of  ordinary 
editions  first  appeared  in  the  edition  of  1629.  To  thy  mischief— \.o  thy 
hurt,  a  free  paraphrase  of  the  Vulg.  premtint  te  mala  tua. 

9.  Then  said  Abishai]  Consistently  with  his  character  on  the 
former  occasion  when  he  wished  to  slay  Saul  (i  Sam.  xxvi.  8),  and  on 
the  later  occasion,  when  he  was  for  refusing  Shimei's  suit  for  pardon 
(ch.  xix.  ■zi).  His  fiery  zeal  reminds  us  of  the  Sons  of  Thunder  (Lukeix. 
54),  and  David's  answer  recalls  Christ's  answer  to  Peter  (John  xviii. 

this  dead  dog]     See  ch.  ix.  8,  iii.  8,  and  notes  there. 

10.  What  have  I  to  do  luith  you]  'What  have  we  in  common? 
leave  me  alone. '  The  phrase  is  used  to  repel  an  unwelcome  suggestion, 
and  repudiate  participation  in  the  thoughts  and  feelings  of  another. 
Cp.  ch.  xix.  22;  John  ii.  4. 

ye  sons  of  Zeruiak]  Joab  probably  seconded  Abishai's  request.  For 
David's  abhorrence  of  his  nephews'  ferocity,  see  ch.  iii.  39. 

so  let  him  curse,  &c.]  This  is  the  rendering  of  the  traditional  reading 
(Qri).  The  wi-itten  text  (Kthibh)  may  be  rendered,  when  he  ctirseth, 
and  when  the  Lord,  &c.,  who  then  shall  say,  &c.  :  or,  for  he  curseth 
because  the  Lord,  &c. 


vv.  II— 15.]  II.  SAMUEL,   XVI.  161 

hast  thou  done  so?    And  David  said  to  Abishai,  and  to  all  n 
his    servants,  Behold,   my  son,  which   came   forth   of  my 
bowels,  seeketh   my  life :    how  much  more  now  may  this 
Benjamite  do  it?  let  him  alone,  and  let  him  curse;  for  the 
Lord  hath  bidden  him.     It  may  be  that  the  Lord  will  12 
look  on  mine  affliction,  and  that  the   Lord    will   requite 
me   good   for   his   cursing   this    day.     And  as  David  and  13 
his  men  went  by  the  way,  Shimei  went  along  on  the  hill's 
side  over  against  him,  and  cursed  as  he  went,  and  threw 
stones  at  him,  and  cast  dust.     And  the  king,  and  all  the  14 
people  that  were  with  him,  came  weary,  and  refreshed  them- 
selves there. 

15 — 19.     Absalom' s  entrance  into  Jei'iisalem.     HushaVs  offer 
of  his  services. 
And  Absalom,  and  all  the  people  the  men  of  Israel,  came  15 

11.  this  Benjamite\  Who  has  some  plausible  ground  for  spite 
against  a  king  who  has  succeeded  to  the  honours  once  held  by  his 
family. 

the  Lord  hath  bidden  him]  David  recognises  Shimei  as  the  divinely 
appointed  instrument  for  his  chastisement,  and  therefore  he  can  say, 
"the  Lord  hath  bidden  him."  But  Shimei's  cursing  was  on  his  part 
sinful,  and  God  commands  no  man  to  sin.  God  makes  use  of  the  evil 
passions  of  men  to  work  out  His  purposes,  but  those  evil  passions  are 
not  thereby  excused  or  justified.  See  for  example,  Gen.  xlv.  5  ;  Acts 
ii.  23.  Since  He  is  the  Author  and  Cause  of  all  things,  and  in  a 
certain  sense  nothing  can  be  done  without  His  Will,  He  is  sometimes 
said  to  do  what  He  permits  to  be  done,  to  command  what  He  does  not 
forbid.      See  note  on  i  Sam.  xxvi.  19:  and  2  Sam.  xxiv.  i. 

12.  mi/ie  affliction]  This  reading  is  supported  by  the  Sept.  and 
Vulg.  and  is  probably  right.  Cp.  Ps.  xxv.  18.  The  Qri  has  mine  eye, 
which  is  explained  to  mean  niy  grief ,  but  the  expression  is  unparalleled. 
The  Kthibh  gives  mine  iniquity,  meaning,  '  perhaps  the  Lord  will  look 
graciously  upon  my  guilt  and  pardon  it,'  but  this  does  not  suit  the 
following  clause  so  well. 

zuill  requite  me  good]     Cp.  Ps.  cix.  ■26 — 28. 

for  his  cursing]  The  E.  V.  follows  the  Qri.  The  Kthibh  has  my 
cursing,  i.e.  the  curse  invoked  upon  me. 

13.  on  the  hill's  side]     See  note  on  v.  6. 

14.  ca7ne  zveary]  There  is  no  place  mentioned  to  which  thei'e  at  the 
end  of  the  verse  can  refer.  It  is  clear  from  ch.  xvii.  18,  that  the 
halting-place  was  not  Bahurim,  but  some  place  beyond  it.  We  must 
suppose  that  the  name  of  the  place  has  fallen  out  of  the  text,  or  that 
the  word  for  weary  should  be  taken  as  a  proper  name  to  Ayephiin. 
No  such  place  is  known,  but  it  would  be  an  appropriate  name  for  a 
caravansary  or  resting-place  for  travellers. 

II.  SAMUEL  II 


i62  II.  SAMUEL,   XVI.  [vv.  16—21. 

16  to  Jerusalem,  and  Ahithophel  with  him.  And  it  came  to 
pass,  when  Hushai  the  Archite,  David's  friend,  was  come 
unto  Absalom,  that  Hushai  said  unto  Absalom,  God  save 

17  the  king,  God  save  the  king.  And  Absalom  said  to  Hushai, 
Is  this  thy  kindness  to  thy  friend?  why  wentest  thou  not 

is  with  thy  friend  ?  And  Hushai  said  unto  Absalom,  Nay ; 
but  whom  the  Lord,  and  this  people,  and  all  the  men  of 
Israel,  choose,  his  will  I  be,  and  with  him  will  I  abide. 

19  And  again,  whom  should  I  serve  ?  should  I  not  serve  in 
the  presence  of  his  son  ?  as  I  have  served  in  thy  father's 
presence,  so  will  I  be  in  thy  presence. 

20 — 23.    Ahithophers  counsel. 

20  Then  said  Absalom  to  Ahithophel,  Give  counsel  among 
2j  you  what  we  shall  do.    And  Ahithophel  said  unto  Absalom, 

Go  in  unto  thy  father's  concubines,  which  he  hath  left  to 
keep  the  house ;  and  all  Israel  shall  hear  that  thou  art 
abhorred  of  thy  father :  then  shall  the  hands  of  all  that  are 

15—19.    Absalom's  entrance  into  Jerusalem.    Hushai's  offer 
of  his  services. 

15.  Atid  Absalom,  &c.]  The  narrative  of  Absalom's  proceedings  is 
continued  from  ch.  xv.  12,  37.  He  seems  to  have  entered  Jerusalem  soon 
after  David  left  it,  perhaps  about  noon  on  the  same  day. 

the  men  of  Israel^  The  term  Israel  is  constantly  applied  to  Absa- 
lom's followers  in  this  narrative.  It  is  used  in  a  general  sense,  and  not 
to  signify  the  northern  tribes  as  distinguished  from  Judah,  for  the 
strength  of  the  insurrection,  originally  at  any  rate,  lay  in  the  south. 
See  note  on  ch.  xv.  10.  Those  who  remained  faithful  to  David  are 
never  called  the  men  ofytidah,  but  simply  the  people  (ch.  xv.  17,  23,  24, 
30;  xvi. ,  xvii. ,  xviii.,  xix). 

16.  God  save  the  king\  Or,  Long  live  the  king  :  lit.  Let  the  king 
live:  vivat  Rex.     See  note  on  i  Sam.  x.  24. 

20—23.      AhITHOPHEL's  COUNSEL. 

21.  And  Ahithophel  said,  &c.]  Ahithophel  advised  Absalom  to 
make  a  decisive  assumption  of  royal  authority  by  publicly  taking 
possession  of  the  royal  harem.  This  act  was  a  claim  of  heirship  and 
succession^,  and  was  not  regarded  with  abhorrence  by  the  Israelites, 
whose  feelings  on  such  matters  were  blunted  by  the  practice  of 
polygamy.  See  note  on  ch.  iii.  7.  Its  object  was  to  make  the  breach 
between  Absalom  and  his  father  irreparable,  and  to  strengthen  the 
resolution  of  his  followers,  by  proving  that  the  rebellion  was  not  to  end 
in  his  securing  a  pardon  from  his  father  and  leaving  them  to  their  fate, 
but  that  he  was  determined  to  run  all  risks. 

^  A  similar  custom  existed  among  the  heathen  Saxons.  See  Green's  Making 
of  Eitglajid,  p.  246. 


vv.  22,  23;  1—3.]  II.  SAMUEL,  XVI.  XVII.  163 

with  thee  be  strong.     So  they  spread  Absalom  a  tent  upon  22 
the  top  of  the  house;  and  Absalom  went  in  unto  his  father's 
concubines  in  the  sight  of  all  Israel.     And  the  counsel  of  23 
Ahithophel,    which   he    counselled   in   those  days,  was  as 
if  a  man  had  inquired  at  the  oracle  of  God  :  so  was  all  the 
counsel  of  Ahithophel  both  with  David  and  with  Absalom. 

Ch.  XVII.  I — 14.     AhithopheVs  cou7isel  defeated  by  Hushai. 

Moreover  Ahithophel  said  unto  Absalom,  Let  me  now  17 
choose  out  twelve  thousand  men,  and  I  will  arise  and  pursue 
after  David  this  night :  and  I  will  come  upon  him  while  he  2 
is  weary  and  weak  handed,  and  will  make  him  afraid  :  and 
all  the  people  that  are  with  him  shall  flee ;  and  I  will  smite 
the  king  only :  and  I  will  bring  back  all  the  people  unto  3 
thee :  the  man  whom  thou  seekest  is  as  if  all  returned :  so 

22.  tipon  the  top  of  the  hotise]  The  fact  that  the  very  roof  on  which 
David  was  walking  when  he  secretly  conceived  his  great  sin  was  the 
public  scene  of  its  punishment,  and  the  nature  of  the  punishment, 
corresponding  to  the  nature  of  the  sin,  as  Nathan  had  foretold,  make 
this  retribution  signally  striking.  See  ch.  xii.  11,  12;  and  cp.  2  Kings 
ix.  25,  26. 

23.  had  inqjiij'ed  at  the  oracle  of  God'\  Lit.  had  inquired  of  the 
word  of  God=hz.^  inquired  of  God,  which  was  done  by  means  of  the 
Urim  and  Thummim  in  the  breastplate  upon  the  High-priest's  ephod. 
Cp.  I  Sam.  X.  22. 

Ch.  XVII.  1—14.    Ahithophel's  counsel  defeated  by  Hushai. 

1.  this  night^  The  night  following  David's  flight  and  Absalom's 
entrance  into  Jerusalem.  Ahithophel's  advice,  given  no  doubt  at  the 
council  described  in  ch.  xvi.  20,  was  excellent.  The  success  of  the 
rebellion  would  be  ensured  by  striking  a  sudden  blow,  and  securing  the 
king's  person.  A  small  body  of  picked  troops  might  easily  have  over- 
taken David,  who  was  not  likely  to  get  more  than  twelve  or  fifteen 
miles  from  Jerusalem  the  first  day. 

2.  will  make  him  afraid^  The  word  describes  the  panic  caused  by 
a  sudden  night  attack,  in  the  confusion  of  which  David  might  easily  be 
seized. 

3.  the  man,  &c.]  Lit.  As  the  returning  of  all  is  the  maji  whom 
thou  seekest.  The  return  of  all  the  people  to  thee  will  be  ensured  by 
the  removal  of  David.  If  that  is  effected,  there  will  be  no  civil  war. 
Ahithophel's  use  of  the  term  "return"  is  a  subtle  flattery,  implying 
that  David's  followers  were  deserting  their  lawful  sovereign.  But  the 
true  text  is  not  improbably  preserved  by  the  Sept. :  "And  I  will  cause 
all  the  people  to  return  unto  thee,  as  the  bride  returneth  to  her 
husband.     Only  one  man's  life  dost  thou  seek,  and  unto  all  the  people 

II  —  2 


i64  II.  SAMUEL,   XVII.  [vv.  4— ii. 

4  all  the  people  shall  be  in  peace.     And  the  saying  pleased 

5  Absalom  well,  and  all  the  elders  of  Israel.  Then  said 
Absalom,  Call  now  Hushai  the  Archite  also,  and  let  us  hear 

6  likewise  what  he  saith.  And  when  Hushai  was  come  to 
Absalom,  Absalom  spake  unto  him,  saying,  xAhithophel  hath 
spoken  after  this  manner :  shall  we  do  after  his  saying  ?  if 

7  not ;  speak  thou.  And  Hushai  said  unto  Absalom,  The 
counsel  that  Ahithophel  hath  given  is  not  good  at  this  time. 

8  For,  (said  Hushai,)  thou  knowest  thy  father  and  his  men, 
that  they  be  mighty  men^  and  they  be  chafed  in  their  minds, 
as  a  bear  robbed  of  her  whelps  in  the  field  :  and  thy  father 

9  is  a  man  of  war,  and  will  not  lodge  with  the  people.  Be- 
hold, he  is  hid  now  in  some  pit,  or  in  some  other  place : 
and  it  will  come  to  pass,  when  sotne  of  them  be  overthrown 
at  the  first,  that  whosoever  heareth  it  will  say,  There  is  a 

10  slaughter  among  the  people  that  follow  Absalom.  And  he 
also  that  is  valiant,  whose  heart  is  as  the  heart  of  a  lion, 
shall  utterly  melt :  for  all  Israel  knoweth  that  thy  father  is 
a  mighty  maii^  and  they  which  be  with  him  are  valiant  men. 

11  Therefore  I  counsel   that  all  Israel  be  generally  gathered 

there  shall  be  peace."     The  defection  of  the  people  is  compared  to  the 
momentary  desertion  of  a  bride,  who  speedily  returns  to  her  husband. 

4.  the  elders  of  Israel'\  Who  were  sitting  in  council  with  Absalom. 
For  the  various  functions  of  the  elders,  see  note  on  i  Sam.  viii.  4. 

5.  let  MS  hear  likezvise  what  he  saith']  Let  US  hear  what  he  too  has 
to  say,  as  well  as  Ahithophel. 

7.  The  counsel,  &c.]  The  counsel  -which  Ahithophel  hath  coun- 
selled this  time  is  not  good :  in  contrast  to  his  previous  counsel  (ch. 
xvi.  21),  which  Hushai  pretends  to  approve. 

8.  For,  said  Hushai\    And  Hushai  said. 

chafed  i7t  their  minds]  Lit.  bitter  of  soul :  embittered  and  exasperated. 
Cp.  Jud.  xviii.  25;  I  Sam.  xxii.  2. 

as  a  bear  robbed  of  her  whelps]  Proverbial  for  its  ferocity.  Cp. 
Prov.  xvii.  12;  Hos.  xiii.  8.  The  Syrian  bear  is  said  to  be  particularly 
ferocious.  See  i  Sam.  xvii.  34.  The  Sept.  adds,  "and  like  a  savage 
sow  in  the  plain,"  which  is  rather  a  Greek  than  a  Hebrew  simile.  Cp. 
Hom.  //.  xiii.  471  fif. 

9.  in  some  pit,  or  in  some  o\kitx  place]  Omit  other.  By  pit  is  meant 
a  cave  or  natural  hiding-place ;  by  place  an  artificially  strengthened 
position. 

when  sojne  of  them  be  overthrown]  Or,  when  he  (David)  falleth 
upon  them  (his  assailants). 

11.  be  generally  gathered]  Generally  = 'as  a  whole':  as  we  might 
say,  "that  there  be  a  general  gathering  of  all  Israel." 


vv.  12—14.]  n.  SAMUEL,   XVII.  165 

unto  thee,  from  Dan  even  to  Beer-sheba,  as  the  sand  that  is 
by  the  sea  for  multitude;  and  that  thou  go  to  battle  in  thine 
own  person.  So  shall  we  come  upon  him  in  some  place 
where  he  shall  be  found,  and  we  will  light  upon  him  as  the 
dew  falleth  on  the  ground :  and  of  him  and  of  all  the  men 
that  are  with  him  there  shall  not  be  left  so  much  as  one. 
Moreover,  if  he  be  gotten  into  a  city,  then  shall  all  Israel 
bring  ropes  to  that  city,  and  we  will  draw  it  into  the  river, 
until  there  be  not  one  small  stone  found  there.  And  Ab- 
salom and  all  the  men  of  Israel  said,  The  counsel  of  Hushai 
the  Archite  is  better  than  the  counsel  of  Ahithophel.  For 
the  Lord  had  appointed  to  defeat  the  good  counsel  of 
Ahithophel,  to  the  intent  that  the  Lord  might  bring  evil 
upon  Absalom. 

from  Dan  even  to  Beer-sheha]     See  note  on  i  Sam.  iii.  20. 

the  sand,  &c.]  A  common  figure  for  an  innumerable  multitude.  Cp. 
Gen.  xxii.  17 ;  xli.  49 ;  i  Sam.  xiii.  5  ;  Ps.  Ixxviii.  27 ;  &c. 

and  thai  thou  go,  &c.]  Or,  and  tliat  thy  presence  go  in  the  midst  of 
them;  as  the  Sept.,  Vulg.,  and  other  versions  read  instead  of  to  the 
battle. 

12.  as  the  deiu]  As  the  innumerable  drops  of  dew  settle  on  the 
ground  unseen  and  unheard,  so  will  our  vast  army  completely  over- 
whelm him  without  perceptible  effort. 

13.  into  the  rive/']  Into  the  ravine.  Hushai  intentionally  indulges 
in  an  extravagant  hyperbole  in  order  to  describe  the  irresistible  power 
of  the  force  that  would  be  gathered,  if  he  means  to  suggest  the  idea  of 
dragging  a  city  bodily  down  from  the  rock  on  which,  like  most  fortified 
cities,  it  was  built:  but  perhaps  he  means  no  more  than  that  the  city 
should  be  conquered  and  demolished  as  a  penalty.  Compare  Micah's 
prophecy  of  the  destruction  of  Samaria,  which  stood  on  a  hill :  "I  will 
pour  down  the  stones  thereof  into  the  valley"  (Micah  i.  6). 

14.  Hushai  saw  that  it  was  essential  to  gain  time,  "in  order,"  to 
quote  the  words  of  Tacitus,  "to  give  the  disaffected  time  to  repent,  and 
the  loyal  time  to  unite :  crimes  gain  by  hasty  action,  better  counsels  by 
delay."  (Tac.  Hist.'x.  32.)  His  scheme  was  cleverly  devised  to  appeal  to 
Absalom's  vanity  and  love  of  display.  It  seemed  safe  and  easy  :  it  was 
a  far  more  attractive  idea  for  Absalom  to  march  in  person  against 
David  at  the  head  of  an  immense  army,  than  for  him  to  let  Ahithophel 
complete  the  revolution  by  a  decisive  action  at  once.  His  vanity  proved 
his  ruin.  He  forgot  that  a  general  levy  would  involve  no  slight  delay : 
he  forgot  that  the  rising  was  by  no  means  certain  to  be  general,  and 
that  when  the  first  surprise  of  the  insurrection  was  over,  many  would 
return  to  their  allegiance  to  David.  But  Absalom  and  his  counsellors 
were  blinded  by  a  divinely  ordered  infatuation.  "Quem  vult  Deus 
deperdere,  dementat  prius." 


i66  II.  SAMUEL,  XVII.  [w.  15—19. 

15 — 22.    HusJiai  sends  word  to  David  by  Jonathan  and 
Ahimaaz. 

15  Then  said  Hushai  unto  Zadok  and  to  Abiathar  the  priests, 
Thus  and  thus  did  Ahithophel  counsel  Absalom  and  the 
elders   of  Israel;   and   thus   and   thus  have  I  counselled. 

16  Now  therefore  send  quickly,  and  tell  David,  saying,  Lodge 
not  this  night  in  the  plains  of  the  wilderness,  but  speedily 
pass  over;  lest  the  king  be  swallowed  up,  and  all  the  people 

17  that  are  with  him.  Now  Jonathan  and  Ahimaaz  stayed  by 
En-rogel ;  for  they  might  not  be  seen  to  come  into  the  city : 
and  a  wench  went  and  told  them ;  and  they  went  and  told 

18  king  David.  Nevertheless  a  lad  saw  them,  and  told  Ab- 
salom :  but  they  went  both  of  them  away  quickly,  and  came 
to  a  man's  house  in  Bahurim,  which  had  a  well  in  his  court ; 

19  whither  they  went  down.     And  the  woman  took  and  spread 

15—22.    Hushai  sends  word  to  David  by  Jonathan  and 
Ahimaaz. 

16.  Lodge  not  this  mg/it]  A  prudent  precaution,  for  Absalom  might 
change  his  mind,  and  follow  Ahithophel's  counsel  after  all. 

m  the  plains  of  the  wildcrness'\  Perhaps  we  should  read  at  the  fords 
of  the  wilderness.     See  note  on  ch.  xv.  28. 

17.  Jonathan  and  Ahimaaz\  Hushai  had  evidently  communicated 
David's  plan  to  Zadok  and  Abiathar,  and  comxmissioned  the  young  men 
to  be  in  waiting  at  a  convenient  place. 

En-rogel'X  That  is,  "The  Fuller's  Fountain,"  probably  the  modern 
"Fountain  of  the  Virgin,"  in  the  valley  of  the  Kidron,  just  outside  the 
city  on  the  south-east.  It  was  close  to  "the  stone  of  Zoheleth"  (i  Kings 
i.  9),  which  has  been  identified  with  the  cliff  Zahweileh,  on  which  the 
modern  village  of  Siloam  stands.  Others  however  suppose  En-rogel  to 
be  the  deep  and  ancient  well  known  as  "Job's  Well,"  near  the  junction 
of  the  valleys  of  the  Kidron  and  Hinnom.  En-rogel  was  a  land-maidc 
on  the  boundary  between  Judah  and  Benjamin  (Josh.  xv.  7;  xviii.  16). 

they  might  not  be  seen]  For  it  was  notorious  that  the  high-priests 
were  on  David's  side.  They  knew  that  their  movements  would  be 
watched,  as  the  next  verse  shews  was  the  case. 

a  wench]  The  maid-servant:  the  definite  article  probably  denotes 
a  particular  servant  belonging  to  the  household  of  one  of  the  high-priests. 
She  could  go  to  the  fountain  for  water  without  exciting  suspicion. 
Wench,  found  here  only  in  the  E.  V.,  means  a  girl,  usually  one  of  low 
birth. 

18.  a  well]  A  cistern,  dry  at  the  time.  The  existence  of  numerous 
rock-cut  cisterns  with  narrow  mouths  at  Almft,  the  probable  site  of 
Bahurim,  illustrates  the  incident.  See  Pal.  Expl.  Fund  Quarterly 
Statement,  Jan.  1 881,  p.  45.  • 


w.  20—23.]  n.  SAMUEL,  XVII.  167 

a  covering  over  the  well's  mouth,  and  spread  ground  corn 
thereon ;   and  the  thing  was  not  known.     And  when  Ab-  20 
salom's   servants    came   to  the  woman  to  the  house,  they 
said,  Where  is  iVhimaaz  and  Jonathan?     And  the  woman 
said  unto  them,  They  be  gone  over  the  brook  of  water. 
And  when  they  had  sought  and  could  not  find  tJmn^  they 
returned   to   Jerusalem.     And   it  came  to  pass,  after  they  21 
were  departed,  that  they  came  up  out  of  the  well,  and  went 
and  told  king  David,  and  said  unto  David,  Arise,  and  pass 
quickly  over  the  water:  for  thus  hath  Ahithophel  counselled 
against  you.     Then  David  arose,  and  all  the  people  that  22 
were  with  him,  and  they  passed  over  Jordan  :  by  the  morn- 
ing light  there  lacked  not  one  of  them  that  was  not  gone 
over  Jordan. 

23.     The  suicide  of  Ahithophel. 

And  when  Ahithophel  saw  that  his  counsel  was  not  fol-  23 
lowed,  he  saddled  his  ass,  and  arose,  and  gat  him  ho?ne  to 
his  house,  to  his  city,  and  put  his  household  in  order,  and 
hanged  himself,  and  died,  and  was  buried  in  the  sepulchre 
of  his  father. 

19.  a  covering]  The  covering",  either  the  usual  cover  of  the  cistern, 
or,  as  the  general  use  of  the  word  suggests,  the  curtain  which  hung  in 
the  doorway.     See  Ex.  xxvi.  36  (E.  V.  hanging). 

ground  corn]  Bruised  or  husked  wheat,  which  she  spread  out  as  if 
to  dry.  The  mode  of  its  preparation  is  referred  to  in  Prov.  xxvii.  22, 
the  only  other  passage  in  which  the  word  occurs. 

20.  T/ie  brook  of  water]  The  word  Michal,  translated  bj'ook,  is 
found  here  only.  It  may  have  been  some  local  name.  The  woman 
sent  the  pursuers  off  in  the  wrong  direcition,  and  then  at  once  despatched 
Jonathan  and  Ahimaaz.  Compare  the  deceit  practised  by  Rahab  (Josh, 
ii.  4  ff.),  and  by  Michal  (i  Sam.  xix.  12 — 17).  As  stated  in  the  note  on 
the  latter  passage,  Holy  Scripture  affirms  the  universal  duty  of  Truth 
without  any  exception  (Lev.  xix.  11),  nor  can  it  be  understood  to 
sanction  breaches  of  this  general  law  by  recording  them  without  express 
disapproval.  See  also  note  on  ch.  xv.  34.  It  is  left  to  the  casuist  to 
discuss  whether  any  necessity  is  sufficient  to  justify  a  falsehood  or  an 
act  of  deception.     See  Whewell's  Elements  of  Morality,  Chaps,  xv.  xvi. 

23.     The  suicide  of  Ahithophel. 

23.     to  his  citj']     Giloh.     See  ch.  xv.  12. 

put  his  hottsehold  in  order]  Lit.  gave  charge  concerning  his  house: 
arranged  his  affairs  and  made  his  will.     Cp.  2  Kings  xx.  i. 

hanged  himself]     Like  Judas  (Matt,  xxvii.  5).     It  is  the  first  deliberate 


i68  II.  SAMUEL,  XVII.  [vv.  24—27. 

24 — 26.    Progress  of  the  Rebellion, 

24  •    Then  David  came  to  Mahanaim.     And  Absalom  passed 

25  over  Jordan,  he  and  all  the  men  of  Israel  with  him.  And 
Absalom  made  Amasa  captain  of  the  host  instead  of  Joab : 
which  Amasa  was  a  man's  son,  whose  name  was  Ithra  an 
Israelite,  that  went  in  to  Abigal  the  daughter  of  Nahash, 

26  sister  to  Zeruiah  Joab's  mother.  So  Israel  and  Absalom 
pitched  ill  the  land  of  Gilead. 

27 — 29.    Loyal  receptio7i  of  David  at  Mahanaim. 

27  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  David  was  come  to  Mahanaim, 

suicide  on  record,  and  was  prompted  by  mortification  at  the  rejection  of 
his  counsel ;  by  the  chagrin  of  baffled  ambition  ;  by  the  conviction  that 
now  the  rebellion  would  inevitably  fail,  and  that  he  would  only  live  to 
suffer  a  traitor's  death. 

24—26.    Progress  of  the  Rebellion. 

24.  to  Mahanaim'\  See  note  on  ch.  ii.  8.  It  was  chosen  for  David's 
head-quarters  as  the  most  important  and  strongest  city  in  the  trans- 
Jordanic  country,  which  was  evidently  the  least  disaffected. 

And  Absalom  passed  over  Jorda7i\  Before  this  a  considerable  interval 
must  have  elapsed,  dui'ing  which  Absalom  was  formally  anointed  (ch. 
xix.  10),  and  a  general  levy  of  the  nation  raised  according  to  Hushai's 
counsel,  while  David  had  time  to  organize  his  forces  and  establish  him- 
self at  Mahanaim. 

25.  Amasa^  It  has  been  supposed  by  some  that  he  is  the  same  as 
Aviasai  who  came  to  David  at  Hebron  (i  Chr.  xii.  16 — 18).  But  if  so, 
would  not  the  fact  of  his  relationship  to  David  have  been  mentioned 
there  ? 

Ithra  an  Israelite^  Called  in  i  Chr.  ii.  17  Jether  the  Ishmeelite. 
Jether  and  Ithra  are  different  forms  of  the  same  name :  and  Ishmaelite 
should  probably  be  read  here  in  place  of  Israelite,  which  has  no  point. 
The  Alex.  MS.  of  the  LXX  reads  Ishmaelite,  the  Vatican  MS.  Jezreelite. 

Abigal  the  daughter  of  Nahash']  Amasa's  mother  Abigal  (or  Abigail) 
was  David's  sister,  and  we  should  naturally  infer  from  i  Chr.  ii.  16,  17 
that  Abigail  and  Zeruiah  were  Jesse's  daughters.  Who  then  was 
Nahash?  To  this  three  answers  may  be  given,  (i)  The  obvious  one, 
that  she  was  Jesse's  wife,  to  which  the  objection  is  that  Nahash  is  not 
a  woman's  name.  (2)  That  Nahash  is  another  name  for  Jesse,  which 
is  the  Jewish  tradition,  but  is  not  supported  by  any  evidence.  (3)  That 
Nahash  was  the  first  husband  of  Jesse's  wife,  so  that  Abigail  and 
Zeruiah  were  only  step-sisters  to  David.  This  view  has  in  its  favour 
the  guarded  statement  of  i  Chr.  ii.  16,  which  does  not  say  that  they 
were  Jesse's  daughters,  but  sisters  of  his  sons.  To  go  on  to  identify 
Nahash  with  the  king  of  the  Ammonites  defeated  by  Saul  is  mere  con- 
jecture.   It  should  be  noted  that  Amasa  and  Joab  were  cousins. 


vv.  28,  29;  I.]     II.  SAMUEL,  XVII.  XVIII.  169 

that  Shobi  the  son  of  Nahash  of  Rabbah  of  the  children  of 
Amnion,  and  Machir  the  son  of  Ammiel  of  Lo-debar,  and 
Barzillai  the  Gileadite  of  Rogelim,  brought  beds,  and  basons,  23 
and  earthen  vessels,  and  wheat,  and  barley,  and  flour,  and 
parched  corn,  and  beans,  and  lentiles,  and  parched  pulse, 
and  honey,  and  butter,  and  sheep,  and  cheese  of  kine,  for  29 
David,  and  for  the  people  that  were  with  him,  to  eat :  for 
they  said.  The  people  is  hungry,  and  weary,  and  thirsty,  in 
the  wilderness. 

Ch.  XVIII.  1—8.     The  battle  in  the  forest  of  Ephraim. 
And  David  numbered  the  people  that  were  with  him,  and  18 

27 — 29.    Loyal  reception  of  David  at  Mahanaim. 

27.  when  David  was  come  to  Mahanai77i\  The  narrative  is  con- 
tinued from  V.  24.  What  follows  happened  immediately  on  David's 
arrival  there. 

Shobi  the  son  of  Nahash  of  Rabbah']  It  is  natural  to  suppose  that 
Shobi  was  a  brother  of  Hanun  (ch.  x.  i),  who  had  been  invested  with 
some  kind  of  dependent  chieftainship  by  David  after  the  conquest  of 
the  Ammonites,  and  now  came  to  testify  his  gratitude. 

Machir]  See  note  on  ch.  ix.  4.  He  who  had  entertained  Jonathan's 
son  now  shews  hospitality  to  Jonathan's  friend. 

Barzillai  the  Gileadite  of  Rogelim]  Who  came  down  to  escort  the 
king  over  Jordan  on  his  return,  but  declined  to  accompany  him  to 
Jerusalem  (xix.  31 — 40).  His  sons  were  commended  to  Solomon's  care 
(i  Kings  ii.  7)  and  as  late  as  the  Return  from  the  Captivity  a  family  of 
priests  traced  their  descent  from  one  of  his  daughters  (Ezra  ii.  61 — 63  ; 
Neh.  vii.  63).     The  site  of  Rogelim  is  unknown. 

28.  beds,  and  basons]  The  Sept.  reads  "ten  beds  with  coverlets  and 
ten  bowls. " 

parched  zoxtv.. parched  pulse]  If  the  text  is  sound,  this  is  the  right 
explanation  :  but  it  is  strange  that  the  same  word  should  be  twice 
repeated  in  one  sentence  to  denote  different  articles.  The  Sept.  omits 
the  second. 

29.  butter]  Curdled  milk  is  probably  meant,  called  leben  by  the 
modern  Arabs,  and  greatly  esteemed  as  a  refreshing  drink.  Cp.  Jud. 
V.  25. 

cheese  of  kine]  So  the  Targum  explains  a  word  which  occurs  here 
only.  The  Vulg.  gives  fat  calves,  which  agrees  better  with  the  position 
of  the  word  after  s/ieep. 

The  people  is  hungry]  The  people  iLath  got  hungry,  &c.,  in  their 
passage  through  the  wilderness. 

Ch.  XVIII.  1 — 8.    The  battle  in  the  forest  of  Ephraim. 
1.     And  David,  &c.]     The  events  here  recorded  cannot  have  fol- 
lowed immediately  on  David's  arrival  at  Mahanaim.     An  interval  of  a 


I70  II.  SAMUEL,  XVIII.  [w.  2—7. 

set  captains  of  thousands  and  captains  of  hundreds  over 

2  them.  And  David  sent  forth  a  third  part  of  the  people 
under  the  hand  of  Joab,  and  a  third  part  under  the  hand  of 
Abishai  the  son  of  Zeruiah,  Joab's  brother,  and  a  third  part 
under  the  hand  of  Ittai  the  Gittite.     And  the  king  said  unto 

3  the  people,  I  will  surely  go  forth  with  you  myself  also.  But 
the  people  answered,  Thou  shalt  not  go  forth  :  for  if  we  flee 
away,  they  will  not  care  for  us ;  neither  if  half  of  us  die, 
will  they  care  for  us  :  but  now  thou  art  worth  ten  thousand 
of  us  :  therefore  now  it  is  better  that  thou  succour  us  out  of 

4  the  city.  And  the  king  said  unto  them.  What  seemeth  you 
best  I  will  do.  And  the  king  stood  by  the  gate  side,  and 
all  the  people  came  out  by  hundreds  and  by  thousands. 

5  And  the  king  commanded  Joab  and  Abishai  and  Ittai, 
saying,  Deal  gently  for  my  sake  with  the  young  man,  even 
with  Absalom.     And  all  the  people  heard  when  the  king 

6  gave  all  the  captains  charge  concerning  Absalom.  So  the 
people  went  out  into  the  held  against  Israel :  and  the  battle 

7  was  in  the  wood  of  Ephraim  \  where  the  people  of  Israel 

few  weeks  must  be  assumed,  during  which  the  rival  armies  were  mus- 
tered and  organized.     Cp.  note  on  ch.  xvii.  24. 

numbered^  The  word  means  not  merely  to  count,  but  to  tmister  and 
review. 

captains  of  thousands  and  captains  of  hundred s'\  The  usual  military 
divisions  (i  Sam.  xxii.  7;  Num.  xxxi.  14;  and  see  note  on  i  Sam. 
viii.  12)  ;  corresponding  originally  to  the  civil  divisions  instituted  by 
Moses  (Ex.  xviii.  25).     See  note  on  i  Sam.  x.  19. 

2.  sent  forth.. Muder  the  hand  of  Joab]  Better,  put... into  the 
liand  of  Joab,  i.  e.  under  his  command.  The  army  does  not  take  the 
field  until  v.  6.  The  division  of  an  army  into  three  bodies  seems  to 
have  been  a  common  practice.  See  Jud.  vii.  16,  ix.  43  ;  i  Sam.  xi.  11. 
David  intended  to  take  the  chief  command  in  person. 

3.  Thou  shalt  not  go  fort  hi  Compare  the  protest  of  David's  fol- 
lowers on  an  earlier  occasion  (ch.  xxi.  17). 

btit  noiv  thou  art  worth  ten  thousand  of  us'\  As  the  Heb.  text  stands 
it  must  be  rendered,  and  now  there  are  ten  thousand  like  us  ;  but,  it  is 
implied,  none  besides  like  thee.  But  if  we  follow  the  Sept.  and  Vulg. 
in  reading  thou  for  now,  the  sense  will  be  that  given  by  the  E.  V., 
which  seems  best. 

that  thou  succour  us  out  of  the  city]  By  sending  reinforcements,  and 
securing  their  retreat  in  case  of  a  defeat. 

5.  all  the  people  heard]     Cp.  "in  our  hearing"  in  7^.  12. 

6.  in  the  wood  of  Ephraijri]  "The  forest  of  Ephraim"  might 
naturally  be  expected  to  mean  the  great  forest  covering  the  high  lands 


vv.  8, 9.]  II.  SAMUEL,  XVIII.  171 

were  slain  before  the  servants  of  David,  and  there  was  there 
a  great  slaughter  that  day  of  twenty  thousand  men.     For  8 
the  battle  was  there  scattered  over  the  face  of  all  the  coun- 
try:   and  the  wood  devoured  more  people  that  day  than 
the  sword  devoured. 

9 — 18.    Ahsaloui^s  death. 

And   Absalom  met  the   servants   of  David.     And   Ab-  9 
salom  rode  upon  a  mule,   and  the  mule  went  under  the 
thick  boughs  of  a   great   oak,  and  his  head  caught  hold 
of  the  oak,  and  he  was   taken   up   between   the   heaven 

of  central  Palestine  in  which  the  tribe  of  Ephraim  settled  (Josh.  xvii. 
15  —  iS).  But  all  the  circumstances  are  in  favour  of  supposing  the 
battle  to  have  been  fought  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Jordan,  {a)  Ab- 
salom marched  into  Gilead  and  encamped  there  (ch.  xvii.  26) ;  David 
was  at  Mahanaim  ;  and  there  is  not  the  slightest  hint  that  either  army 
crossed  the  Jordan,  {b)  It  is  implied  beforehand  that  the  battle  would 
be  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Mahanaim  (ch.  xviii.  3).  [c)  The  return  of 
the  army  to  Mahanaim  on  the  same  day  (ch.  xix.  2 — 5),  would  scarcely 
have  been  possible,  had  the  battle  been  fought  on  the  west  of  the 
Jordan.  These  considerations  make  it  all  but  certain  that  "the  wood 
of  Ephraim  "  was  some  part  of  the  great  forests  of  Gilead.  The  origin 
of  the  name  can  only  be  conjectured.  It  may  possibly  have  been 
derived  from  the  connexion  of  Ephraim  with  the  trans-Jordanic 
Manasseh,  or  from  some  incident  such  as  the  slaughter  of  the  Ephraim- 
ites  by  Jephthah  (Jud.  xii.  6). 

8.  the  wood  dcvo7ired  more,  &c.]  The  explanation  generally  given 
is  that  they  perished  in  the  pits  and  precipices  and  morasses  of  the 
forest  :  but  this  seems  unlikely.  More  probably  it  means  that  owing 
to  the  nature  of  the  ground  more  were  slain  in  the  pursuit  through  the 
forest,  than  in  the  actual  battle. 

9—18.     Absalom's  Death. 

9.  And  Absalom,  &c.]  And  Absalom  happened  to  find  himself  in 
the  presence  of  David's  servants  :  now  Absalom  was  riding  upon  his 
miUe,  and  the  mule,  &c.  In  the  course  of  the  flight,  Absalom  found 
himself  among  enemies  :  he  turned  to  escape  into  the  denser  part  of 
the  forest.  The  mule  which  he  rode — perhaps  David's  own — was  a 
mark  of  royalty  (i  Kings  i.  33,  38). 

a  great  oak]  The  great  terebinth ;  the  article  seems  to  shew  that 
the  tree  was  well  known  in  after  times.  The  Heb.  ^/ah  is  generally 
said  to  denote  the  terebinth  or  turpentine  tree,  which  is  not  unlike  the 
oak  in  general  appearance:  but  in  the  forests  on  the  E.  of  Jordan,  oaks 
are  far  more  common  than  terebinths,  and  some  kind  of  oak  may  be 
meant. 

/lis  head  caught  hold  of  the  oah]    His  head  was  caught  in  the  forked 


-172  II.  SAMUEL,  XVIII.  [vv.  10—14. 

and  the  earth;   and  the  mule  that  was  under  him  went 

10  away.     And  a  certain   man   saw   it,   and   told   Joab,   and 

11  said,  Behold,  I  saw  Absalom  hanged  in  an  oak.  And  Joab 
said  unto  the  man  that  told  him.  And  behold,  thou  sawest 
him,  and  why  didst  thou  not  smite  him  there  to  the  ground? 
and  I  would  have  given  thee  ten  shekels  of  silver,  and  a 

12  girdle.  And  the  man  said  unto  Joab,  Though  I  should 
receive  a  thousand  shekels  of  silver  in  mine  hand,  yet  would 
I  not  put  forth  mine  hand  against  the  king's  son  :  for  in 
our  hearing  the  king  charged  thee  and  Abishai  and  Ittai, 
saying,  Beware  that  none  touch  the  young  man  Absalom. 

13  Otherwise  I  should  have  wrought  falsehood  against  mine 
own  life :  for  there  is  no  matter  hid  from  the  king,  and  thou 

14  thyself  wouldest  have  set  thyself  against  7ne.  Then  said 
Joab,  I  may  not  tarry  thus  with  thee.     And  he  took  three 

boughs  of  the  tree,  and  he  hung  there,  stunned  and  helpless.  Perhaps 
his  long  thick  hair  got  entangled,  but  there  is  nothing  to  support  the 
common  idea  that  he  was  suspended  merely  by  his  hair. 

11.  ten  shekels]  Shekels  is  rightly  supplied,  as  in  i  Kings  x.  ^29,  and 
elsewhere.  The  shekel  weighed  about  half  an  ounce  ;  but  its  real  value 
at  the  time  cannot  be  fixed. 

a  girdle']  An  essential  article  of  Oriental  dress,  often  of  costly  mate- 
rials and  highly  ornamented.     Cp.  i  Sam.  xviii.  4. 

12.  Beware  that  none  touch]  Or,  Have  a  care,  all  of  you,  of  the 
young"  man  Absalom :  lit.  as  in  the  margin,  whosoever  ye  be.  But 
the  Sept.  and  Vulg.  ready^r  my  sake,  as  in  v.  5,  in  place  o{  whosoever. 

13.  /  should  have  wj'ought  falsehood  against  mine  oivn  life]  I  should 
not  only  have  disobeyed  the  king,  but  have  been  false  to  my  own  in- 
terest and  forfeited  my  life.  The  Kthibh  reads  his  life,  thus :  Or  if  I  had 
dealt  deceitfully  against  his  life,  there  is  ttothing  hid,  &c.  :  i.e.,  if  I  had 
treacherously  slain  him  contrary  to  the  king's  command,  it  would 
certainly  have  come  to  the  king's  ears,  and  I  should  have  been  put  to 
death.  The  Sept.  has  a  different  reading,  connecting  the  first  clause  of 
z/.  13  with  V.  14,  thus  :  "Take  care  of  the  young  man  Absalom  for  my 
sake,  that  ye  do  no  harm  against  his  life:  and  there  is  no  matter 
hid,"  &c. 

wouldest  have  set  thyself  against  me]  Wouldest  have  taken  part 
against  me  with  the  king.  The  man  was  well  aware  of  Joab's  un- 
scrupulous character. 

14.  three  darts]  Since  the  word  used  means  elsewhere  rods  or 
staves  {^y..  xxi.  20;  2  Sam.  xxiii.  21),  and  the  wounds  inflicted  were 
not  at  once  mortal,  it  seems  that  Joab  struck  Absalom  brutally  with 
pointed  wooden  staves,  the  first  weapons  which  came  to  hand,  in  fact 
in  a  kind  of  way  impaled  him  as  a  traitor,  and  left  his  squires  to  give 
him  the  coup  de  gi'dce. 


vv.  15— i8.J  II.  SAMUEL,  XVIII.  173 

darts  in  his  hand,  and  thrust  them  through  the  heart  of  Ab- 
salom, while  he  was  yet  alive  in  the  midst  of  the  oak.    And  15 
ten  young  men  that  bare  Joab's  armour  compassed  about 
and  smote  Absalom,  and  slew  him.     And  Joab  blew  the  16 
trumpet,  and  the  people  returned  from  pursuing  after  Israel  : 
for  Joab  held  back  the  people.     And  they  took  Absalom,  17 
and  cast  him  into  a  great  pit  in  the  wood,  and  laid  a  very 
great  heap  of  stones  upon  him :  and  all  Israel  fled  every 
one  to  his  tent.     Now  Absalom  in  his  lifetime  had  taken  18 
and  reared  up  for  himself  a  pillar,  which  is  in  the  king's 
dale :    for   he   said,  I  have   no  son  to  keep  my  name   in 
remembrance :  and  he  called  the  pillar  after  his  own  name : 
and  it  is  called  unto  this  day,  Absalom's  place. 


throiigh  the  Jieart\  Not  literally  through  his  heart,  for  the  blows  did 
not  kill  him  outright ;  but  into  the  midst  of  his  body. 

15.  sleiv  hint]  Absalom's  death  was  unquestionably  the  speediest 
and  surest  means  of  putting  an  end  to  the  rebellion  ;  and  Joab  probably 
took  credit  to  himself  for  serving  his  country  while  he  satisfied  his 
private  revenge  (ch.  xiv.  30). 

16.  bliTcO  the  triunpet'\  Sounded  the  recall  to  stop  further  pursuit. 
Cp.  ch.  ii.  28,  XX.  12. 

17.  a  very  great  heap  of  stoiies'\  A  monument  of  shame  over  the 
rebel's  grave,  as  over  that  of  Achan  (Josh.  vii.  26),  and  the  king  of  Ai 
(Josh.  viii.  29).  Some  think  it  was  symbolic  of  the  stoning  which  was 
the  penalty  of  a  rebel  son  (Deut.  xxi.  20,  21).  It  is  still  a  custom  in  the 
East  for  passers  by  to  cast  stones  on  the  grave  of  a  malefactor.  See  The 
Land  and  the  Book,  p.  490. 

fed  every  orieto  his  tent]  To  his  home.  The  use  of  the  word  tent  is 
a  relic  of  primitive  nomad  life.     Cp.  ch.  xx.  i,  22. 

18.  the  king  s  dale]  In  Gen.  xiv.  17  "the  king's  dale"  is  given  as 
an  alternative  name  for  "  the  valley  of  Shaveh"  in  which  the  king  of 
Sodom  met  Abram.  But  its  situation  is  uncertain.  Josephus  {Antiq. 
VII.  10.  3)  says  that  Absalom's  monument  was  two  furlongs  distant  from 
Jerusalem,  and  in  accordance  with  this  statement  the  Tomb  of  Absalom 
is  shewn  in  the  valley  of  the  Kidron.  But  this  building  is  of  Roman 
work ;  and  it  cannot  even  mark  the  site  of  Absalom's  monument,  for  the 
"  king's  dale  "  was  a  broad  open  valley  (Heb.  cmek),  not  a  narrow  ravine 
like  the  Kidron  (Heb.  nachal). 

I  have  no  son]  His  three  sons  (ch.  xiv.  27)  must  have  all  died 
young. 

AbsalojJi's place]  Lit.  Absalom^ s  hand,  i.e.  monument.  Cp.  r  Sam. 
XV.  12.  The  historian  evidently  intends  to  mark  the  contrast  between 
this  splendid  cenotaph,  and  the  heap  of  stones  which  marked  the  rebel's 
grave  in  the  forest  of  Ephraim. 


174  n.  SAMUEL,  XVIII.  [vv.  19—25. 

19 — 32.     The  news  carried  to  David. 

19  '  Then  said  Ahimaaz  the  son  of  Zadok,  Let  me  now  run, 
and  bear  the  king  tidings,  how  that  the  Lord  hath  avenged 

20  him  of  his  enemies.  And  Joab  said  unto  him,  Thou  shalt 
not  bear  tidings  this  day,  but  thou  shalt  bear  tidings  another 
day :  but  this  day  thou  shalt  bear  no  tidings,  because  the 

21  king's  son  is  dead.  Then  said  Joab  to  Cushi,  Go  tell  the 
king  what  thou  hast  seen.     And  Cushi  bowed  himself  unto 

22  Joab,  and  ran.  Then  said  Ahimaaz  the  son  of  Zadok  yet 
again  to  Joab,  But  howsoever,  let  me,  I  pray  thee,  also  run 
after  Cushi.     And  Joab  said,  Wherefore  wilt  thou  run,  my 

23  son,  seeing  that  thou  hast  no  tidings  ready  ?  But  how- 
soever, said  he,  let  me  run.  And  he  said  unto  him.  Run. 
Then  Ahimaaz  ran  by  the  way  of  the  plain,  and  overran 

24  Cushi.  And  David  sat  between  the  two  gates :  and  the 
watchman  went  up  to  the  roof  over  the  gate  unto  the  wall, 
and  lift  up  his  eyes,  and  looked,  and  behold  a  man  running 

25  alone.     And  the  watchman  cried,  and  told  the  king.     And 

19—32.    The  news  carried  to  David. 

19.  hath  avenged  hhn  of  his  ene??iies]  Lit.  judged  him  out  of  the 
hand  of  his  eneinies  :  pronounced  a  favourable  verdict  in  his  cause  and 
delivered  him.     Cp.  i  Sam.  xxiv.  15  ;  Ps.  xliii.  i, 

20.  dear  tidings']  The  word  with  rare  exceptions  means  to  bear  good 
tidings,  and  this  meaning  should  be  retained  here  and  in  v.  19.  Joab 
would  not  let  Ahimaaz  have  the  thankless  task  of  carrying  news  which 
to  the  king  would  be  no  good  news. 

21.  Ciish2\  Rather,  the  Cushite,  an  Ethiopian  slave  in  Joab's 
service,  who  would  have  little  to  lose  by  the  king's  displeasure. 

22.  thoti  hast  no  tidings  ready]  Probably,  thou  hast  no  good  tidings 
to  get  a  reward  ;  cp.  the  Sept.  "  thou  hast  no  good  tidings  for  profit 
if  thou  goest:"  and  the  Vulg.  "thou  wilt  not  be  a  bearer  of  good 
tidings." 

23.  by  the  way  of  the  plain]  "The  plain"  (Heb.  kikkar)  is  the 
technical  term  for  the  floor  of  the  valley  through  which  the  Jordan  runs. 
In  our  ignorance  of  the  exact  position  of  the  battlefield,  we  cannot 
trace  the  routes  taken  by  the  rival  runners  with  certainty.  But  in  all 
probability  what  is  meant  is  that  Ahimaaz  struck  down  into  the  Jordan 
valley,  and  ran  by  a  longer  but  easier  route  to  Mahanaim,  while  the 
Cushite  took  the  direct  but  more  difficult  route  over  the  hills. 

24.  between  the  two  gates]  In  the  space  between  the  inner  and  outer 
gates  of  the  city  gateway. 

to  the  roof  over  the  gate  unto  the  wall]  To  that  side  of  the  flat  roof 
of  the  gateway  which  was  in  the  outer  wall  of  the  city. 


vv.  26—30.]  II.  SAMUEL,   XVIII.  175 

the  king  said,  If  he  be  alone,  there  is  tidings  in  his  mouth. 
And  he  came  apace,  and  drew  near.     And  the  watchman  26 
saw  another  man  running :  and  the  watchman  called  unto 
the  porter,   and  said,  Behold  another  man  running  alone. 
And  the  king  said.   He  also  bringeth  tidings.      And   the  27 
watchman  said,  Me  thinketh  the  running  of  the  foremost  is 
like  the  running  of  Ahimaaz  the  son  of  Zadok.     And  the 
king  said,  He  is  a  good  man,  and  cometh  with  good  tidings. 
And  Ahimaaz  called,  and  said  unto  the  king,  All  is  well.  23 
And  he  fell  down  to  the  earth  upon  his  face  before  the  king, 
and  said,  Blessed  be  the  Lord  thy  God,  which  hath  deli- 
vered up  the  men  that  lift  up  their  hand  against  my  lord 
the  king.     And  the  king  said.  Is  the  young  man  Absalom  29 
safe  ?     And  Ahimaaz  answered,  When  Joab  sent  the  king's 
servant,  and  me  thy  servant,  I  saw  a  great  tumult,  but  I 
knew  not  what  it  was.     And  the  king  said  unto  him^  Turn  30 

25.  Jf  he  be  alone,  &c,]  If  the  army  had  been  routed,  a  number  of 
fugitives  would  have  been  seen  coming  together. 

26.  unto  the  porter]  The  Sept.  reads  "  into  the  gate."  The  differ- 
ence is  a  question  of  vowel  points  only. 

27.  He  is  a  good  jnan,  &c.]  The  king  rightly  judged,  that  Joab 
would  not  choose  a  distinguished  messenger  like  Ahimaaz  to  carry  bad 
news  {v.  20). 

28.  Alliszueir\  Lit.  Peace  !  The  usual  word  of  greeting  had  special 
significance  at  such  a  time. 

he  fell  down]  An  act  of  homage  to  the  king.  See  note  on  ch.  xiv. 
4,  and  cp.  I  Sam.  xx.  41,  xxv.  23. 

delivered  tip]  Lit.  shut  up :  restrained  and  confined  within  bounds, 
instead  of  leaving  them  at  large  to  work  their  will.  Cp.  i  Sam.  xvii. 
46 ;  Ps.  xxxi.  8,  and  the  opposite  expression  in  ch.  xxii.  20. 

29.  Is  the  young  man  Absalom  safe]  Taking  up  the  exclamation  of 
Ahimaaz ;  Is  it  'well  "witli  tlie  young  man  Absalom  ?  lit.  Is  there  peace 
to  the youjig  man  Absalom  ?  Cp.  2  Kings  iv.  26.  "  Not  only  the  ques- 
tion itself,  but  the  very  terms  of  it,  breathe  the  tenderness  of  David's 
feelings.  Absalom  is  '  the  youth,'  as  if  his  youth  were  a  full  excuse 
for  his  conduct."    Speaker's  Co7nm. 

the  king's  servant]  The  Cushite,  to  whom  Ahimaaz  points  as  he  comes 
up.  But  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  kin^s  servant  is  an  alternative 
reading  for  thy  servant,  originally  written  in  the  margin,  and  afterwards 
inserted  in  the  text,  so  that  we  should  read  simply  tahcn  Joab  sent  thy 
servant. 

I  knew  not  luhat  it  was]  Ahimaaz  was  eager  to  be  first  with  the  good 
news,  but  deliberately  concealed  the  bad.  Can  it  be  wondered  at  that 
his  regard  for  truth  had  been  weakened  when  we  remember  the  business 
he  had  been  engaged  in  at  David's  command  ? 


176  II.  SAMUEL,  XVIII.  XIX.  [vv.  31— 33;  1,2. 

aside,  a?id  stand  here.     And  he  turned  aside,  and   stood 

31  still.  And  bcliold,  Cushi  came ;  and  Cushi  said,  Tidings, 
my  lord  the  king :  for  the  Lord  hath  avenged  thee  tJiis  day 

32  of  all  them  that  rose  up  against  thee.  And  the  king  said 
unto  Cushi,  Is  tlie  young  man  Absalom  safe?  And  Cushi 
answered,  The  enemies  of  my  lord  the  king,  and  all  tliat 
rise  against  thee  to  do  thee  hurt,  be  as  that  young  man  is. 

33.    David'' s  inournin^^for  Absalo??t. 

33  And  the  king  was  much  moved,  and  went  up  to  the 
chamber  over  the  gate,  and  wept :  and  as  he  went,  thus  he 
said,  O  my  son  Absalom,  my  son,  my  son  Absalom :  would 
God  I  had  died  for  thee,  O  Absalom,  my  son,  my  son. 

C  H.  XIX.  I — 8.    David  roused  from  his  grief  by  Jo  ah. 

X9      And   it  was   told  Joab,   Behold,  the  king  weepcth  and 
2  mourn eth   for   Absalom.      And   the   victory  tliat  day  was 

31.  Tuii)}[^s,  &c,]  The  plirase  is  not  so  abrupt  in  tlic  TTcb.,  and 
more  suitable  in  llic  slave's  muuth.  Let  my  lord  tlie  king  receive 
the  good  tidings,  that,  &c. 

haih  avenged]     See  note  on  v.  19. 

33.  David's  mourning  for  Absalom. 
33.  was  much  moved']  Better  perhaps,  was  sore  troubled.  Sept. 
irapdxdv  is  a  good  rendering.  This  passionate  outburst  of  jnicf  was 
due  not  only  to  the  tenderness  of  affection,  which  was  so  strikini,^  a  trait 
in  David's  character,  but  to  the  bitterness  of  the  thought  that  tlie  rebel, 
the  would-be  parricide,  was  thus 

"  Cut  off  even  in  the  blossoms  of  his  sin, 
No  reckoning  made,  but  sent  to  his  account 
With  all  his  imperfections  on  his  head;" 
and  that  this  terrible  catastrophe  was  the  fruit  and  the  punishment  of  his 
own  crimes.     The  heart-broken  cry  "  Would  God  I  had  died  for  Dice  " 
was  not  only  the  utterance  of  self-sacrificing  love,  but  the  confession 
th.at  he  had  himself  deserved  the  punishment  which  fell  upon  another. 
Cp.  ch.  xxiv.  17. 

woit/d  (iod,  &c.]  So  Moses  (Ex.  xxxii.  32),  and  so  St  Paul  (Rom. 
ix.  3),  would  have  sacrificed  themselves,  had  it  been  possible,  to  save 
others. 

Cii.  XIX.  1—8.     David  roused  from  his  grief  ky  Joab. 

2.  the  victory]  The  IIe1).  word  means  literally  the  salvation  or 
deliverance.     Cp.  i  Sam.  ix.  16,  xi.  3;  2  Sam.  iii.  18,  &c. 


vv.  3—7-]  II.  SAMUEL,  XIX.  177 

turned  into  mourning  unto  all  the  people :  for  the  people 
heard  say  that  day  how  the  king  was  grieved  for  his  son. 
And  the  people  gat  them  by  stealth  that  day  into  the  city,  as  3 
people  being  ashamed  steal  away  when  they  flee  in  battle. 
But  the  king  covered  his  face,  and  the  king  cried  with  a  loud  4 
voice,  O  my  son  Absalom,  O  Absalom,  my  son,  my  son. 
And  Joab  came  into  the  house  to  the  king,  and  said,  Thou  5 
hast  shamed  this  day  the  faces  of  all  thy  servants,  which 
this  day  have  saved  thy  life,  and  the  lives  of  thy  sons  and  of 
thy  daughters,  and  the  lives  of  thy  wives,  and  the  lives  of 
thy  concubines ;    in  that  thou  lovest  thine   enemies,   and  <5 
hatest  thy  friends  :  for  thou  hast  declared  this  day,  that  thou 
regardest  neither  princes  nor  servants  :  for  tJiis  day  I  per- 
ceive, that  if  Absalom  had  lived,  and  all  we  had  died  tJiis 
day,  then  it  had  pleased  thee  well.     Now  therefore  arise,  go  7 
forth,  and  speak  comfortably  unto  thy  servants  :  for  I  swear 


3.  gat  them  by  stealth,  &c.]  Out  of  respect  for  the  king's  sorrow  the 
army  stole  into  the  city  silently  in  small  parties,  like  disgraced  fugitives, 
instead  of  entering  in  military  order  with  shouts  of  triumph  for  the 
victory. 

that  day]  Clearly  the  day  of  the  battle,  which  must  therefore  have 
been  fought  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Mahanaim.  See  notes  on  eh. 
xviii.  6. 

as  people,  &c,]  Better,  as  the  people  steal  In  who  have  disgraced 
themselves  by  fleeing  in  the  battle. 

4.  covered  his  face]     See  note  on  ch.  xv.  30. 

5.  yoab  came  into  the  house  to  the  hi/i<f\  The  crisis  illustrates  the 
good  as  well  as  the  bad  features  of  Joab's  character — his  loyalty  to 
David,  and  his  practical  sagacity,  as  well  as  his  hard  unsympathetic 
nature.  Exaggerated  and  unfeeling  as  his  speech  was,  it  roused  David 
from  the  extravagance  of  his  grief  to  a  sense  of  his  duty,  and  saved  him 
from  flinging  away  the  fruits  of  the  victory. 

Thou  hast  shamed,  «S:c.]  Disappointed  their  hopes  of  rejoicing  for  the 
victory  :  treated  them  like  offenders  instead  of  benefactors. 

have  saved  thy  life,  &c.]  For  had  Absalom  been  victorious,  he  would 
doubtless  have  put  to  death  all  rival  claimants  to  the  throne,  and  pos- 
sibly other  members  of  the  king's  household.  Cp.  Jud.  ix.  5  ;  i  Kings 
XV.  29  ;  xvi.  II  ;  2  Kings  x.  6,  xi.  i. 

6.  vcitlier  princes  nor  servants]  Neither  the  captains  of  the  army 
(ch.  xviii.  I,  5),  nor  the  soldiers. 

7.  speak  comfortably]  Speak  to  them  in  a  friendly  way,  encourage 
them,  and  appease  their  discontent. 

I  swear,  &c.]  This  is  not  a  threat  that  he  will  persuade  the  army 
to  desert  David ;  but  an  asseveration  in  the  strongest  possible  terms 

II.  SAMUEL  12 


178  II.  SAMUEL,   XIX.  [vv.  8— ii. 

by  the  Lord,  if  thou  go  not  forth,  there  will  not  tarry  one 
with  thee  this  night :  and  that  will  be  worse  unto  thee  than 

8  all  the  evil  that  befell  thee  from  thy  youth  until  now.  Then 
the  king  rose,  and  sat  in  the  gate.  And  they  told  unto  all 
the  people,  saying,  Behold,  the  king  doth  sit  in  the  gate. 
And  all  the  people  came  before  the  king:  for  Israel  had 
fled  every  man  to  his  tent. 

9 — 15.    Negotiatiojis  for  David^ s  restoration.     His  return. 

9  And  all  the  people  were  at  strife  throughout  all  the  tribes 
of  Israel,  saying,  The  king  saved  us  out  of  the  hand  of  our 
enemies,  and  he  delivered  us  out  of  the  hand  of  the  Philis- 
tines;   and  now  he  is  fled  out  of  the  land  for  Absalom. 

10  And  Absalom,  whom  we  anointed  over  us,  is  dead  in  battle. 
Now  therefore  why  speak  ye  not  a  word  of  bringing  the  king 

11  back?  And  king  David  sent  to  Zadok  and  to  Abiathar  the 
priests,  saying,  Speak  unto  the  elders  of  Judah,  saying,  Why 
are  ye  the  last  to  bring  the  king  back  to  his  house?  seeing 
the  speech  of  all  Israel  is  come  to  the  king,  even  to  his 

that  they  will  not  continue  faithful  to  a  king  wlio  allows  a  private  grief 
to  outweigh  his  gratitude  for  their  services. 

8.  in  the  gate\  Where  kings  and  rulers  were  accustomed  to  give 
audience  to  their  subjects.    See  note  on  ch.  xv.  ■2. 

for  Israel  had  fled'\  The  words  should  begin  a  new  sentence,  But 
Israel  had  fled,  &c.  Israel^  that  part  of  the  nation  which  had  followed 
Absalom,  is  contrasted  with  "the  people,"  i.e.  David's  army.  The 
sentence  resumes  the  narrative  from  ch.  xviii.  17,  and  prepares  the  way 
for  the  account  which  follows. 

9—15.    Negotiations  for  David's  restoration.    His  return. 

10.  whom  we  anointed^  The  anointing  of  Absalom  is  not  elsewhere 
mentioned. 

At  the  end  of  the  verse  the  Sept.  adds,  "And  the  word  of  all 
Israel  came  to  the  king,"  that  is,  either  he  heard  of  the  movement  for 
his  restoration,  or  he  actually  received  overtures  from  Israel.  The 
clause  is  necessary  to  introduce  v.  w. 

11.  the  elders  of  Jjidalil  The  representatives  of  the  tribe,  who 
would  naturally  be  its  leaders  in  the  restoration  of  the  king.  Cp.  ch. 
v.  3.  Their  backwardness  is  explained  by  the  prominent  part  which 
Judah  had  taken  in  the  insurrection  (see  note  on  ch.  xv.  10),  while 
David's  message  to  the  priests  was  prompted  by  the  desire  to  conciliate 
the  good  will  of  the  most  powerful  tribe  of  the  nation,  and  persuade 
them  to  take  a  leading  part  in  his  recall. 

seeing  the  speech. ..even  to  his  house']    The  words  even  to  his  house 


vv.  12—16.]  II.  SAMUEL,   XIX.  i;^ 

house.     Ye  are  my  brethren,  ye  are  my  bones  and  my  flesh  :  12 
wherefore  then  are  ye  the  last  to  bring  back  the  king?    And  13 
say  ye  to  Amasa,  Art  thou  not  of  my  bone,  and  of  my 
flesh?     God  do  so  to  me,  and  more  also,  if  thou  be  not 
captain  of  the  host  before  me  continually  in  the  room  of 
Joab.     And  he  bowed  the  heart  of  all  the  men  of  Judah,  14 
even  as  the  heart  of  one  man  ;  so  that  they  sent  this  7Uord 
unto  the  king.  Return  thou,  and  all  thy  servants.     So  the  is 
king  returned,  and  came  to  Jordan.     And  Judah  came  to 
Gilgal,  to  go  to  meet  the  king,  to  conduct  the  king  over 
Jordan. 

16 — 44.    David'' s  ret  mm.     Episodes  on  the  journey. 
16 — 23.     Shiinei  sues  for  pa  7'doJt . 
And  Shimei  the  son  of  Gera,  a  Benjamite,  which  was  of  16 

give  no  satisfactory  sense,  and  are  probably  an  accidental  repetition  of 
the  previous  to  his  house:  and  the  clause  seeing  the  speech  of  all  Israel 
is  come  to  the  king  may  either  have  stood  here  originally  as  well  as  at  the 
end  of  V.  10,  where  it  is  certainly  required,  or  have  been  repeated  by  a 
transcriber's  error. 

12.  my  bones  and  my  flesh'\  See  note  on  ch.  v.  i.  Bones  should 
be,  as  there,  tione. 

13.  Art  thoti  not  of  my  bone,  and  of  my  flesh^  Art  thou  not  my 
bone  and  my  flesh,  exactly  as  in  v.  \i.  Amasa  was  David's  nephew, 
the  son  of  his  sister  or  step-sister  Abigail.  See  ch.  xvii.  25.  Of  course 
the  message  was  to  be  privately  conveyed  to  Amasa  through  the  priests. 
It  was  a  bold  stroke  of  policy  to  promise  the  post  of  commander-in 
chief  to  the  general  of  the  rebel  army.  By  so  doing,  David  designed 
at  once  to  secure  the  allegiance  of  that  army,  and  to  punish  Joab  for 
killing  Absalom  in  defiance  of  his  command.  But  it  was  hardly 
prudent.  Joab  was  certain  not  to  submit  to  it  tamely :  Amasa's 
military  skill  w^as  probably  inferior,  and  his  loyalty  remained  to  be 
proved. 

God  do  so,  &c.]     See  note  on  ch.  iii.  9. 

in  the  room  of  foab']  i.e.  instead  of.  Room  =  place,  space,  from 
A.-S.  rihn.  Germ.  Ratun.     Cp.  Matt.  ii.  22. 

14.  And  he  bowed,  &c.]  By  this  message  David  inclined  the  hearts 
of  the  men  of  Judah  to  restore  him  to  the  throne. 

15.  to  Gilgal\  Gilgal,  between  Jericho  and  the  Joi'dan,  was  the  ren- 
dezvous for  the  representatives  of  Judah — probably  the  elders — who 
were  sent  to  escort  the  king  back  to  Jerusalem. 

16 — 44.     David's  return.     Episodes  on  the  journey. 
16 — 23.    Shimei  sues  for  pardon. 

16.  Shimci\     See  ch.  xvi.  5  ff.     Shimei  and  Ziba  came  with  guilty 

12 2 


l8o  11.  SAMUEL,   XIX.  [w.  17—22. 

Bahurim,  hasted  and  came  down  with  the  men  of  Judah  to 
17  meet  king  David.  And  there  were  a  thousand  men  of 
Benjamin  with  him,  and  Ziba  the  servant  of  the  house  of 
Saul,  and  his  fifteen  sons  and  his  twenty  servants  with  him ; 
j8  and  they  went  over  Jordan  before  the  king.  And  there  went 
over  a  ferry  boat  to  carry  over  the  king's  household,  and  to 
do  what  he  thought  good.     And  Shimei  the  son  of  Gera  fell 

19  down  before  the  king,  as  he  was  come  over  Jordan ;  and 
said  unto  the  king.  Let  not  my  lord  impute  iniquity  unto 
me,  neither  do  thou  remember  that  which  thy  servant  did 
perversely  the   day  that   my  lord    the   king   went   out   of 

20  Jerusalem,  that  the  king  should  take  it  to  his  heart.  For 
thy  servant  doth  know  that  I  have  sinned :  therefore,  be- 
hold, I  am  come  the  first  this  day  of  all  the  house  of  Joseph 

81  to  go  down  to  meet  my  lord  the  king.  But  Abishai  the  son 
of  Zeruiah  answered  and  said.  Shall  not  Shimei  be  put  to 
death  for  this,  because  he  cursed  the  Lord's   anointed? 

22  And  David  said,  What  have  I  to  do  with  you,  ye  sons  of 

consciences  to  curry  favour  by  seeming  to  shew  special  zeal  in  bringing 
back  the  king. 

17.  And  there  were  a  thousand  men  of  Benjamin  with  hitJi]  Omit 
there  were,  and  join  this  clause  to  v.  16. 

they  went  over  Jordan  before  the  king]  Ziba  and  his  retinue  dashed 
into  the  river  and  crossed  it — the  word  for  went  over  is  a  peculiar  one, 
expressing  impetuous  movement — to  shew  their  zeal  by  meeting  the  king 
on  the  eastern  bank. 

18.  And  there  zvent  over  a  ferry-boat]  And  the  ferry-boat  was 
passing  to  and  fro,  placed  at  the  service  of  the  king  by  the  men  of 
Judah. 

as  he  was  come  over  Jof'dan]  This  probably  means  as  David  was 
crossing  over  the  Jordan,  i.e.  during  the  general  proceedings  of  the 
transit,  not  necessarily  during  the  actual  passage.  Shimei  seems  to 
have  crossed  along  with  Ziba  to  meet  the  king  on  the  eastern  bank. 
David's  crossing  is  not  mentioned  till  v.  39. 

20.  the  house  of  Joseph]  The  ten  tribes  of  Israel  as  distinguished 
from  Judah  are  thus  named  from  Ephraim,  the  most  powerful  tribe 
among  them  (Gen.  xlviii.  5).  Cp.  Ps.  Ixxviii.  67,  68 ;  i  Kings  xi.  28 ; 
Amos  v.  6.  Shimei  the  Benjamite  claims  to  be  the  first  representative 
of  Israel  to  welcome  the  king. 

21.  Abishai]  True  to  his  fierce,  impetuous  character.  See  ch. 
xvi.  9. 

cursed  the  Lord's  anointed]  Since  the  king  was  Jehovah's  represen- 
tative, to  curse  him  was  almost  as  heinous  an  offence  as  to  curse 
Jehovah  Himself.     Ex.  xxii.  28;  Lev.  xxiv.  15  ;  i  Kings  xxi.  10, 


w.  23—26.]  II.  SAMUEL,  XIX.  181 

Zeruiah,  that  ye  should  this  day  be  adversaries  unto  me  ? 
shall  there  any  man  be  put  to  death  this  day  in  Israel  ?  for 
do  not  I  know  that  I  am  this  day  king  over  Israel?     There-  23 
fore  the  king  said  unto  Shimei,  Thou  shalt  not  die.     And 
the  king  sware  unto  him. 

24 — 30.    Mephibosheth^ s  meeting  with  David. 
And  Mephibosheth  the  son  of  Saul  came  down  to  meet  24 
the  king,  and  had  neither  dressed  his  feet,  nor  trimmed  his 
beard,  nor  washed  his  clothes,  from  the  day  the  king  de- 
parted until  the  day  he  came  again  in  peace.  And  it  came  to  23 
pass,  when  he  was  come  to  Jerusalem  to  meet  the  king,  that  the 
king  said  unto  him.  Wherefore  wentest  not  thou  with  me, 
Mephibosheth  ?     And  he  answered,  My  lord,  O  king,  my  ?.6 
servant  deceived  me  :  for  thy  servant  said,  I  will  saddle  me 

22.  adversaries]  Opposing  my  true  interests.  The  Heb.  word  is 
saian.     Cp.  Matt.  xvi.  23. 

that  I  am  this  day  king]  The  rejoicing  of  the  day  which  saw  him 
restored  to  his  kingdom  must  not  be  marred  by  any  bloodshed.  Cp. 
I  Sam.  xi.  13. 

23.  the  king  sware  unto  hitti]  David  cannot  be  acquitted  of  break- 
ing the  spirit  if  not  the  letter  of  his  oath  by  the  charge  which  he  gave 
to  Solomon  (i  Kings  ii.  8£f.). 

24—30.     Mephibosheth's  meeting  with  David. 

24.  had  neither  dressed  his  feet,  &c.]  The  neglect  of  his  person,  the 
unwashed  feet,  the  untrimmed  moustache,  the  soiled  garments,  were  out- 
ward signs  of  extreme  grief.  Cp.  ch.  xii.  20;  Ezek.  xxiv.  17.  The 
Sept.  adds  "nor  trimmed  his.nails,"  after  "dressed  his  feet"  (seeDeut. 
xxi.  12),  but  the  words  are  perhaps  only  a  duplicate  rendering  of  the 
Hebrew. 

beard]  Properly  moustaclie.  The  word  occurs  elsewhere  only  in 
connexion  with  the  custom  of  covering  the  upper  lip  or  moustache  in 
mourning.     See  Lev.  xiii.  45  ;  Ezek.  xxiv.  17,  22  ;  Mic.  iii.  7. 

25.  whejt  he  was  come  to  JcTiisaleJu]  If  the  r-eading  is  right,  the 
meeting  between  David  and  Mephibosheth  must  have  taken  place  in 
Jerusalem,  and  is  introduced  here  out  of  the  strictly  chronological  order, 
because  of  the  mention  of  Ziba  in  z^.  17.  "  Came  down"  in  v..  24  must 
then  be  explained  '  came  down  from  his  house  in  the  highlands  of 
Benjamin  near  Gibeah  to  Jerusalem,'  not  '  came  down  from  Jerusalem 
to  the  Jordan.'  The  conclusion  oiv.  30  agrees  with  the  supposition 
that  Mephibosheth  met  David  in  Jerusalem.  This  is  better  than 
rendering  when  Jerusalem  (i.e.  the  inhabitants  of.  Jerusalem)  came, 
which  is  forced,  or  emending  from  Jeriisalem,  which  is  a  conjecture 
supported  by  no  external  authority  of  value. 


r82  II.  SAMUEL,  XIX.  [vv.  27—31. 

an  ass,  that  I  may  ride  thereon,  and  go  to  the  king ;  because 

27  thy  servant  is  lame.  And  he  hath  slandered  thy  servant 
unto  my  lord  the  king ;  but  my  lord  the  king  is  as  an  angel 

28  of  God :  do  therefore  what  is  good  in  thine  eyes.  For  all 
of  my  father's  house  were  but  dead  men  before  my  lord  the 
king  :  yet  didst  thou  set  thy  servant  among  them  that  did 
eat  at  thine  own  table.     What  right  therefore  have  I  yet  to 

29  cry  any  more  unto  the  king  ?  And  the  king  said  unto  him, 
Why  speakest  thou  any  more  of  thy  matters  ?     I  have  said, 

30  Thou  and  Ziba  divide  the  land.  And  Mephibosheth  said 
unto  the  king,  Yea,  let  him  take  all,  forasmuch  as  my  lord 
the  king  is  come  agaiji  in  peace  unto  his  own  house. 

31 — 40.    Barzillafs  farewell  to  David. 

31  And  Barzillai  the  Gileadite  came  down  from  Rogelim, 

26.  said,  I  will  saddle  me  an  ass'\  IMeaninjr  of  course,  /  will  have 
pry  ass  saddled.  The  Sept.  however  reads,  said  tinto  him,  Saddle  me 
the  ass,  which  certainly  suits  the  context  better.  Apparently  Ziba, 
after  receiving  the  order,  saddled  the  asses,  loaded  them  with  pro- 
visions, and  went  to  meet  David  with  his  fictitious  story  (ch.  xvi.  i), 
leaving  Mephibosheth  in  the  lurch. 

27.  as  an  angel  of  God]  To  discern  the  truth,  and  decide  justly. 
Cp.  ch.  xiv.  17,  20. 

28.  were  hct  dead  inei{\  For  David  might  have  put  them  all  to 
death.  Possibly  there  is  an  allusion  to  the  surrender  of  Saul's  sons  to  the 
Gibeonites  (ch.  xxi.  6 — 9). 

-ivhat  right,  &c.]  Since  all  David's  favours  to  him  were  undeserved, 
he  had  no  ground  for  making  a  complaint,  and  demanding  the  restora- 
tion of  his  property  as  a  right. 

29.  Tlion  and  Ziba  divide  the  land\  This  is  usually  supposed  to  be 
a  compromise  between  the  two  claimants,  either  because  David  sus- 
pected the  truth  of  Mepliibosheth's  story,  or  because  he  was  unwilling 
to  alienate  Ziba,  and  possibly  a  considerable  party  of  Benjamites,  by 
entirely  revoking  the  grant  to  him  (ch.  xvi.  4).  But  it  may  be  a  confirma- 
tion of  the  original  arrangement  by  which  Ziba  was  to  be  Mephibo- 
sheth's  tenant,  and  as  he  certainly  did  not  cultivate  the  land  for 
nothing,  might  be  said  to  share  it  with  him. 

30.  Yea,  let  him  take  all]  Mephibosheth's  affection  was  for  his 
master,  not  for  his  property.  There  is  no  reason  for  supposing  that  his 
version  of  the  story  was  false  and  Ziba's  true,  in  spite  of  Blunt's  in- 
genious arguments  to  prove  that  he  was  a  traitor  and  a  hypocrite 
{Undes.  Coinc.  p.  157  ff.). 

31 — 40.     Barzillai's  farewell  to  David. 

31.  Barzillai]     See  ch.  xvii.  27. 


vv.  32—39.]  n.  SAMUEL,   XIX.  rSj 

and  went  over  Jordan  with  the  king,  to  conduct  him  over 
Jordan.     Now  Barzillai  was  a  very  aged  man,  even  fourscore  32 
years  old :    and  he  had  provided  the  king  of  sustenance 
while  he  lay  at  Mahanaim  ;  for  he  was  a  very  great  man. 
And  the  king  said  unto  Barzillai,  Come  thou  over  with  me,  33 
and  I  will  feed  thee  with  me  in  Jerusalem.     And  Barzillai  34 
said  unto  the  king,  How  long  have  I  to  live,  that  I  should 
go  up  with  the  king  unto  Jerusalem  }     I  am  this  day  four-  35 
score  years  old  :  anci  can  I  discern  between  good  and  evil  ? 
can  thy  servant  taste  what  I  eat  or  what  I  drink  ?  can  I  hear 
any  more  the  voice   of  singing  men  and  singing  women  ? 
wherefore  then  should  thy  servant  be  yet  a  burden  unto  my 
lord  the  king  ?     Thy  servant  will  go  a  little  way  over  Jordan  36 
with  the  king :  and  why  should  the  king  recompense  //  me 
with  such  a  reward  ?     Let  thy  servant,  I  pray  thee,  turn  37 
back  again,  that  I  may  die  in  mine  own  city,  and  be  buried 
by  the  grave  of  my  father  and  of  my  mother.     But  behold 
thy  servant  Chimham ;  let  him  go  over  with  my  lord  the  king  ; 
and  do  to  him  what  shall  seem  good  unto  thee.     And  the  3S 
king  answered,  Chimham  shall  go  over  with  me,  and  I  will  do 
to  him  that  which  shall  seem  good  unto  thee  :  and  whatso- 
ever thou  shalt  require  of  me,  that  will  I  do  for  thee.     And  39 
all  the  people  went  over  Jordan.     And  when  the  king  was 

32.  provided ..  .of  sustem-mce\  An  obsolete  use  of  the  preposition  of 
where  we  now  employ  zvith. 

/ay]     i.e.  abode.     Cp.  Josh.  ii.  i,  maro. 

33.  /  zui/t  feed  thce\  I  'Will  provide  tliee  -witli  sustenance ;  the 
same  word  as  in  v.  32,  and  Gen.  xlv.  11  (E.  V.  nourish). 

35.    fourscore  years']     Cp.  Ps.  xc.  10. 

singing  men  and  singing  women]  Musicians  were  a  part  of  royal 
state  (Eccl.  ii.  8) ;  banquets  were  commonly  enlivened  by  music.  See 
Is.  V.  II,  12,  xxiv.  8,  9  ;  Am.  vi.  4 — 6. 

37.  and  be  buried  by  the  grave,  &c.I  The  ancient  affection  for  the 
family  sepulchre  is  very  remarkable.  See  Jud.  viii.  32  ;  1  Sam.  ii. 
32,  xvii.  23,  xxi.  14  ;   i  Kings  xiii.  22. 

Chimhatn]  Barzillai's  son,  who  Avith  his  brothers  was  specially 
commended  to  Solomon's  care  (i  Kings  ii.  7).  From  the  mention  of 
"the  habitation  of  Chimham  which  is  l3y  Bethlehem"  in  Jcr.  xli.  17,  it 
has  been  ingeniously  inferred  that  Chimham  received  a  grant  of  land 
from  David's  patrimony  at  Bethlehem,  which  retained  his  name  for  at 
least  four  centuries.     See  Stanley's  Led.  ii.  152. 

39.  all  the  people]  David's  followers,  who  are  repeatedly  termed 
the  people  in  this  narrative. 


l84  11.  SAMUEL,  XIX.  [vv.  40—43. 

come  over,  the  king  kissed  Barzillai,  and  blessed  him ;  and 

40  be  returned  unto  his  own  place.  Then  the  king  went  on  to 
Gilgal,  and  Chimham  went  on  with  him  :  and  all  the  people 
of  Judah  conducted  the  king,  and  also  half  the  people  of 
Israel. 

41 — 43.    Dispute  between  the  men  of  Judah  and  the  men  of 
Israel. 

41  And  behold,  all  the  men  of  Israel  came  to  the  king,  and 
said  unto  the  king,  Why  have  our  brethren  the  men  of  Judah 
stolen  thee  away,  and  have  brought  the  king,  and  his  house- 

42  hold,  and  all  David's  men  with  him,  over  Jordan  ?  And  all 
the  men  of  Judah  answered  the  men  of  Israel,  Because  the 
king  is  near  of  kin  to  us  :  wherefore  then  be  ye  angry  for 
this  matter  ?  have  we  eaten  at  all  of  the  king's  cost  ?  or  hath 

43  he  given  us  any  gift  ?     And  the  men  of  Israel  answered  the 

hissed  Barzillai^  and  blessed  hini\  A  farewell  salute.  Cp.  Gen. 
xxxi.  55. 

41 — 43.    Dispute  between  the  men  of  Judah  and  the  men  of 

Israel. 

41.  And  behold,  all  the  men  of  Israel]  This  must  be  read  in  con- 
nexion with  the  preceding  verse  which  introduces  and  explains  it. 
The  northern  tribes  had  been  foremost  in  proposing  the  restoration 
{vv.  9,  10),  but  owing  no  doubt  to  tribal  jealousies,  they  had  not  been 
invited  by  the  men  of  Judah  to  the  gathering  at  Gilgal  to  welcome  the 
king.  Consequently  only  a  fraction  of  them,  probably  those  from  the 
immediate  neighbourhood  and  the  trans-Jordanic  country,  were  there. 
But  while  the  king  was  still  at  Gilgal,  the  rest  of  the  Israelite  represen- 
tatives arrived,  and  complained  to  David  that  they  had  been  un- 
warrantably forestalled  by  Judah,  and  cheated  of  the  honour  and 
privilege  of  escorting  him  back.  Cp.  the  instances  of  Ephraimite 
jealousy  in  Jud.  viii.  i,  xii.  i. 

stolen  thee  azvay]  Brought  thee  home  without  our  knowledge.  They 
justly  censured  the  men  of  Judah  for  doing  by  themselves  that  which 
should  have  been  the  united  act  of  the  whole  nation,  and  possibly  sus- 
pected that  David  himself  was  not  altogether  blameless  (vv.  11,  12). 

42.  to  2(s]  Lit.  to  me:  and  so  art  thoii  angry :  and  in  v.  43  the 
pronouns  are  singular  throughout ;  each  party  being  as  it  were  per- 
sonified and  regarded  as  a  unit. 

42.  have  we  eaten  at  all  of  the  king's  cost,  &c.]  They  defend  them- 
selves by  alleging  the  purity  of  their  motives.  Some  see  in  the  words 
a  side-thrust  at  the  Benjamites,  who  had  enjoyed  special  privileges 
during  Saul's  reign  (i  Sam.  xxii.  7). 


V.  i.l  II.  SAMUEL,  XX.  i8s 

men  of  Judah,  and  said,  We  have  ten  parts  in  the  king,  and 
we  have  also  more  right  m  David  than  ye  :  why  then  did  ye 
despise  us,  that  our  advice  should  not  be  first  had  in  bring- 
ing back  our  king  ?  And  the  words  of  the  men  of  Judah 
were  fiercer  than  the  words  of  the  men  of  Israel. 

Ch.  XX.    Sheba's  Rebellmu 

I,  2.    Fi'csh  outbreak  of  rebellion^  headed  by  Shcba. 

And  there  happened  to  be  there  a  man  of  Belial,  whose  20 
name  ivas  Sheba,  the  son  of  Bichri,  a  Benjamite :   and  he 
blew  a  trumpet,  and  said.  We  have  no  part  in  David,  neither 

43.  ten  /•arts']  The  northern  tribes  claimed  a  share  of  the  king  in 
proportion  to  their  number.  Ephraim  and  Manasseh  are  counted  as 
one  in   the  reckoning  of  Israel  as  ten  tribes.     Cp.  i  Kings  xi.  31, 

35- 

and  we  have  also  more  right  in  David  than  ye]  And  even  in  David 
we  have  more  right  than  ye  :  lit.  I. ..than  thou.  They  claim  a  share 
of  the  king,  as  king,  in  proportion  to  their  number,  and  maintain  this 
to  be  their  right  even  in  the  case  of  David,  whom  the  men  of  Judah 
might  assert  to  belong  specially  to  them  as  being  their  kinsman.  But  the 
Sept.  preserves  (in  addition  to  a  rendering  of  the  present  Heb.  text), 
a  different  and  very  remarkable  reading,  which  is  perhaps  the  true  one  : 
and  I  am  the  fii'stborn  ?'ather  than  thoit.  Reuben,  the  natural  firstborn, 
forfeited  his  birthright,  and  it  was  transferred  to  Joseph,  the  eldest  son 
of  Jacob's  second  wife.  In  virtue  of  the  birthright  Joseph  inherited  a 
double  portion  (Deut.  xxi.  17)  by  Jacob's  adoption  of  his  two  sons 
Ephraim  and  Manasseh.  See  i  Chron.  v.  i,  2 ;  Gen.  xlviii.  11 ;  Josh, 
xvi.  4.  It  was  most  natural  for  Ephraim,  speaking  on  behalf  of  the 
northern  tribes,  "the  house  of  Joseph"  (z/.  20),  to  assert  such  a  claim  at 
the  present  crisis. 

zvhy  then,  &c.]  Better  :  why  then  hast  thou  despised  me  ?  was  not 
my  word  the  first  for  bringing  toack  my  king?  a  reference  to  the 
movement  described  in  vv.  9,  10. 

Ch.  XX.    Sheba's  Rebellion. 
1,  2.    Fresh  outbreak  of  rebellion,  headed  by  Sheba. 

1.  there]  At  Gilgal.  The  dispute  offered  an  immediate  opening  to 
a  bold  and  ambitious  leader,  who  hoped  to  restore  the  sovereignty  to 
the  tribe  of  Benjamin. 

a  man  of  Belial]  A  worthless  or  wicked  man.  Cp.  i  Sam.  x.  27, 
and  note  on  i  Sam.  i.  16. 

the  son  of  Bichri]  Rather,  a  Bichrite,  or  member  of  the  clan  tracing 
its  descent  from  Becher  the  second  son  of  Benjamin  (Gen.  xlvi.  21). 

part]  Better,  portion,  a  different  word  from  that  in  ch.  xix.  43,  and 
the  same  as  that  in  i  Kings  xii.  16. 


iS6  II.  SAMUEL,   XX.  [vv.  2—6. 

have  we  inheritance  in  the  son  of  Jesse:  every  man  to  his  tents, 

2  O  Israel.  So  every  man  of  Israel  went  up  from  after  David, 
<7;/^ followed  Sheba  the  son  of  Bichri :  but  the  men  of  Judah 
clave  unto  their  king,  from  Jordan  even  to  Jerusalem. 

3.    David'' s  7'eturn  to  Jerusalem. 

3  And  David  came  to  his  house  at  Jerusalem;  and  the  king 
took  the  ten  women  his  concubines,  whom  he  had  left  to 
keep  the  house,  and  put  them  in  ward,  and  fed  them,  but 
went  not  in  unto  them.  So  they  were  shut  up  unto  the  day 
of  their  death,  living  in  widowhood. 

4 — 13.     The  pursuit  of  Sheha.     Avdasa  murdered  by  Joah. 

4  Then  said  the  king  to  Amasa,  Assemble  me  the  men  of 

5  Judah  within  three  days,  and  be  thou  here  present.  So 
Amasa  went  to  assemble  the  men  of  Judah :  but  he  tarried 
longer  than    the  set   time  which    he  had  appointed   him. 

6  And   David   said  to   Abishai,    Now  shall   Sheba   the   son 

the  son  of  Jesse\  There  is  a  touch  of  contempt  in  this  name  for 
David.     Cp.  1  Sam.  xx.  27,  30,  31,  xxii.  7,  8,  9,  13,  xxv.  10. 

eveiy  man  to  his  tents']  Nominally  a  call  to  disperse  and  return  to 
their  homes  (r  Sam.  xiii.  2;  2  Sam.  xviii.  17);  really  an  invitation  to 
join  him  in  rebellion.  The  same  words  served  as  the  signal  for  the 
revolt  from  Rehoboam  (i  Kings  xii.  16). 

2.  zuent  iip\  From  Gilgal  in  the  valley  of  the  Jordan  to  the  hill 
country  of  Ephraim. 

3.     David's  return  to  Jerusalem. 

3.  living  in  widoxvhood]  Either  in  widowhood  for  life,  or  as  the 
Targum  explains  it,  in  widowhood  wliile  their  husband  was  still  alive. 

Since  they  had  been  appropriated  by  Absalom,  they  could  no  longer  be 
regarded  as  members  of  the  royal  harem,  nor  could  they  be  set  at  liberty. 

4—13.    The  pursuit  of  Sheba.    Amasa  murdered  by  Joab. 

4.  to  Amasa]  The  commission  was  given  to  Amasa  in  fulfilment  of 
the  promise  privately  made  to  him  (ch.  xix.  13). 

Asse77Me  vie  the  men  of  Judah\  Clearly  then  "the  men  of  Judah" 
in  V.  1  were  only  a  small  body  of  representatives. 

5.  he  tarried  longer]  Some  may  have  resented  the  change  of 
generals  and  distrusted  Amasa ;  some  may  have  been  half-hearted  about 
David's  restoration;  so  that  he  found  that  the  task  took  longer  than  he 
expected. 

6.  to  Abishat]  David  now  gave  his  orders  to  Abishai,  being  deter- 
mined at  any  rate  to  supersede  Joab.     For  the  moment  Joab  seemed  to 


vv.  7—10.]  II.  SAMUEL,  XX.  187 

of  Bichri  do  us  more  harm  than  did  Absalom  :  take  thou 
thy  lord's  servants,  and  pursue  after  him,  lest  he  get  him 
fenced   cities,  and  escape  us.      And  there  went  out  after  7 
him  Joab's  men,  and  the  Cherethites,  and  the  Pelethites, 
and  all  the  mighty  men :  and  they  went  out  of  Jerusalem,  to 
pursue  after  Sheba,  the  son  of  Bichri.     When  they  were  at  s 
the  great  stone  which  is  in  Gibeon,  Amasa  went  before  them. 
And  Joab's  garment  that  he  had  put  on  was  girded  unto  him, 
and  upon  it  a  girdle  with  a  sword  fastened  upon  his  loins  in 
the  sheath  thereof;  and  as  he  went  forth  it  fell  out.     And  9 
Joab  said  to  Amasa,  Ai't  thou  in  health,  my  brother?     And 
Joab  took  Amasa  by  the  beard  with  the  right  hand  to  kiss 
him.     But  Amasa  took  no  heed  to  the  sword  that  7i'as  in  ic 
Joab's  hand  :  so  he  smote  him  therewith  in  the  lifth  rib, 

acquiesce,  and  marched  out  under  his  brother's  command  {v.  7),  in- 
tending to  wait  his  opportunity.  This  speedily  presented  itself:  without 
scruple  he  murdered  his  rival,  and  then  by  Abishai's  consent,  resumed 
his  old  position  as  commandei--in-chief  [vv.  10,  11). 

thy  lord's  servants]  The  bodies  of  troops  mentioned  in  v.  7,  which 
formed  a  small  standing  army. 

escaj^e  its']  A  phrase  of  doubtful  meaning,  found  nowhere  else.  Either 
as  E.V.  following  the  Vulg,  escape  7is:  or  pluck  out  our  eye  =  do  us 
serious  injury:  or  as  the  Sept.  overshadow  our  rj'^-i-^  cause  us  anxiety. 

7.  the  Cherethites,  and  the  Pelcthitef\     See  note  on  ch.  viii.  18. 
the  mighty  inen'\     Or  Gibborim.     See  note  on  ch.  xv.  18. 

8.  the  great  stone  which  is  in  Gibcoji\  Some  isolated  rock,  well  known 
as  a  landmark. 

went  before  theni]  Lit,  catne  before  thejn,  i.e.  met  them,  apparently  as 
he  was  returning  to  Jerusalem,  after  raising  an  army  in  Benjamin  as 
well  as  in  Judah. 

A72d  Joid)'s  garment,  (Src]  This  description  of  Joab's  dress  is  intended 
to  explain  how  he  contrived  to  stab  Amasa  without  his  design  being 
suspected.  In  the  girdle  which  he  wore  over  his  military  dress  was 
stuck  a  dagger.  As  he  met  Amasa  he  contrived  to  let  this  fall  out  of 
its  sheath  on  the  ground.  He  picked  it  up  in  his  left  hand,  and  the 
movement  being  apparently  purely  accidental,  excited  no  alarm  in 
Amasa's  mind. 

as  he  went  forth  it  fll  ont]  As  he  went  out  to  meet  Amasa.  But  it 
does  not  appear  whence  Joab  went  out,  and  the  words  may  also  be 
rendered,  and  it  (the  sheath)  came  out  (from  the  girdle),  and  it  (the 
sword)  fell  do7vn.  The  Sept.  has  a  simpler  reading,  involving  a  slight 
change  in  the  Heb.  text:  aiid  the  sword  cajjie  oict  and  fell  down, 

9.  took  Amasa  by  the  beard]  It  is  said  to  be  still  customary  among 
the  Arabs  and  Turks  to  lay  hold  of  a  person's  beard  in  giving  him  the 
kiss  of  welcome. 

10.  in  the  fifth  rib'\    In  tlie  belly.     See  note  on  ch.  ii.  23. 


l88  II.   SAMUEL,   XX.  [vv.  ii— 14. 

and  shed  out  his  bowels  to  the  ground,  and  strake  him  not 
-  again ;    and  he  died.      So  Joab  and  Abishai   his   brother 

11  pursued  after  Sheba  the  son  of  Bichri.  And  one  of  Joab's 
men  stood  by  him,  and  said,  He  that  favoureth  Joab,  and  he 

12  that  is  for  David,  let  him  go  after  Joab.  And  Amasa  wallowed 
in  blood  in  the  midst  of  the  highway.  And  when  the  man 
saw  that  all  the  people  stood  still,  he  removed  Amasa  out  of 
the  highway  i7iio  the  field,  and  cast  a  cloth  upon  him,  when 

13  he  saw  that  every  one  that  came  by  him  stood  still.  When 
he  was  removed  out  of  the  highway,  all  the  people  went  on 
after  Joab,  to  pursue  after  Sheba  the  son  of  Bichri. 

14 — 22.     Sheba  besieged  in  Abel-Beth- Afaachah. 

14  And  he  went  through  all  the  tribes  of  Israel  unto  Abel, 
and  to  Beth-maachah,  and  all  the  Berites :  and  they  were 

stroke  him  not  agahiX  Cp.  i  Sam.  xxvi.  8.  Strake  is  an  archaism 
for  struck.     Cp.  ch.  xii.  15;  Acts  xxvii.  17. 

So  Joabl  Better,  But  Joab,  &c.  Covered  with  the  stains  of  murder 
(i  Kings  ii.  5),  Joab  started  in  pursuit  of  Sheba,  leaving  his  victim  where 
he  fell. 

11.  one  of  Joab's  men]  One  of  Joab's  young  men,  perhaps  one  of 
his  armour-bearers  (ch.  xviii.  15),  remained  by  the  corpse  at  Joab's  com- 
mand in  order  to  invite  Amasa's  followers  to  join  Joab.  Time  was  too 
precious  for  Joab  himself  to  lose  a  moment. 

//^  that  favoureth  Joab,  &c.]  Lit.  He  that  delighteth  (ch.  xv.  26)  in 
Joab.  He  appeals  to  their  personal  attachment  to  himself  as  general, 
and  to  their  loyalty  to  David ;  insinuating  that  Amasa  was  not  faithful 
to  the  king,  and  had  met  his  death  justly  for  his  treachery.  Joab's  real 
motive  in  murdering  Amasa,  as  before  in  the  case  of  Abner,  was 
jealousy. 

12.  all  the  people]  Here  and  in  v.  13,  the  troops  which  Amasa  had 
been  mustering. 

14 — 22.    Sheba  besieged  in  Abel-Beth-Maachah. 

14.  And  he  went]  Joab  marched  rapidly  northward,  gathering 
forces  as  he  went. 

unto  Abel,  and  to  Beth-maachali]  Abel  was  apparently  near  Beth- 
Maachah,  which  is  not  elsewhere  mentioned  as  a  distinct  place,  and  was 
commonly  called  Abel-beth-Maachah  to  distinguish  it  from  other  places 
named  Abel  {  =  meadozv).  It  was  also  known  as  Abel  Maim  =:  meadow 
of  watei's  (2  Chr.  xvi.  4).  It  was  one  of  the  towns  which  fell  a  prey  to 
Benhadad  (r  Kings  xv.  20),  and  afterwards  to  Tiglath-pileser  (2  Kings 
XV.  29).  The  name  Maachah  may  point  to  some  connexion  with  the 
Syrian  kingdom  of  that  name  (ch.  x.  6).     Its  site  is  supposed  to  be 


vv.  15—18.]  II.   SAMUEL,  XX.  189 

gathered  together,  and  went  also  after  him.     And  they  came  is 
and  besieged  him  in  Abel  of  Beth-maachah,  and  they  cast 
up  a  bank  against  the  city,  and  it  stood  in  the  trench :  and 
all   the    people  that  were  with  Joab  battered  the  wall,  to 
throw  //  down.     Then  cried  a  wise  woman  out  of  the  city,  16 
Hear,  hear;  say,  I  pray  you,  unto  Joab,  Come  near  hither, 
that  I  may  speak  with  thee.     And  when  he  was  come  near  17 
unto  her,  the  woman  said.  Art  thou  Joab?     And  he  an- 
swered, I  am  he.     Then  she  said  unto  him.  Hear  the  words 
of  thine  handmaid.     And  he  answered,  I  do  hear.     Then  18 
she  spake,  saying,  They  were  wont  to  speak  in  old  time, 
saying,  They  shall  surely  ask  counsel  at  Abel :  and  so  they 

marked  by  the  village  of  Ab'il^  about  twelve  miles  north  of  Lake Huleh, 
the  ancient  Waters  of  Merom. 

all  the  Berites]  If  the  text  is  sound,  Berim  or  the  Berites  must  be 
the  name  of  a  district  or  people  in  northern  Palestine  otherwise  unknown 
to  us.  But  perhaps  following  the  Vulg.  and  the  indications  of  the  Sept. 
we  should  read  and  all  the  chosen  7)ien  were  gathered  together. 

15.  cast  tip  a  ban/S]  The  besiegers  erected  a  mound  of  earth  against 
the  city  wall  to  enable  them  to  batter  the  upper  and  weaker  part  of  it. 
This  stood  in  "the  trench"  or  outwork  of  the  city  :  a  term  which  in- 
cludes the  low  outer  wall  and  the  space  between  it  and  the  main  wall. 
For  mention  of  siege  mounds  see  2  Kings  xix.  32  ;  Is.  xxix.  3  ;  Jer.  vi.  6 ; 
xxxii.  24,  xxxiii.  4;  Ez.  iv.  2,  xvii.  17,  xxi.  22,  xxvi.  8;  ban.  xi.  15. 
They  are  represented  on  the  bas-reliefs  depicting  the  siege  of  Lachish 
which  were  found  at  Kouyunjik.  Layard's  Momimeiits  of  Nineveh^ 
Vol.  II.  PI.  18,  21. 

16.  a  wise  zuoman']     Cp.  ch.  xiv.  2. 

ozit  of  the  city]     The  Sept.  reads  "  from  the  wall." 

18.  They  shall  snrely  ask  counsel  at  Abel]  Let  them  by  all  means 
inquire  of  Abel.  The  phrase  is  that  commonly  used  for  inquiring  of 
God.  Cp.  ch.  xvi.  23.  The  city  had  been  proverbial  for  its  wisdom 
from  ancient  times  ;  men  consulted  it  as  an  oracle  for  the  settlement  of 
their  disputes  ;  a  city  of  such  reputation,  loyal  moreover  and  peaceable, 
ought  not,  she  implies,  to  be  thus  attacked.  Possibly  she  means  further 
to  hint,  that  if  Joab  had  consulted  the  inhabitants,  as  men  were  wont  to 
do  in  olden  times,  and  had  negotiated  for  the  surrender  of  Sheba,  the 
siege  might  have  been  avoided.  This  rendering  is  certainly  preferable 
to  that  in  the  margin  :  77iey  plainly  spake  in  the  beginning,  sayings 
Surely  they  will  ask  of  Abel,  and  so  make  an  aid :  which  means  that  at 
the  beginning  of  the  siege  the  inhabitants  expected  Joab  to  communicate 
with  the  city  and  offer  terms,  in  accordance  with  the  law  which  pre- 
scribed that  a  city  should  be  summoned  to  surrender  before  it  was  be- 
sieged (Deut.  XX.  10  ff.).  An  ancient  Jewish  interpretation  however 
explains  the  passage  to  refer  to  that  law,  for  the  Targum  renders : 
•'  Remember  now  that  which  is  written  in  the  book  of  the  law,  to  ask 


190  II.    SAMUEL,  XX.  [vv.  19—22. 

19  ended  the  matter.  I  am  one  of  them  that  a^-e  peaceable  and 
faithful  in  Israel :  thou  seekest  to  destroy  a  city  and  a 
mother  in  Israel :  why  wilt  thou  swallow  up  the  inheritance 

20  of  the  Lord  ?     And  Joab  answered  and  said,  Far  be  it,  far 

21  be  it  from  me,  that  I  should  swallow  up  or  destroy.  The 
matter  is  not  so  :  but  a  man  of  mount  Ephraim,  Sheba 
the  son  of  Bichri  by  name,  hath  lift  up  his  hand  against 
the  king,  even  against  David :  deliver  him  only,  and  I  will 
depart  from  the  city.  And  the  woman  said  unto  Joab, 
Behold,  his  head  shall  be  thrown  to  thee  over  the   wall. 

22  Then  the  woman  went  unto  all  the  people  in  her  wisdom. 
And  they  cut  off  the  head  of  Sheba  the  son  of  Bichri,  and 
cast  //  out  to  Joab.  And  he  blew  a  trumpet,  and  they 
retired  from  the  city,  every  man  to  his  tent.  And  Joab 
returned  to  Jerusalem  unto  the  king. 

a  city  concerning  peace  at  the  first.  Hast  thou  so  done,  to  ask  of  Abel 
if  they  will  make  peace  ?  "  The  Sept.  renderinj^  maybe  noted  as  curious, 
but  is  probably  derived  from  a  corrupt  text  and  not  to  be  adopted.  "It 
was  asked  \conj.  let  them  ask]  in  Abel  and  in  Dan  whether  the  customs 
have  failed  which  the  faithful  of  Israel  ordained." 

19.  /am  one  of  them  that  are  peaceable  ^.x^di  faithful  in  Israel]  I  am 
peaceable  and  faithful  in  Israel.  The  woman  speaks  in  the  name  of 
the  city,  asserting  its  peaceableness  and  lo3'alty.  By  an  irregularity  of 
construction,  hardly  reproducible  in  English,  the  predicate  is  in  the 
plural,  referring  to  the  inhabitants.  Lit.  I  am  peaceable  faithful  ones  of 
Israel. 

to  destroy  a  city  and  a  mother'\  Lit.  to  slay :  the  personification  of 
the  city  is  kept  up.  On  "  mother"  as  applied  to  a  city  {jnetropolis)  see 
note  on  ch.  viii.  i. 

the  inheritance  of  the  Lord]  Cp.  ch.  x.  12,  xiv.  16;  i  Sam. 
xxvi.  19. 

21.  a  man  of  mount  Ephraim"]  The  name  ''mount  Ephraim," 
applied  to  the  central  mountainous  district  of  Palestine,  was  extended 
southwards  so  as  to  include  part  of  the  territory  of  Benjamin.  See 
note  on  i  Sam.  i.  i. 

22.  in  tier  wisdom]  The  "Preacher"  illustrates  the  truth  that 
"  wisdom  is  better  than  strength"  by  a  parable  strikingly  similar  to  this 
incident,  and  possibly  suggested  by  it  (Eccl.  ix.  13 — 16). 

tJiey  retired]    They  were  dispersed  to  their  several  homes. 

23 — 26.    The  officers  of  David's  court. 

A  similar  h'st  has  aheady  been  given  in  ch.  viii.  16 — 18.  There  the 
account  of  the  general  administration  of  the  kingdom  appropriately 
follows  the  summary  record  of  the  wars  by  which  that  kingdom  was 
established ;  and  the  repetition  of  it  here,  after  David's  restoration  to 


vv.  23— 26;  I.]      II.   SAMUEL,  XX.   XXI.  191 

23 — 26.     The  officers  of  David's  court. 

Now  Joab  was  over  all  the  host  of  Israel :  and  Benaiah  23 
the  son  of  Jehoiada  was  over  the  Cherethites  and  over  the 
Pelethites :  and  Adoram  was  over  the  tribute :  and  Jeho-  24 
shaphat  the  son  of  Ahilud  was  recorder :  and  Sheva  was  25 
scribe :  and  Zadok  and  Abiathar  we7'e  the  priests :  and  Ira  26 
also  the  Jairite  was  a  chief  ruler  about  David. 

Ch.  XXI.  I — II.    A  Three  Years  Famine  for  SaitV  s  massacre 
of  the  Gibeonites.      The  execution  of  Said's  sons. 

Then  there  was  a  famine  in  the  days  of  David  three  years,  21 

the  throne,  is  equally  appropriate.     Some  differences  between  the  lists 
are  explained  by  their  belonging  to  different  periods. 

23.  JoaU\  Retaining  his  post  in  spite  of  David's  resolution  to 
depose  him, 

the  Cherethites]  So  the  Qrt  and  the  Sept.  and  Vulg,  :  but  the 
KtJiihh  has  the  Can,  a  word  found  in  2  Kings  xi.  4,  19  (E.  V.  wrongly 
captains),  and  like  Cherethites  variously  explained  to  mean  executioners^ 
the  body-guard  acting  in  that  capacity,  or  Caj-ians,  foreign  mercenaries 
employed  as  a  body-guard. 

24.  Adoratn]  Perhaps  the  same  as  Adoniram  (i  Kings  iv.  6,  v.  14), 
who  held  the  office  in  Solomon's  reign,  and  Adoram,  who  held  it  at  the 
beginning  of  Rehoboam's  reign  (i  Kings  xii.  iS),  but  possibly  three 
persons  of  the  same  family,  who  succeeded  one  another  in  the  office, 
are  meant.    The  Sept.  reads  Adoniram  here. 

over  the  tribute]  Better  over  the  levy  (i  Kings  iv.  6  marg.,  v,  14); 
superintendent  of  the  forced  levies  employed  in  public  works.  Adoram 
was  stoned  to  death  by  the  people  in  the  rebellion  at  the  beginning  of 
Rehoboam's  reign,  as  the  representative  of  the  hated  system  of  forced 
labour  which  had  oppressed  the  people  beyond  all  endurance  in  Solo- 
mon's reign  (i  Kings  xii.  4).  The  appearance  of  this  new  officer  in  the 
closing  years  of  David's  reign  is  most  significant  of  the  vast  change 
which  had  taken  place  in  the  character  of  his  rule. 

25.  Shcva]  Or  Sheya,  apparently  another  name  for  the  Seraiah  of 
ch.  viii.  17. 

26.  a  chief  ruler  about  David]  Minister  to  David.  The  post 
formerly  held  by  David's  sons.     See  on  ch.  viii.  iS. 

Chap.  XXI.  1 — 11.    A  Three  Years  Famine  for  Saul's  massacre 
OF  THE  Gibeonites.     The  Execution  of  Saul's  sons. 

1.  The7t  there  %vas  a  famine]  Render,  And  there  was  a  famine. 
There  is  no  adverb  of  time  marking  chronological  connexion  with  the 
foregoing  narrative.  In  Palestine  a  famine  v^'as  the  almost  certain  con- 
sequence of  a  failure  of  the  winter  rains,  on  which  both  cornfields  and 
pasturage  depend.     See  i  Kings  xviii.  2;  Joel  i.  8 — 20;  for  famine  as 


192  II.   SAMUEL,  XXI.  [w.  2,  3. 

year  after  year;  and  David  inquired  of  the  Lord.  And 
the  Lord  answered,  //  is  for  Saul,  and  for  his  bloody  house, 

2  because  he  slew  the  Gibeonites.  And  the  king  called  the 
Gibeonites,  and  said  unto  them  ;  (now  the  Gibeonites  were 
not  of  the  children  of  Israel,  but  of  the  remnant  of  the 
Amorites ;  and  the  children  of  Israel  had  sworn  unto  them  : 
and  Saul  sought  to  slay  them  in  his  zeal  to  the  children  of 

3  Israel  and  Judah.)  Wherefore  David  said  unto  the  Gibeon- 
ites, What  shall  I  do  for  you  ?  and  wherewith  shall  I  make 

the  result  of  drought;  and  cp.  Gen.  xii.  10,  xxvi.  i,  xlii.  5;  Ruth  i.  i; 
2  Kings  viii.  i,  2. 

in  the  days  of  David\  This  famine  must  have  occurred  after  David 
became  acquainted  with  Mephibosheth  (ch.  ix.  i  ff.),  for  it  is  expressly 
stated  that  he  spared  Mephibosheth  {v.  7) ;  and  in  all  probability  before 
Absalom's  rebellion,  in  the  account  of  which  we  may  trace  one,  if  not 
two  allusions  to  the  execution  of  Saul's  sons  (ch.  xvi.  7,  8,  xix.  28) ;  but  its 
date  cannot  be  fixed  more  exactly,  and  the  phrase  iji  the  days  of  David 
seems  designedly  indefinite. 

For  a  discussion  of  some  questions  connected  with  the  famine  and 
the  surrender  of  Saul's  sons  for  execution  see  Additional  Note  11., 
p.  234. 

inquired  of  the  Lord]  Sought  the  face  of  Jehovah:  a  phrase  not 
found  elsewhere  in  Samuel,  and  perhaps  indicating  that  this  chapter 
was  taken  by  the  compiler  from  a  different  source.  Cp.  Ps.  xxiv.  6, 
xxvii.  8.  David  sought  to  ascertain  the  cause  of  this  judgment;  for 
famine  was  one  of  the  "four  sore  judgments"  of  God  (Ezek.  xiv.  21  j 
cp.  I  Kings  viii.  35—37). 

his  bloody  house]  His  blood-guilty  house :  upon  which  rested  the 
guilt  of  shedding  innocent  blood.  Cp.  Ps.  v.  6 ;  Ezek.  xxii,  2.  Un- 
expiated  murder  "defiled  the  land,"  and  involved  the  nation  in  punish- 
ment. See  Num.  xxxv.  33,  34;  Deut.  xxi.  7 — 9.  The  Sept.  text  differs 
slightly,  reading:  "  Upon  Saul  and  upon  his  house  is  blood-guiltiness." 

the  Gibeonites]     On  Gibeon  see  note  on  ch.  ii.  12. 

2.  the  Ajuorifes]  Amorites  (  =  highlanders)  is  here  and  elsewhere 
used  as  a  general  designation  for  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  Palestine, 
particularly  those  who  occupied  the  mountainous  country.  See  note  on 
I  Sam.  vii.  14.     The  Gibeonites  belonged  to  the  tribe  of  the  Hivites. 

had  sworn  nnto  the7?i]  See  Josh.  ix.  3  ff.  The  oath  though  obtained 
by  fraud  was  acknowledged  to  be  binding  (Josh.  ix.  19,  20),  and  its 
violation  was  a  breach  of  the  third  commandment  (Ex.  xx.  7). 

in  his  zeal]  Probably  in  a  fit  of  zeal  to  carry  out  the  Law  by  cleansing 
the  land  from  the  remnant  of  the  heathen  (Ex.  xxxiv.  ii — 16;  Deut. 
vii.  2)  as  he  cleansed  it  from  the  soothsayers  (i  Sam.  xxviii.  3). 
There  is  no  allusion  to  the  deed  elsewhere. 

wherezaith  shall  I  make  the  atonement]  The  cognate  substantive — 
also  rendered  satisfaction  (Num.  xxxv.  31)  and  ransom  (Ex.  xxx.  12) — 


vv.  4—7.]  n.   SAMUEL,   XXI.  193 

the   atonement,  that  ye  may  bless  the  inheritance  of  the 
Lord  ?     And  the  Gibeonites  said  unto  him,  We  will  have  4 
no  silver  nor  gold  of  Saul,  nor  of  his  house ;  neither  for  us 
shalt  thou  kill  any  man  in  Israel.     And  he  said,  What  you 
shall  say,  that  will  I  do  for  you.     And  they  answered  the  s 
king,  The  man  that  consumed  us,  and  that  devised  against 
us  that  we  should  be  destroyed  from  remaining  in  any  of 
the  coasts  of  Israel,  let  seven  men  of  his  sons  be  delivered  6 
unto  us,  and  we  will  hang  them  up  unto  the  Lord  in  Gibeah 
of  Saul,  whom  the  Lord  did  choose.     And  the  king  said,  I 
will  give  thefn.     But  the  king  spared  Mephibosheth,  the  son  7 
of  Jonathan  the  son  of  Saul,  because  of  the  Lord's  oath 

means  literally  a  covering.  The  "atonement"  is  a  covering,  which 
hides  the  ofifence  from  the  eyes  of  the  offended  party,  and  withdraws 
the  guilt  from  the  gaze  of  an  avenging  God. 

4.  no  silver  nor  goldl  No  money  compensation  could  expiate  Saul's 
offence.  JMoney-compensation  for  murder  is  allowed  by  the  laws  of 
most  nations  in  a  primitive  stage,  e.g.  of  the  ancient  Germans  (Tac. 
Ger;n.  21);  the  Anglo-Saxons;  and  the  Arabs  of  the  present  day.  It 
was  expressly  forbidden  by  the  Mosaic  Law  (Num.  xxxv.  31,  32), 
because  a  mere  money  fine  is  insufficient  to  enforce  strict  regard  for  life, 
and  such  a  custom  may  easily  be  abused  by  the  rich.  See  Mozley's 
Lectures  on  the  Old  Testament,  p.  207  ff. 

neither  for  us  shalt  thou  kill  any  77ian  in  Israel'\  Our  cry  for  ven- 
geance is  against  the  house  of  Saul,  and  not  against  the  nation  at  large. 

5.  devised'^  This,  and  not  the  marginal  alternative  cut  us  off,  is  the 
right  rendering. 

ill  any  of  the  coasts]  In  aU  the  iDorders.  Coast,  from  costa,  a  rib  or 
side,  originally  meant  any  border  or  frontier-line,  not  the  sea-line  only; 
and  then,  like  the  hsLt. ffies,  the  territory  enclosed  by  the  border. 

6.  seven  men]  A  sacred  number,  for  their  execution  was  to  be  a 
solemn  religious  act  of  expiation. 

we  will  hang  them  tip]  They  were  to  be  impaled  or  crucified,  as  a 
public  exhibition  of  the  punishment  inflicted.  In  all  probability  they 
were  put  to  death  first.  The  practice  corresponds  to  that  of  hanging  a 
criminal's  body  in  chains  on  the  scene  of  his  crime,  which  was  once 
common  in  England. 

unto  the  Lord]  For  the  punishment  was  demanded  by  divine  justice. 
Cp.  Num.  XXV.  4. 

in  Gibeah]  The  home  of  Saul  was  to  be  the  scene  of  the  punish- 
ment. 

whom  the  Lord  did  choose]  The  exact  title,  the  chosen  of  Jehovah, 
is  nowhere  else  given  to  Saul,  but  is  implied  by  i  Sam.  x.  24.  That  it 
should  be  thus  used  by  his  enemies  is  strange.  Was  it  from  a  feeling 
that  the  fact  of  his  divine  election  aggravated  his  guilt? 

7.  the  Lord's  oath]    See  i  Sam.  xviii.  3,  xx.  12 — 17,  42,  xxiii.  i8. 


194  n.   SAMUEL,  XXI.  [vv.  8—10. 

.  that  was  between  them,  between  David  and  Jonathan  the 

8  son  of  Saul.  But  the  king  took  the  two  sons  of  Rizpah  the 
daughter  of  Aiah,  whom  she  bare  unto  Saul,  Armoni  and 
Mephibosheth ;  and  the  five  sons  of  Michal  the  daughter  of 
Saul,  whom  she  brought  up  for  Adriel  the  son  of  Barzillai 

9  the  Meholathite  :  and  he  delivered  them  into  the  hands  of 
the  Gibeonites,  and  they  hanged  them  in  the  hill  before  the 
Lord  :  and  they  fell  all  seven  together,  and  were  put  to 
death  in  the  days  of  harvest,  in  the  first  days,  in  the  begin- 

10  ning  of  barley  harvest.  And  Rizpah  the  daughter  of  Aiah 
took  sackcloth,  and  spread  it  for  her  upon  the  rock'  from 
the  beginning  of  harvest  until  water  dropped  upon  them  out 
of  heaven,  and  suffered  neither  the  birds  of  the  air  to  rest 
on  them  by  day,  nor  the  beasts  of  the  field  by  night. 

8.  the  five  sons  of  Michal.. svhom  she  brought  up  for  Adriel]  The 
Heb.  text  can  only  mean  "whom  she  bare  to  Adriel.  But  it  was  Merab, 
not  Michal,  who  was  married  to  Adriel  (i  Sam.  xviii.  19).  Conse- 
quently we  must  either  read  Merab  for  Michal,  or  take  the  explanation 
given  in  the  Targum  and  adopted  by  the  E.V. :  "the  five  sons  of  Merab, 
(whom  Michal  the  daughter  of  Saul  brought  up),  whom  she  bare  to 
Adriel." 

the  Meholathite]  Of  Abel-Meholah,  a  town  in  the  Jordan  valley  near 
Beth-shan,  famous  as  the  birth-place  of  Elisha  (i  Kings  xix.  16). 

9.  in  the  first  days]  Barley  harvest  preceded  wheat  harvest,  and 
began  about  the  middle  or  end  of  April.  Cp.  Ex.  ix.  31,  32;  Ruth  i. 
22,  ii.  23. 

10.  spread  it]  As  a  rough  tent  to  shelter  her  while  she  watched  the 
corpses.  The  usage  of  the  word  is  decisive  against  understanding  it  to 
mean  spread  it  under  her  for  a  bed,  as  is  done  by  the  Vulg.  and  most 
commentators. 

dropped  iipo7t  them]  Was  poured  upon  tliem  (cp.  Ex.  ix.  33) :  that  is, 
until  heavy  rains  shewed  that  the  crime  was  expiated  and  the  judgment  of 
drought  withdrawn.  The  bodies  were  left  hanging,  instead  of  being 
taken  down  on  the  day  of  execution  (Deut.  xxi.  23),  until  assurance  was 
given  that  the  satisfaction  had  been  accepted.  If  the  rain  did  not  fall 
until  the  usual  season,  Rizpah  must  have  kept  her  devoted  watch  for  six 
months,  from  April  to  October. 

neither  the  birds... nor  the  beasts]  To  become  the  prey  of  bird  and 
beast — the  certain  fate  of  an  unburied  corpse — was  the  depth  of  ignominy. 
Cp.  I  Sam.  xvii.  44,  46.  "If  an  animal  falls  at  night,"  writes  an  Eastern 
traveller,  "it  is  not  attacked  till  daylight,  unless  iDy  the  jackals  and 
hytenas ;  but  if  it  be  slaughtered  after  sunrise,  though  the  human  eye 
may  scan  the  firmament  for  a  vulture  in  vain,  within  five  minutes  a  speck 
will  appear  overhead,  and  wheeling  and  circling  in  a  rapid  downward 
flight,  a  huge  griffon  will  pounce  on  the  carcase.     In  a  few  minutes  a 


vv.  II— 14.]  11.   SAMUEL,   XXI.  195 

II — 14.    Burial  of  the  bones  of  Saul  and  his  sons. 

And  it  was  told  David  what  Rizpah  the  daughter  of  Aiah, 
the  concubine  of  Saul,  had  done.  And  David  went  and 
took  the  bones  of  Saul  and  the  bones  of  Jonathan  his  son 
from  the  men  of  Jabesh-gilead,  which  had  stolen  them  from 
the  street  of  Beth-shan,  where  the  PhiHstines  had  hanged 
them,  when  the  Philistines  had  slain  Saul  in  Gilboa :  and  he 
brought  up  from  thence  the  bones  of  Saul  and  the  bones  of 
Jonathan  his  son ;  and  they  gathered  the  bones  of  them  that 
were  hanged.  And  the  bones  of  Saul  and  Jonathan  his  son 
buried  they  in  the  country  of  Benjamin  in  Zelah,  in  the 
sepulchre  of  Kish  his  father :  and  they  performed  all  that 
the  king  commanded.  And  after  that  God  was  in  treated  for 
the  land. 

second  and  third  will  dart  down ;  another  and  another  follows — griffons, 
Egyptian  vultures,  eagles,  kites,  buzzards  and  ravens,  till  the  air  is 
darkened  by  the  crowd.  '  Wheresoever  the  carcase  is,  there  will  the 
eagles  be  gathered  together.' "    Tristram's  Nat  Hist,  of  the  Bible,  p.  169. 

11—14.    Burial  of  the  bones  of  Saul  and  his  sons. 

11.  The  curious  addition  of  the  Sept.  to  this  verse,  "and  they  were 
unfastened,  and  Dan  the  son  of  Joash,  who  was  of  the  descendants  of 
the  giant,  took  them  down,"  is  almost  certainly  a  corrupt  rendering  of 
vv.  15,  16,  placed  here  by  mistake. 

12.  David  went]  Touched  by  Rizpah's  maternal  devotion,  and 
wishing  to  shew  that  he  had  no  personal  enmity  to  the  house  of  Saul. 

the  men  of  fabesh-gilead]  The  citizens,  lit.  lords  or  possessors  of 
Jabesh-Gilead;  a  term  peculiar  to  the  books  of  Joshua,  Judges,  and 
Samuel  (Josh.  xxiv.  11 ;  Jud.  ix.  2  ff.,  xx.  5;  i  Sam.  xxiii.  11,  12).  For 
their  bold  rescue  of  the  bodies  see  i  Sam.  xxxi.  11 — 13.  Cp.  2  Sam. 
ii.  4. 

the  street]  The  bodies  were  hung  on  the  wall  (i  Sam.  xxxi.  10)  in 
the  square  or  open  place  just  inside  the  gate,  the  public  meeting-place 
of  all  the  citizens.     Cp.  2  Chr.  xxxii.  6;  Neh.  viii.  i,  3,  16. 

Beth-shan]  Now  Beis&Uy  four  miles  west  of  the  Jordan  in  the  Wady 
jfdlM.     See  note  on  i  Sam.  xxxi.  10. 

14.  Jojiathan  his  son]  The  Sept.  adds,  "and  the  bones  of  them 
that  were  hanged." 

Zelah]  Enumerated  among  the  towns  of  Benjamin  in  Josh,  xviii.  28, 
but  not  yet  identified.  Beit  Jala  near  Bethlehem,  which  has  been  sug- 
gested, is  not  in  the  tribe  of  Benjamin. 

God  was  intreated]  Accepted  the  intreaty  or  intercession  thus  made 
on  behalf  of  the  land.  Cp.  ch.  xxiv.  25;  Gen.  xxv.  21  ;  2  Chr.  xxxiii. 
13- 

13—2 


195  11.    SAMUEL,   XXI.  [vv.  15—17. 

15 — 22.    Heroic  exploits  in  the  Philistine  wars. 

15  Moreover  the  Philistines  had  yet  war  again  with  Israel ; 
and  David  went  down,  and  his  servants  with  him,  and  fought 

16  against  the  Philistines :  and  David  waxed  faint.  And  Ishbi- 
benob,  which  was  of  the  sons  of  the  giant,  the  weight  of 
whose  spear  weighed  three  hundred  shekels  of  brass  in  weight, 
he  being  girded  with  a  new  sword,  thought  to  have  slain 

17  David.  But  Abishai  the  son  of  Zeruiah  succoured  him,  and 
smote  the  Philistine,  and  killed  him.  Then  the  men  of 
David  sware  unto  him,  saying,  Thou  shalt^go  no  more  out 

15—22.    Heroic  exploits  in  the  Philistine  wars. 

This  section  is  quite  unconnected  with  the  preceding  narrative.  It 
is  perhaps  a  fragment  from  some  "  book  of  golden  deeds "  recording 
the  exploits  of  David  and  his  warriors.  From  such  a  chronicle  may 
also  be  derived  ch.  xxiii.  8 — 39,  possibly  ch.  v.  17 — 25,  and  some  other 
sections  of  the  book. 

vv.  18 — 22  are  also  preserved  in  Chronicles,  where  they  are  placed 
immediately  after  the  capture  of  Rabbah  ( i  Chr.  xx.  4 — 8). 

15.  had  yet  war  again]  "Again"  refers  to  earlier  wars,  the  ac- 
count of  which  preceded  this  narrative  in  the  document  from  which  it 
was  taken. 

went  dowti]  From  the  high  lands  of  Judah  to  the  low  country  of 
Philistia — the  Shephelah  or  maritime  plain. 

16.  Ishbi-benob]  Perhaps="  dweller  on  a  height,"  a  name  given 
him  because  he  lived  in  some  inaccessible  castle.  But  there  are  good 
reasons  for  suspecting  that  there  is  some  corruption  in  the  text,  and  that 
the  giant's  real  name  has  been  lost. 

of  the  sons  of  the  giant]  The  word  for  S07ts  is  one  specially  used  of 
the  progeny  of  the  giant  races  of  Canaan  (Num.  xiii.  22,  28;  Josh. 
XV.  14).  Rdphdh,  or  with  the  article  ha-Rdphdh,  translated  "the 
giant,"  may  be  a  quasi  proper-name  for  the  father  of  the  four  giants 
here  mentioned,  or,  more  probably,  for  the  founder  of  the  tribe  of 
Rephaim.  The  Vulg.  has  Arapha,  and  hence  comes  Harapha,  the 
name  of  the  giant  introduced  in  Milton's  Samson  Agonistes. 

three  htmdred  shekels]  About  nine  pounds :  half  the  weight  of  Go- 
liath's spear  head. 

brass]     See  note  on  ch.  viii.  8. 

with  a  new  sword]  There  is  no  substantive  expressed  in  the  He- 
brew: the  Vulg.  supplies  sword:  others  stcit  of  artnotir :  the  Sept.  reads 
a  mace  instead  of  the  word  new,  and  this  suggests  the  probability  that 
the  original  reading  was  some  rare  word,  denoting  a  specially  formida- 
ble kind  of  weapon. 

17.  and  smote]  Perhaps,  and  lie  (David)  smote  j  as  v.  22  seems  to 
imply  that  one  of  them  fell  by  David's  own  hand. 


vv.  i8,  19-]  11.    SAMUEL,   XXI.  197 

with  us  to  battle,  that  thou  quench  not  the  hght  of  Israel. 
And  it  came  to  pass  after  this,  that  there  was  again  a  battle  18 
with  the  Philistines  at  Gob  :  then  Sibbechai  the  Hushathite 
slew  Saph,  which  was  of  the  sons  of  the  giant.     And  there  .9 
was   again   a    battle   in    Gob   with   the    Philistines,  where 
Elhanan  the  son  of  Jaare-oregim,  a  Beth-lehemite,  slew  the 


that  thou  qicench  not  the  light  of  Israel]  Extinguishing  tlie  lamp  is 
a  natural  metaphor  for  changing  the  light  of  prosperity  into  the  dark- 
ness of  calamity ;  and  in  particular  David's  sovereignty  was  the  lamp 
which  God's  favour  had  lighted  for  the  well-being  of  His  people.  An 
Arab  in  misfortune  says,  "Fate  has  put  out  my  lamp."  Cp.  Job  xviii. 
6 ;  Prov.  xiii.  9.  The  expression  light  of  Israel  seems  to  indicate  that 
David  was  already  king  of  all  Israel,  and  if  so,  the  incident  may  have 
happened  in  one  of  the  wars  recorded  in  ch.  v.  17 — 25. 

18.  at  Gob]  A  place  mentioned  only  here  and  in  v.  19.  The 
Sept.  reads  Gath^  the  parallel  passage  in  Chron.  Gezer;  and  we  must 
suppose  that  Gob  is  either  a  corruption  of  the  text,  or  some  otherwise 
unknown  place  perhaps  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Gezer,  for  which  see 
note  on  ch.  v.  25. 

Sibbechai  the  Hushathite]  One  of  David's  heroes  (i  Chr.  xi.  29), 
general  of  the  eighth  division  of  the  army  (i  Chr.  xxvii.  11).  See  note 
on  ch.  xxiii.  27. 

Saph]  Written  Sippai  in  Chron.,  where  it  is  added  that  the  Philis- 
tines were  subdued. 

19.  in  Gob]  The  Sept.  reads  Rom  (B)  or  Gob  (A),  and  Chron. 
omits  the  name  of  the  place  altogether. 

where  Elhanan,  &c.]  Lit.  and  Elhanan  the  son  of  Jaare-oregim, 
the  Bethlehemite,  slew  Goliath  the  Gittite.  The  words  the  brother  of 
are  conjecturally  inserted  in  the  E.  V.  from  i  Chron.  They  are  not 
found  here  in  the  Hebrew  text,  or  in  any  of  the  ancient  versions.  The 
parallel  passage  in  i  Chr.  xx.  5  reads  atid  Elhanan  the  son  of  Jair  sle%t) 
LaJwii  the  brother  of  Goliath  the  Gittite.  Now  (i)  the  reading  Jair  is 
certainly  preferable  to  J aare-oregiin.  Oregim,  the  word  for  weavers  in 
the  line  below,  was  inserted  by  a  careless  scribe,  and  the  Hebrew  letters 
of  Jair  {T'j;"')  transposed  so  as  to  read  Jaare  (ny).  (2)  The  letters 
of  the  words  Beih-lehemite,  Goliath,  which  stand  together  in  the  Heb. 
text,  so  closely  resemble  those  of  lahmi  the  brother  of  Goliath,  that  it  is 
almost  certain  that  one  reading  is  an  accidental  corruption  of  the  other. 
But  which  is  the  original  it  is  not  easy  to  decide.  There  is  no  difficulty 
in  supposing  that  another  giant,  beside  the  one  slain  by  David,  bore 
the  name  of  Goliath.  Another  Elhanan  of  Beth-lehem  is  mentioned  in 
ch.  xxiii.  24. 

There  is  a  curious  Jewish  tradition,  preserved  in  the  Targum  and  by 
Jerome  {Quaest.  Hebr.  in  libros  Regum),  identifying  Elhanan  with 
David.  The  Targum  here  paraphrases  thus:  "And  David,  the  son  of 
Jesse  the  weaver  of  veils  for  the  sanctuary,  who  was  of  Beth-lehem, 


198  II.    SAMUEL,  XXI.  [vv.  20—22. 

brother  of  Goliath  the  Gittite,  the  staff  of  whose  spear  was 
;Hke  a  weaver's  beam.  And  there  was  yet  a  battle  in 
Gath,  where  was  a  man  of  great  stature,  that  had  on  every 
hand  six  fingers,  and  on  every  foot  six  toes,  four  and  twenty 
ifi  number ;  and  he  also  was  born  to  the  giant.  And  when 
he  defied  Israel,  Jonathan  the  son  of  Shimea  the  brother 
I  of  David  slew  him.  These  four  were  born  to  the  giant  in 
Gath,  and  fell  by  the  hand  of  David,  and  by  the  hand  of  his 
servants. 

slew  Goliath  the  Gittite."    But  there  is  no  evidence  whatever  in  sup- 
port of  this  idea. 

the  staff  of  whose  spear,  &c.]  Cp.  i  Sam.  xvii.  7;  i  Chr.  xi.  2  3. 
The  shaft  of  his  spear,  short,  but  extraordinarily  stout  and  heavy,  was 
popularly  compared  to  the  ' '  beam  "  to  which  the  web  is  fastened  in 
a  loom. 

20.  six  fingers... six  toes]  Pliny  mentions  such  a  peculiarity  {Hist. 
Nat.  xi.  43),  and  it  is  not  unknown  in  modern  times. 

21.  defied  Israel]     Cp.  i  Sam.  xvii.  10,  25,  26. 

yonathan]  David's  nephew,  brother  of  the  astute  Jonadab  (ch. 
xiii.  3). 

22.  were  born  to  the  giant]  Were  descendants  of  Kapha,  or,  the 
giant :  not  necessarily  all  four  sons  of  one  man.     See  note  on  v.  16. 

Ch.  XXII.    David's  thanksgiving  for  deliverance  from  his 

ENEMIES. 

This  magnificent  hymn  is  substantially  identical  with  Psalm  xviii. 
The  chief  variations  are  pointed  out  in  the  notes,  and  some  general 
remarks  on  the  difference  of  the  two  texts  will  be  found  in  Additional 
Note  III.,  p.  235. 

It  was  written,  as  the  title  indicates,  when  David's  triumphs  over 
his  enemies  at  home  and  abroad  were  still  recent.  Its  composition 
may  with  much  probability  be  assigned  to  the  period  of  peace  de- 
scribed in  ch.  vii.  i ;  but  must  be  placed  after  Nathan's  visit,  as  v. 
51  seems  clearly  to  refer  to  the  great  promise  made  through  him. 
The  free  and  joyous  tone  of  the  Psalm,  and  its  bold  expressions  of  con- 
scious integrity,  also  point  to  the  earlier  years  of  David's  reign  rather 
than  the  later,  overclouded  as  these  were  by  the  fatal  consequences  of 
his  sin. 

This  chapter  is  the  Haphtarah  or  lesson  from  the  prophets  appointed 
to  be  read  in  the  Synagogue  on  the  Sabbath  in  conjunction  with  Deut. 
xxxii.  according  to  the  ritual  of  the  Sephardiin  or  Spanish  Jews,  and 
also  on  the  seventh  day  of  the  Passover. 

1.    The  title. 

1.  Compare  the  inscriptions  which  introduce  Moses'  songs  in  the 
historical  narrative  (Ex.  xv.  i;  Deut.  xxxi.  30).     This  inscription  seems 


vv.  1—3.]  11.    SAMUEL,  XXII.  199 

Ch.  XXI  I.    David's  thanksgiving  for  deliverance  fi'oin  his 
eneinies. 

I.     TJie  title. 

And  David  spake  unto  the  Lord  the  words  of  this  song  22 
in    the  day  that  the  Lord  had  deUvered  him  out  of  the 
hand  of  all  his  enemies,  and  out  of  the  hand  of  Saul :  and  2 
he  said, 

2 — -4.    Introductory  invocatiofi  of  Jehovah. 

The  Lord  is  my  rock,  and  my  fortress,  and  my  deliverer; 
The  God  of  my  rock ;  in  him  will  I  trust :  3 

He  is  my  shield,  and  the  horn  of  my  salvation,  my  high 
tower,  and  my  refuge, 

to  have  been  taken  by  the  compiler  of  Samuel  and  the  compiler  of  the 
Psalter  from  a  common  source — probably  one  of  the  prophetic  histories 
of  David's  reign — in  which  this  Psalm  M'as  incorporated. 

in  the  day  that]     i.  e.  at  the  tz?fie  when. 

out  of  the  ha)id  of  Saul]  Specially  mentioned  because  Saul  was  the 
bitterest  and  most  implacable  of  his  enemies,  and  because  the  deliver- 
ance from  his  power  raised  David  to  the  throne  of  Israel. 

2—4.    Introductory  invocation  of  Jehovah. 
2.      The  Lord  is  my  roc1i\     The  opening  address  to  God,  found  in 
Ps.  xviii.,  **  Fervently  do  I  love  thee  O  Jehovah  my  strength,"  is  want- 
ing here. 

2,  3.  The  imagery,  by  which  David  describes  so  emphatically  all 
that  Jehovah  had  been  to  him  as  a  Deliverer  from  his  enemies,  is  de- 
rived from  the  experiences  of  his  warlike  life,  and  particularly  of  his 
flight  from  Saul.  The  cliff  (i  Sam.  xxiii.  25,  28)  where  he  had  escaped 
from  Saul,  the  strong-liold  in  the  wilderness  of  Judah  or  the  fastnesses 
of  Engedi  (i  Sam.  xxiii.  14,  19,  29),  "the  rocks  of  the  wild  goats" 
(r  Sam.  xxiv.  2),  were  all  emblems  of  Him  who  had  been  throughout 
iiis  true  Refuge  and  Deliverer. 

3.  The  God  of  my  rock]  —  my  strong  God  :  but  it  is  better  to  alter 
the  vowel  points  and  read  as  in  the  Ps.,  "my  God,  my  Rock."  The 
title  Rock  is  frequently  used  to  describe  the  strength,  faithfulness,  and 
unchangeableness  of  God.  See  Deut.  xxxii.  4,  37;  i  Sam.  ii.  2;  Ps. 
xxviii.  I,  &c. 

in  him  tvill  I  trusti  Better,  in  whom  I  take  refuge :  carrying  on 
the  metaphor  of  a  hiding-place  in  the  rocks.  Quoted  in  Heb.  ii.  13; 
cp.  Ps.  xciv.  22. 

my  shield]  Compare  God's  promise  to  Abram  (Gen.  xv.  i);  and 
Deut.  xxxiii.  29. 

ilie  horn  of  my  salvation]     The  Power  which  saves  and  delivers  me. 


200  II.   SAMUEL,  XXII.  [vv.  4—7. 

My  saviour;  thou  savest  me  from  violence.  ^ 

4'     I  will  call  on  the  Lord,  who  is  worthy  to  be  praised  : 
So  shall  I  be  saved  from  mine  enemies. 

5 — 7.     The  Psalmisfs  perils.     His  cry  for  help. 

5  When  the  waves  of  death  compassed  me, 
The  floods  of  ungodly  men  made  me  afraid ; 

6  The  sorrows  of  hell  compassed  me  about ; 
The  snares  of  death  prevented  me  : 

7  In  my  distress  I  called  upon  the  Lord, 
And  cried  to  my  God : 

And  he  did  hear  my  voice  out  of  his  temple, 
And  my  cry  did  enter  into  his  ears. 

The  figure  of  the  horn,  as  a  symbol  of  victorious  strength,  is  derived 
from  horned  animals.     Cp.  Deut.  xxxiii.  17;  Lk.  i.  69. 

and  my  refuge,  &c.]  The  words,  "and  my  retreat,  my  saviour, 
thou  savest  me  from  violence,"  are  omitted  in  Ps.  xviii. 

4.  /  will  call... so  shall  I  be  saved'\  Better,  I  called... and  I  -was 
saved.  The  tenses  are  frequentative,  describing  David's  habitual 
experience  of  God's  readiness  to  answer  prayer.  This  verse  presents 
"  the  theme  of  the  Psalm." 

5—7.    The  Psalmist's  perils.    His  cry  for  help. 

5,  6.     For  breakers  of  death  had  compassed  me, 

torrents  of  destruction  were  affrighting  me, 
cords  of  Sheol  had  surrounded  me, 
snares  of  death  had  encountered  me. 

The  perils  to  which  he  had  been  exposed  are  described  as  waves  and 
floods  which  threatened  to  engulf  him:  Sheol  and  death  are  represented 
as  laying  wait  for  his  life  like  hunters  with  nets  and  snares. 

5.  waves']     Ps.  xviii.  4  reads  cords  as  in  z*.  6;  E.V.  sorrows, 
ungodly  meti]   Heb.  Belial.    See  note  on  i  Sam.  i.  16.    The  parallelism 

points  to  the  meaning  destruction,  physical  mischief,  instead  of  the 
ordinary  meaning  wickedness,  moral  mischief. 

6.  the  sorrows  of  hell]  The  word  may  no  doubt  mean  pangs,  as  it 
is  translated  in  the  Sept.  (co5t>es,  cp.  Acts  ii.  24) ;  but  is  better  explained 
of  the  cords  or  nets  of  the  hunter.  Hell  is  Shedl  (Gr.  Hades),  the 
mysterious  unseen  world,  ready  to  seize  and  swallow  up  its  victim.  See 
note  on  i  Sam.  ii.  6. 

7.  called... cried]  This  rendering  represents  a  difference  of  words 
found  in  the  Heb.  of  Ps.  xviii.  6,  but  not  here.  It  is  however  supported 
by  the  Sept.  and  is  probably  the  true  reading. 

out  of  his  temple]  The  palace  temple  of  heaven,  where  He  sits  enthroned. 
Cp.  Ps.  xi.  4. 

and  my  cry  did  enter  into  his  ears]     In  place  of  the  terse  expression 


V.  8.]  II.   SAMUEL,  XXir.  201 

8 — 1 6.     The  manifestation  of  Jehovah  for  the  discomfiture 
of  Davids s  enemies. 

Then  the  earth  shook  and  trembled ;  t 

The  foundations  of  heaven  moved 
And  shook,  because  he  was  wroth. 

my  cry  was  in  his  earSy  Ps.  xviii.  6  reads  "  my  cry  before  him  came  into 
his  ears." 

8 — 16.    The  manifestation  of  Jehovah  for  the  discomfiture 
OF  David's  enemies. 

Earthquake  and  storm  are  regarded  as  the  visible  manifestations  of 
Divine  Power :  and  therefore  God's  interposition  for  the  deliverance  of 
His  servant  from  the  perils  that  surrounded  him  is  described  as  ac- 
companied by  terrible  phenomena  in  nature.  We  have  here  an  ideal 
description  of  a  Theophany,  based  on  the  description  of  the  Theophany 
at  Sinai.  See  Ex,  xix.  16 — 18;  and  cp.  Ps.  Ixviii.  8,  Ixxvii.  16 — 18; 
Jud.  V.  4,  5.  It  is  not  indeed  impossible  that  David  refers  to  some 
occasion  when  his  enemies  were  scattered  by  the  breaking  of  a  terrible 
storm  (cp.  Josh.  x.  11 ;  i  Sam.  vii.  10) :  but  we  have  no  record  of  such 
an  event  having  actually  happened  in  his  life;  and  in  any  case  the 
picture  is  designed  to  serve  as  a  description  of  God's  intervention  for 
his  deliverance  in  general,  and  not  upon  any  single  occasion.  His 
power  was  exerted  as  really  and  truly  as  if  all  these  extraordinary 
natural  phenomena  had  visibly  attested  His  Advent. 

The  earthquake  {v.  8);  the  distant  lightnings  [v.  9);  the  gathering 
darkness  of  the  storm  [vv.  10 — 12);  the  final  outburst  of  its  fury 
{vv.  13 — 16);  are  pictured  in  regular  succession. 

Ps.  xxix.  may  be  compared  as  illustrating  David's  sense  of  the  grandeur 
and  significance  of  natural  phenomena. 

8.  shook  and  trembled]  The  paronomasia  of  the  original  may  be 
preserved  by  translating,  and  the  earth  did  shake  and  quake. 

the  fotcndations  of  heaven]  The  mountains  on  which  the  vault  of 
heaven  seems  to  rest:  cp.  "the  pillars  of  heaven"  (Job  xxvi.  11):  or 
perhaps  the  universe  is  regarded  as  a  vast  building,  without  any  precise 
application  of  the  details  of  the  metaphor.  See  note  on  i  Sam.  ii.  8. 
For  heaven  Ps.  xviii.  7  reads  "the  mountains." 

9.  Smoke  arose  in  his  nostril, 

and  fire  from  his  mouth  did  devour : 

hot  coals  came  burning  from  him. 
The  startling  boldness  of  the  language  will  be  intelligible  if  the  distinctive 
character  of  Hebrew  symbolism  is  borne  in  mind.  It  is  no  "gross 
anthropomorphism,"  for  the  Psalmist  did  not  intend  that  the  mind's 
eye  should  clothe  his  figure  in  a  concrete  form.  His  aim  is  vividly  to 
express  the  manifestation  of  the  wrath  of  God,  and  he  does  so  in  figures 
which  are  intended  to  remain  as  purely  mental  conceptions,  not  to  be 
realised  as  though   God  appeared  in  any  visible  shape.     See  some 


202  II.   SAMUEL,   XXII.  [vv.  9— II. 

There  went  up  a  smoke  out  of  his  nostrils, 

And  fire  out  of  his  mouth  devoured  : 

Coals  were  kindled  by  it. 

He  bowed  the  heavens  also,  and  came  down ; 

And  darkness  was  under  his  feet. 

And  he  rode  upon  a  cherub,  and  did  fly : 

And  he  was  seen  upon  the  wings  of  the  wind. 


excellent  remarks  in  Archbishop  Trench's  Comm.  on  the  Epistles  to  the 
Seven  Churches^  P-  43- 

a  smoke\  The  outward  sign  of  the  pent-up  fires  of  wrath.  So  anger 
is  said  to  smoke  (Ps.  Ixxiv.  i,  Ixxx.  4  marg.).  This  bold  figure  is  suggested 
by  the  panting  and  snorting  of  an  angry  animal.  Cp.  Job  xli.  20 ;  in 
ilkistration  of  which  Mr  Cox  quotes  from  Bertram's  Travels  in  Carolina: 
"I  perceived  a  crocodile  rush  from  a  small  lake...  Thick  smoke  came 
with  a  thundering  noise  from  his  nostrils."  Martial  speaks  oifumantem 
nasiim  ursi  "the  smoking  nostril  of  an  angry  bear"  {Epigr.  vi. 
64.  28). 

Jire'l  Compare  again  Job's  description  of  Leviathan  (xli.  19 — 21). 
Fire  is  the  constant  emblem  of  the  consuming  wrath  of  God.  See 
Deut.  xxxii.  22 ;  Ps.  xcvii.  3 ;  Heb.  xii.  29. 

coals']    The  fiery  messengers  of  vengeance.     Cp.  Ps.  cxl.  10. 

10.  He  bowed  the  heavens]  The  dark  canopy  of  storm  cloud,  which 
is  the  pavement  under  His  feet  (Nah.  i.  3),  lowers  as  He  descends  to 
judgment.  God  is  said  to  come  down  virhen  He  manifests  His  power 
in  the  world  (Gen.  xi.  7,  xviii.  21;  Is.  Ixiv.  i).  Darkness  symbolizes 
the  mystery  and  terror  of  His  Advent  (Ex.  xix.  16,  xx.  21 ;  i  Kings  viii. 
12;  Ps.  xcvii.  2). 

11.  he  rode  upon  a  cherub]  As  the  Shechinah,  or  m3rstic  Presence 
of  God  in  the  cloud  of  glory,  rested  over  the  Cherubim  which  were  upon 
the  "Mercy-seat"  or  covering  of  the  Ark  (ch.  vi.  2),  so  in  this  Theophany 
God  is  represented  "riding  upon  a  Cherub,"  as  the  living  throne  on 
which  He  traverses  space. 

The  Cherubim  appear  in  Scripture  {a)  as  the  guardians  of  Paradise 
(Gen.  iii.  24) :  {b)  as  sculptured  or  wrought  figures  in  the  Tabernacle 
and  Temple  (Ex.  xxv.  17 — 20,  xxvi.  i,  &c.) :  (c)  in  prophetic  visions 
as  the  attendants  of  God  (Ezek.  x.  i  ff;  cp.  Ezek.  i.;  Is.  vi. ;  Rev.  iv.). 
The  Cherubim  of  the  Tabernacle  and  Temple  seem  to  have  been 
winged  human  figures,  representing  the  angelic  attendants  who  minister 
in  God's  Presence :  those  of  Ezekiel's  vision  appear  as  composite  figures 
(Ezek.  X.  20,  21),  symbolical  perhaps  of  all  the  powers  of  nature,  which 
wait  upon  God  and  fulfil  His  Will. 

was  seen]  The  true  reading  is  that  preserved  in  Ps.  xviii.  10,  did  fly, 
a  peculiar  word  used  of  the  swooping  of  an  eagle  (Deut.  xxviii.  49; 
Jer.  xlviii.  40,  xlix.  22).  The  consonants  of  the  two  words  are  so 
nearly  alike  (NT**!— ^<'^''1),  that  the  rarer  word  would  be  easily  altered 


vv.  12—16.]  II.   SAMUEL,   XXII.  203 

And  he  made  darkness  pavilions  round  about  him,  12 

Dark  waters,  and  thick  clouds  of  the  skies. 

Through  the  brightness  before  him  13 

Were  coals  of  fire  kindled. 

The  Lord  thundered  from  heaven,  14 

And  the  most  High  uttered  his  voice. 

And  he  sent  out  arrows,  and  scattered  them ;  15 

Lightning,  and  discomfited  them. 

And  the  channels  of  the  sea  appeared,  16 

The  foundations  of  the  world  were  discovered, 

At  the  rebuking  of  the  Lord, 

At  the  blast  of  the  breath  of  his  nostrils. 


into  the  more  common  one.     For  "the  wings   of  the  wind"  cp.  Ps. 
civ.  3. 

12.  More  fully  in  Ps.  xviii.  11 :  "He  made  darkness  his  secret  place, 
his  pavilion  round  about  him ;  even  darkness  of  waters,  thick  clouds  of 
the  skies."  The  darkness  of  the  clouds  is  the  tent  in  which  God 
shrouds  His  Majesty. 

dark  watersl  So  Ps.  xviii.  11;  but  the  word  here,  which  is  most 
probably  the  original  reading,  means  the  gathering  of  waters. 

13.  Through  the  brightness^  &c.]  Out  of  the  brightness,  &c.  The 
lightning  flashes  which  now  i)urst  through  the  dense  cloud,  are  as  it 
were  rays  of  the  "unapproachable  light"  in  which  Pie  dwells.  The 
text  of  Ps.  xviii.  12  is  fuller  and  probably  more  correct:  "Out  of  the 
brightness  before  him  there  passed  through  his  clouds  hailstones  and 
coals  of  fire. " 

14.  the  most  High']  The  name  of  God  as  the  Supreme  Ruler  of  the 
Universe.     Cp.  Gen.  xiv.  18 — 22;  Deut.  xxxii.  8. 

uttered  his  voice]  Thunder  is  the  voice  of  God.  See  Job  xxxvii.  2 — 5. 
The  repetition  of  "hailstones  and  coals  of  fire"  in  Ps.  xviii.  13  is  pro- 
bably due  to  an  error  of  transcription. 

15.  scattered  them]  "Them"  obviously  refers  to  the  enemies  whose 
destruction  was  the  object  of  this  divine  interposition  [v.  4). 

discomfited  them]  A  word  denoting  the  confusion  of  a  sudden  panic^ 
and  used  specially  of  supernatural  defeat.  Cp.  Ex.  xiv.  34  (E.  V. 
trotcbled);  Josh.  x.  10;  Jud.  iv.  15;   i  Sam.  vii.  10. 

16.  All  nature  is  pictured  as  convulsed  to  its  lowest  depths;  the  sea 
dried  up,  and  the  hidden  bases  of  the  world  laid  bare,  owning  their 
Lord  and  Master,  as  of  old  at  the  passage  of  the  Red  Sea,  when  "He 
rebuked  the  Red  Sea,  and  it  was  dried  up."  See  Ex.  xv.  8;  Ps.  civ.  7, 
cvi.  9 ;  Nah.  i.  4.     Cp.  too  Mt.  viii.  26. 

were  discovered]     Discover  in   Bible   English   generally   retains   its 
literal  meaning  'to  uncover,'  'lay  bare.' 
at  the  blast,  &c.]     Cp.  v.  9. 


204  II.   SAMUEL,   XXII.  [vv.  17—21. 

1 7 — 2 1 .   Jehovah^  s  deliverance  of  his  servant  for  his 
faiihfultiess. 

He  sent  from  above,  he  took  me ; 

He  drew  me  out  of  many  waters  ; 

He  delivered  me  from  my  strong  enemy, 

And  from  them  that  hated  me  :  for  they  were  too  strong 

for  me. 
They  prevented  me  in  the  day  of  my  calamity; 
But  the  Lord  was  my  stay. 
He  brought  me  forth  also  into  a  large  place : 
He  delivered  me,  because  he  delighted  in  me. 
The  Lord  rewarded  me  according  to  my  righteousness : 

17 — 21.    Jehovah's  deliverance  of  his  servant  for  his  faith- 
fulness. 

17.  He  sent  from  above]  He  reached  forth  from  on  high  :  stretched 
out  His  hand  and  caught  hold  of  the  sinking  man,  and  drew  him  out  of 
the  floods  of  calamity  which  were  engulfing  him.     Cp.  v.  5  ;  Ps.  cxliv.  7. 

drew  me]  A  word  found  elsewhere  only  in  Ex.  ii.  10,  and  suggesting 
a  parallel,  as  though  David  would  say,  *  He  drew  me  out  of  the  great 
waters  of  distress,  as  He  drew  Moses  out  of  the  waters  of  the  Nile, 
to  be  the  deliverer  of  His  people.' 

19.  TAey  prevented  me]  They  encountered  me,  the  same  word  as 
in  V.  6,  meaning  to  meet  with  hostile  intention.  Frevejzt  is  used  in  a 
sense  which  illustrates  the  transition  from  the  original  meaning  '  to  go 
before '  to  the  modern  meaning  *  to  hinder.'  See  the  Bible  Word  Book, 
p.  383.     Cp.  Milton's  Paradise  Lost,  vi.  129  : 

Half  way  he  met 
His  daring  foe,  at  this  prevention  more 
Incens'd. 
my  stay]    The    staff  on    which  he  leaned  for  support.     Cp.  Ps. 
xxiii.  4. 

20.  into  a  large  place]  The  opposite  of  the  j/razVj-  of  peril.  Cp.  z/. 
37  ;  Ps.  xxxi.  8. 

because  he  delighted  in  me]  This  was  the  ground  of  God's  deliver- 
ance, and  it  now  becomes  the  leading  thought  of  the  Psalm.  Cp.  ch. 
XV.  26;  Ps.  xxii.  8;  and  also  Matt.  iii.  17,  where  the  Greek  word  for 
"I  am  well  pleased"  is  the  same  as  that  used  in  the  Sept.  (euSo/cciJ'). 
The  reference  becomes  doubly  significant  if  it  is  borne  in  mind  that  the 
theocratic  king  was  called  God's  son  (ch.  vii.  14;  Ps.  ii.  7).     See  Introd. 

P-  43- 

21.  according  to  my  righteousness]  This  is  no  vain-glorious  boasting 
of  his  own  merits,  but  a  testimony  to  the  faithfulness  of  Jehovah  to 
guard  and  reward  His  faithful  servants.  David  does  not  lay  claim  to  a 
perfect  righteousness,  but  to  sincerity  and   single-heartedness   in   his 


vv.  22—25.]  II.   SAMUEL,  XXII.  205 

According  to  the  cleanness  of  my  hands  hath  he  recom- 
pensed me. 

2  2 — 2  5 .     The  integrity  of  David^s  life  and  its  reward. 

For  I  have  kept  the  ways  of  the  Lord,  22 

And  have  not  wickedly  departed  from  my  God. 

For  all  his  judgments  zvere  before  me  :  23 

And  as  for  his  statutes,  I  did  not  depart  from  them. 

I  was  also  upright  before  him,  24 

And  have  kept  myself  from  mine  iniquity. 

Therefore  the  Lord  hath  recompensed  me  according  to  25 

my  righteousness ; 
According  to  my  cleanness  in  his  eye  sight. 


devotion  to  God.  Compare  his  own  testimony  (i  Sam.  xxvi.  23), 
God's  testimony  (i  Kings  xiv.  8),  and  the  testimony  of  history  (i  Kings 
xi.  4,  XV.  5),  to  his  essential  integrity. 

Is  not  this  conscious  rectitude,  this  "princely  heart  of  innocence," 
a  clear  indication  that  the  Psalm  was  written  before  his  great  fall  ? 

the  cleanness  of  my  /iands']  =  the  purity  of  my  actions.    Cp.  Ps.  xxiv.  4. 

22—25.    The  integrity  of  David's  life  and  its  reward. 

22.  For  I  have  kept,  &c.]  He  goes  on  to  substantiate  the  assertion 
of  the  preceding  verse. 

23.  all  his  judgments  -were  before  me\  God's  commandments  were 
continually  present  to  his  mind  as  the  rule  of  life.  Cp.  Deut.  vi.  6 — 9 ; 
Ps.  cxix.  30,  102. 

and  as  for  his  statutes,  &c.]  In  Ps.  xviii.  22,  "  And  his  statutes  did  I 
not  put  away  from  me,"  in  order  to  sin  with  less  compunction.  This 
suits  the  parallelism  better,  and  is  probably  the  true  reading. 

24.  uprighf]  Ox  perfect,  as  in  vv.  %i,  33.  It  expresses  the  sincerity 
of  undivided  devotion.  As  a  sacrificial  term  it  signifies  without  blemish, 
and  so  the  Sept.  renders  it  here  d/xwfios,  for  which  cp.  Eph.  i.  4;  Col. 
i.  22,  &:c. 

have  kept  myself  from  mine  iniquity^  I  have  watched  over  my- 
self that  I  might  not  transgress.  Some  see  further  in  the  words  the 
recognition  of  an  inherent  tendency  to  sin,  or  an  allusion  to  some 
special  temptation,  but  the  simple  explanation  is  best. 

25.  The  assertion  oiv.  21  is  repeated  as  the  conclusion  to  be  drawn 
from  the  review  of  his  conduct  in  vv.  22 — 24,  and  is  confirmed  in  the 
following  verses  by  a  consideration  of  the  general  laws  of  God's  moral 
government. 

26—28.    The  law  of  God's  dealings  with  men. 
The  truth  here  enunciated  is  that  God's  attitude  towards  men  is 
regulated  by  men's  attitude  towards  God  (cp.  i  Sam.  ii.  30,  xv.  23); 


2o6  II.   SAMUEL,   XXII.  [vv.  26— 29. 

26 — 28.    The  law  of  God's  dealings  with  men. 

26  With  the  merciful  thou  wilt  shew  thyself  merciful, 

And  with  the  upright  man  thou  wilt  shew  thyself  upright. 

27  With  the  pure  thou  wilt  shew  thyself  pure ; 

And  with  the  fro  ward  thou  wilt  shew  thyself  unsavoury. 

28  And  the  afflicted  people  thou  wilt  save  : 

But  thine  eyes  are  upon  the  haughty,  that  thou  mayest 
bring  them  down. 

29 — 31.     God' s  faithfulness  attested  by  the  Fsalmisfs 
experience. 

29  For  thou  art  my  lamp,  O  Lord  : 

not  (though  this  is  also  true)  that  men's  conceptions  of  God  are  the 
reflection  of  their  own  characters. 

26.  the  mercifur\  Ox  pious:  the  word  includes  love  to  God  as  well  as 
to  man.     See  note  on  i  Sam.  ii.  9,  and  cp.  Matt.  v.  7. 

the  upright  man^  Lit.  the  upright  hero:  the  man  who  is  valiant  in 
maintaining  his  integrity. 

27.  with  the  pure,  &c.]  Properly  oite  who  purifies  himself.  Cp. 
I  John  iii.  3  ;  Matt.  v.  8 ;  Ps.  Ixxiii.  i. 

thou  wilt  shew  thyself  unsavoury\  Better,  perverse.  The  man  who 
is  froward^  morally  distorted  and  perverse,  is  given  over  by  God  to 
follow  his  own  perverseness,  till  it  brings  him  to  destruction.  Cp.  Lev. 
xxvi.  23,  24  ;  Rom.  i.  28  ;  Rev.  xxii.  11 ;  and  as  an  illustration,  cp.  the 
history  of  Balaam  (Num.  xxii.  20). 

28.  thine  eyes,  &c.]  Thine  eyes  are  against  the  haughty,  whom 
thou  bringest  low.  In  Ps.  xviii.  27  a  more  usual  phrase  is  found : 
"  haughty  eyes  dost  thou  bring  low."     Cp.  Is.  ii.  11,  12,  17. 

the  afflicted  people]  The  Heb.  words  for  poor  or  afflicted  and  for 
humble  are  closely  connected ;  and  as  afflicted  is  here  contrasted  with 
haughty,  it  may  be  understood  to  mean  those  who  through  the  dis- 
cipline of  suffering  have  learnt  humility.  Cp.  Luke  vi.  20  with 
Matt.  V.  3. 

29 — 31.    God's  faithfulness  attested  by  the  Psalmist's 
experience. 

After  celebrating  God's  goodness  in  delivering  him  from  all  the 
dangers  which  threatened  his  life,  David  goes  on  to  describe  how  God 
had  made  him  victorious  over  all  his  enemies. 

29.  For  thou,  &c.]  For  connects  this  verse  closely  with  v.  29,  as 
the  confirmation  out  of  his  own  experience  of  the  principles  there 
enunciated. 

my  lamp]  Illuminating  all  his  life  with  the  light  of  prosperity,  as 
the  lamp  illuminates  the  house.  Dominus  illuminatio  mea  was  David's 
motto.     Cp.  Ps.  xxvii.  i,  cxxxii.  17.    With  the  different  application  of 


vv.  30—34-]  n.   SAMUEL,  XXII.  207 

And  the  Lord  will  lighten  my  darkness. 

For  by  thee  I  have  run  through  a  troop  :  30 

By  my  God  have  I  leaped  over  a  wall. 

As  for  God,  his  way  is  perfect;  31 

The  word  of  the  Lord  is  tried : 

He  is  a  buckler  to  all  them  that  trust  in  him. 

3  2 — 3  7 .     The  praise  of  Jehovah  the  giver  of  victo7y. 
For  who  is  God,  save  the  Lord  ?  32 

And  who  is  a  rock,  save  our  God  ? 

God  is  my  strength  a7id  power:  33 

And  he  maketh  my  way  perfect. 
He  maketh  my  feet  like  hinds' /^^/.'  3* 

the  figure  in  Ps.  xviii.  28,  *'Thou  wilt  light  my  lamp,"  cp.  i  Kings  xi. 

36,  XV.  4. 

30.  Two  memorable  events  in  David's  life  seem  to  be  here  alluded 
to :  the  successful  pursuit  of  the  predatory  "  troop  "  of  Amalekites 
which  had  sacked  Ziklag  (i  Sam.  xxx:  in  vv.  8,  15,  23  the  same 
word  troop  is  used  of  the  Amalekites) :  and  the  capture  of  Zion,  effected 
with  such  ease  that  he  seemed  to  have  leapt  over  the  walls  which  its  de- 
fenders trusted  were  impregnable  (ch.  v.  6 — 8). 

rtcn  throug/i]  Better,  run  after.  The  point  is  the  speed  of  the 
pursuit,  not  the  completeness  of  the  defeat.  This  and  not  the  marginal 
rendering  broken  is  preferable. 

31.  tried'\  i.e.  refilled:  like  pure  gold,  with  no  taint  of  earthly  dross. 
Cp.  Ps.  xii.  6,  cxix.  140;  Prov.  xxx.  5. 

a  buckler,  &c.]  A  sMeld  to  all  them  that  take  refuge  in  him.  Cp. 
z;.  3. 

32—37.    The  praise  of  Jehovah  the  giver  of  victory. 

32.  For  who  is  a  strong  God  {El)  save  Jehovah  ? 
and  who  is  a  rock,  save  our  God  {Elohim)  ? 

Cp.  ch.  vii.  22 ;  Deut.  xxxii.  31  ;  i  Sam.  ii.  2. 

El,  the  name  which  describes  God  as  the  Mighty  One,  is  found  in 
Samuel  only  in  i  Sam.  ii.  3 ;  2  Sam.  xxii.  31,  32,  33,  48,  xxiiL  5.  For 
the  combination  of  El  and  Eldhim  see  Gen.  xxxiii.  20. 

33.  my  strength  SLnd  power]  Rather,  my  strong  fortress.  Ps.  xviii. 
32  reads  "  who  girdeth  me  with  strength  :"  cp.  v.  40. 

maketh  my  way  perfect]  Maketh  is  a  different  word  from  that  similarly 
translated  in  Ps.  xviii.  32,  and  seems  to  express  the  removal  of  obstacles 
which  blocked  up  the  path  of  his  life.  Observe  the  analogy  between 
the  perfection  of  God's  way  {v.  31)  and  His  servant's.  Cp.  Matt.  v. 
48.     Cp.  also  Ps.  ci.  2,  6. 

34.  like  hinds'"  feet]  The  hind,  like  the  gazelle,  was  a  type  of 
agility,  swiftness,  and  surefootedness,  indispensable  qualifications  in 
ancient  warfare.     Cp.  2  Sam.  ii.  18;  i  Chr.  xii.  8. 


2o8  II.   SAMUEL,  XXII.  [vv.  35—40. 

And  setteth  me  upon  my  high  places. 

35  He  teacheth  my  hands  to  war ; 

So  that  a  bow  of  steel  is  broken  by  mine  arms. 

36  Thou  hast  also  given  me  the  shield  of  thy  salvation  : 
And  thy  gentleness  hath  made  me  great. 

37  Thou  hast  enlarged  my  steps  under  me ; 
So  that  my  feet  did  not  slip. 

38 — 43.    David's  destructioji  of  his  enemies. 

38  I  have  pursued  mine  enemies,  and  destroyed  them ; 
And  turned  not  again  until  I  had  consumed  them. 

39  And  I  have  consumed  them,  and  wounded  them,  that 

they  could  not  arise  : 
Yea,  they  are  fallen  under  my  feet. 

40  For  thou  hast  girded  me  with  strength  to  battle  : 

setteth  me  upon  my  high  places]  The  metaphor  of  the  hind,  bounding 
unimpeded  over  the  mountain  tops,  is  continued.  David's  high  places 
are  the  mountain  strongholds,  the  occupation  of  which  secured  him  in 
possession  of  the  country.  Cp.  Deut.  xxxii.  13.  Hab.  iii.  19  is  an 
obvious  imitation  of  this  passage. 

35.  so  that  a  bow  of  steel,  &c.]  And  mine  arms  bend  a  bow  of 
bronze.  The  ability  to  bend  a  metal  bow  (cp.  Job  xx.  24)  was  a  mark  of 
superior  strength.  Readers  of  the  Odyssey  will  recall  Ulysses'  bow, 
which  none  but  himself  could  bend.     (Hom.  Od.  xxi.  409). 

•Observe  how  David  recognises  that  the  advantages  of  physical 
strength  and  energy,  important  qualifications  in  times  when  the  king 
was  himself  the  leader  of  his  people  in  battle,  were  gifts  of  God ;  yet 
that  it  was  not  these  that  saved  him  and  made  him  victorious,  but 
Jehovah's  care  and  help  [vv.  36  ff.). 

36.  the  shield  of  thy  salvation']  Cp.  Eph.  vi.  17.  Ps.  xviii.  35  adds, 
•'and  thy  right  hand  sustained  me." 

thy  gentlejiess]  This  is  a  rendering  of  the  word  used  in  Ps.  xviii.  35, 
which  means  gentleness  or  condescension :  but  the  reading  here  is 
different,  and  probably  means  tby  answering,  i.e.  thy  answers  to  my 
prayers  for  help. 

37.  enlarged  my  steps,  &c.]  Given  me  free  space  for  unobstructed 
motion  (cp.  v.  20;  Prov.  iv.  12),  and  the  power  to  advance  with  firm, 
unwavering  steps. 

38—43.    David's  destruction  of  his  enemies. 

38.  dest7'oyed  them]  In  Ps.  xviii.  37,  "overtaken  them,"  an  echo  of 
Ex.  XV.  9. 

39.  A7id  I  have  consumed  them,  and  wounded  them]  Yea  I  con- 
sumed them — omitted  in  Ps.  xviii.  38— and  crushed  tbem. 


vv.  41— 44.]  n.    SAMUEL,  XXII.  209 

Them  that  rose  up  against  me  hast  thou  subdued  under 

me. 
Thou  hast  also  given  me  the  necks  of  mine  enemies,  <t 

That  I  might  destroy  them  that  hate  me. 
They  looked,  but  ^/lere  was  none  to  save ;  42 

£ve7i  unto  the  Lord,  but  he  answered  them  not. 
Then  did  I  beat  them  as  small  as  the  dust  of  the  earth,      4i 
I  did  stamp  them  as  the  mire  of  the  street,  a/id  did  spread 

them  abroad. 

44 — 46.     T/ie  establishment  of  David^ s  dommion. 

Thou  also  hast  delivered  me  from  the  strivings  of  my  44 

people, 
Thou  hast  kept  me  to  be  head  of  the  heathen : 
A  people  wJiich  I  knew  not  shall  serve  me. 

41.  And  mine  enemies  didst  ttiou  make  to  turn 

their  backs  unto  me: 
as  for  tliem  ttiat  liate  me,  I  destroyed  them. 
The  first  clause  means  that  his  enemies  were  put  to  fliglit  (Ex.  xxiii. 
■27),  not  (as  the  E.V.  suggests)  that  he  planted  his  foot  on  their  necks 
in  token  of  triumph  (Josh.  x.  24). 

42.  They  looked^  They  looked  for  help.  Cp.  Is.  xvii.  7,  8.  The 
Sept.  and  Ps.  xviii.  41  read,  they  ci~ied.  There  is  only  the  difference  of  a 
single  letter  between  the  words,  as  far  as  the  consonants  are  concerned 

even  jcnto  the  Lord]  In  their  extremity  even  the  heathen  might  cry 
for  mercy  to  the  "unknown  God"  of  their  enemies.  Cp.  i  Sam.  v.  12  ; 
Jonah  iii.  7  fF. 

43.  as  thedtist  of  the  earth"]  In  Ps.  xviii.  42,  **as  the  dust  before  the 
wind."     For  the  metaphor  cp.  2  Kings  xiii.  7. 

/  did  stamp  them,  &c.]  In  Ps.  xviii.  42,  "as  the  mire  of  the  streets 
did  I  empty  them  out :"  I  flung  them  away  as  worthless  refuse.  Again 
the  variation  is  due  to  the  confusion  of  similar  words  (Dp"lk<— D^^IN)* 

44—46.    The  establishment  of  David's  dominion. 

44.  from  the  strivings  of  my  people]  The  reference  seems  to  be  to 
the  civil  wars  and  internal  dissensions  which  had  disturbed  the  early 
years  of  David's  reign,  while  Saul's  house  still  endeavoured  to  maintain 
its  position.  Through  all  these  conflicts  he  had  been  safely  brought,  and 
preserved  to  exercise  dominion  over  the  heathen  nations  round.  Cp. 
ch.  viii.  I — 14;  Ps.  ii.  8. 

shall  serve  me]  Served  me.  There  is  no  reason  for  the  sudden 
transition  of  the  E.  V.  to  the  future  here  and  in  vv.  45,  46.  David  is 
still  recounting  his  past  victories,  with  special  reference  in  all  probability 

II.  SAMUEL  _         . .. JL^i 


2IO  II.   SAMUEL,   XXII.  [vv.  45—48. 

45  Strangers  shall  submit  themselves  unto  me  : 

As  soon  as  they  hear,  they  shall  be  obedient  unto  me. 

46  Strangers  shall  fade  away. 

And  they  shall  be  afraid  out  of  their  dose  places. 

47 — 51.     Concluding  th  anksgiving  and  doxology. 

47  The  Lord  liveth  ;  and  blessed  be  my  rock ; 

And  exalted  be  the  God  of  the  rock  of  my  salvation. 

48  //  is  God  that  avengeth  me, 

And  that  bringeth  down  the  people  under  me, 

to  the  subjugation  of  the  Syrians,  whom  he  might  well  describe  as  "a 
people  he  knew  not."     Cp.  ch.  viii.  6,  x.  19. 

45.  shall  submit  themselves  tinto  7;ie]  Submitted  themselves  unto 
me.  The  marginal  rendering,  yield  feigned  obedience,  gives  the  original 
meaning  of  the  word,  which  according  to  its  derivation  seems  to  denote 
tlie  unwilling  homage  extorted  fi-om  the  vanquished  by  their  conqueror. 
Cp.  Deut.  xxxiii.  29;  Ps.  Ixvi.  3,  Ixxxi.  15. 

as  soon  as  they  hear,  &c.]  At  the  mere  rumour  of  David's  victories 
they  offer  their  allegiance,  as  for  example  Toi  king  of  Hamath  did 
(ch.  viii.  9  ff.). 

In  Ps.  xviii.  44  the  order  of  the  clauses  is  inverted. 

46.  shall  fade  away']  Faded  away :  like  plants  scorched  up  by  the 
burning  sun.     Cp.  Ex.  xviii.  18  [marg.). 

shall  be  afraid]  Probably,  came  limping  out  of  their  fastnesses: 
a  picture  of  the  exhausted  defenders  of  a  fort  dragging  themselves 
along  with  difficulty  and  reluctance  to  lay  down  their  arms  before 
their  conqueror.  But  the  word  may  also  be  explained  according  to  the 
slightly  different  reading  of  Ps.  xviii.  45,  came  trembling  out  of  their 
fastnesses,  terrified  into  surrendering  at  discretion  to  the  triumphant 
invader.     Cp.  Mic.  vii.  17;  i  Sam.  xiv.  11. 

47—51.     Concluding  thanksgiving  and  doxology. 

47.  The  Lord  liveth^  Life  is  the  essential  attribute  of  Jehovah, 
Who  is  the  Living  God  in  contrast  to  the  dead  idols  of  the  heathen. 
The  experience  of  David's  life  was  to  him  a  certain  proof  that  God  is 
the  living,  acting  Ruler  of  the  World.     Cp.  Josh.  iii.  10. 

the  God  of  the  rock  of  my  salvationi  God  who  is  strong  and  faithful 
to  work  out  deliverance  for  me.  Cp.  v.  3.  Ps.  xviii.  46  has  merely 
"the  God  of  my  salvation." 

48.  avengeth  me]  For  the  wrongs  inflicted  by  Saul  (i  Sam.  xxiv. 
12);  for  the  insults  of  Nabal  (i  Sam.  xxv.  39);  for  the  opposition  of 
those  who  refused  to  acknowledge  him  as  king  (ch.  iv.  8).  Vengeance 
is  the  prerogative  of  God  (Ps.  xciv.  i),  and  the  visible  execution  of  it 
was  anxiously  looked  for  as  His  vindication  of  the  righteousness  and 
innocence  of  His  servants. 

brijtgeth  doxvn  the  people  under  me]    The  reference  seems  to  be,  as  in 


vv.  49— 5i;  I-]    n.  SAMUEL,  XXII.  XXIII.  211 

And  that  bringeth  me  forth  from  mine  enemies  :  49 

Thou  also  hast  lifted  me  up  on  high  above  them  that  rose 

up  against  me : 
Thou  hast  delivered  me  from  the  violent  man* 
Therefore  I  will  give  thanks  unto  thee,  O  Lord,  50 

among  the  heathen, 
And  I  will  sing  praises  unto  thy  name. 
He  is  the  tower  of  salvation  for  his  king  :  v- 

And  sheweth  mercy  to  his  anointed, 
Unto  David,  and  to  his  seed  for  evermore. 

Ch.  XXIII.  1—7.     The  last  words  of  David, 
Now  these  be  the  last  words  of  David.  23 


V.  44,  to  his  success  in  overcoming  internal  opposition  to  his  rule.  It  is 
not  the  boast  of  a  triumphant  despot,  but  the  thanksgiving  of  a  ruler 
who  recognised  the  vital  importance  of  union  for  the  prosperity  of  Israel, 
and  the  extreme  difficulty  of  reconciling  all  the  discordant  elements  in 
the  nation,  and  knew  that  it  was  a  task  beyond  his  unaided  powers. 
Cp.  Ps.  cxliv.  2.     The  Sept.  reads  "disciplineth." 

49.  bringeth  7ne  foj-tJil  The  opposite  of  "shutting  him  up  into  the 
hand  of  his  enemies"  (Ps.  xxxi.  8).     Cp.  vv.  20,  37. 

the  violent  mmi]  This  may  mean  men  of  violence  in  general,  but  as 
Saul  is  named  in  the  title,  it  is  natural  to  see  a  definite  reference  to  him 
in  particular.     Cp.  Ps.  cxl.  r,  4,  11. 

50.  The  celebration  of  Jehovah's  faithfulness  to  His  servant  is  not  to 
be  confined  within  the  narrow  limits  of  Israel.  His  praise  is  to  be  pro- 
claimed among  the  heathen,  who,  as  they  are  brought  under  the  do- 
minion of  His  people,  may  also  be  brought  to  the  knowledge  of  Jehovah. 
Cp.  Ps.  xcvi.  3,  10.  This  verse  is  quoted  by  St  Paul  in  Rom.  xv.  9 
(along  with  Deut.  xxxii.  43 ;  Ps.  cxvii.  i ;  Is.  xi.  10),  to  prove  that 
the  Old  Testament  anticipated  the  admission  of  the  Gentiles  to  the 
blessings  of  salvation. 

51.  He  is  the  tozver  of  salvation'\  So  the  Qri:  cp.  Ps.  Ixi.  3;  Prov. 
xviii.  10:  but  the  A?// /(^/^,  the  Versions,  and  Ps.  xviii.  50  read,  Wjio 
giveth  great  deliverance.  The  difference  between  the  consonants  of 
the  words  in  the  original  is  very  trifling  (P1T3?D— ?n!l!0)' 

to  his  seed  for  ever/nore']  A  reference  to  the  promise  in  ch.  vii.  12 — \6, 
claiming  the  continued  favour  of  God  for  his  posterity.  See  notes 
there. 

Cir.  XXIII.  1 — 7.     The  last  words  of  David. 

The  great  hymn  of  triumph  in  ch.  xxii.,  composed  when  David  was  in 
the  zenith  of  his  prosperity,  is  followed  by  his  "last  words:"  his  last 
prophetic  utterance,  delivered  not  long  before  his  death,  a  parting  testi- 

14—2 


212  11.  SAMUEL,   XXIII.  [vv.  2—4. 

David  the  son  of  Jesse  said, 

And  the  man  who  was  raised  up  on  high, 

The  anointed  of  the  God  of  Jacob, 

And  the  sweet  psalmist  of  Israel,  said, 

The  Spirit  of  the  Lord  spake  by  me. 

And  his  word  was  in  my  tongue. 

The  God  of  Israel  said, 

The  Rock  of  Israel  spake  to  me, 

He  that  ruleth  over  men  must  be  just, 

Ruling  in  the  fear  of  God. 

And  he  shall  be  as  the  light  of  the  morning,  when  the  sun 

riseth, 
Eveji  a  morning  without  clouds ; 

mony  to  the  world  of  his  confidence  in  the  fulfilment  of  the  promise 
concerning  the  eternal  dominion  of  his  posterity. 

A  translation  of  the  Targum  or  Aramaic  paraphrase  of  David's  last 
words  is  given  in  Note  IV.,  p.  237. 

1.  David  the  son  of  Jesse  said'\  The  oracle  of  David  the  son  of 
Jesse:  a  peculiar  word,  generally  used  of  a  direct  message  from  God 
through  a  prophet  in  the  phrase  rendered,  "saith  the  Lord,"  and 
joined  with  the  name  of  the  human  speaker  only  here  and  in  Num.  xxiv. 
3,4,  15,  16;  Prov.  XXX.  I.  It  therefore  marks  these  "last  words"  as  an 
utterance  delivered  by  special  divine  inspiration. 

raised  up  on  higli]  Raised  by  God  from  a  low  estate  to  be  the  king  of 
Israel.     Cp.  ch.  vii.  8,  g;  Ps.  Ixxviii.  70,  71. 

the  God  of  Jacob']  The  use  of  the  name  Jacob,  instead  of  the  more 
familiar  Israel,  is  chiefly  poetical.  It  suggests  more  vividly  the  con- 
nexion of  the  nation  with  their  great  ancestor,  and  recalls  more  forcibly 
the  covenant  made  with  him  by  God.     Cp.  Ps.  xx.  i ;  Is.  ii.  3. 

the  sweet  psalmist  of  Israel]  Lit.  pleasant  in  Isi'aeVs  songs  of  praise: 
a  title  deserving  to  stand  by  the  side  of  "the  anointed  of  the  God  of 
Jacob,"  because  he  was  God's  instrument  for  educating  and  develop- 
ing his  people's  religious  life  by  means  of  his  Psalms,  not  less  than  for 
governing  them  as  king.     See  Introd.  ch.  v.  §  6,  c,  p.  31. 

2.  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord]  A  direct  claim  of  inspiration,  to  which 
Christ  Himself  bears  witness  (Matt.  xxii.  43). 

Observe  the  parallelisnis,  which  constitute  Hebrew  poetry. 

3.  4.  The  oracular  brevity  of  these  verses  hardly  admits  of  transla- 
tion, and  makes  the  meaning  of  them  obscure.  They  may  be 
rendered : 

A  ruler  over  men,  a  righteous  one  ! 

a  ruler  in  the  fear  of  God ! 

and  he  shall  he  as  the  light  of  morning  when  the  sun  riseth  ; 

a  morning  without  clouds ; 

when  from  sunshine,  from  rain,  grass  springeth  from  earth. 


V.  5]  n.   SAMUEL,   XXIII.  213 

As  the  tender  grass  springing  out  of  the  earth 

By  clear  shining  after  rain. 

Although  my  house  be  not  so  with  God ; 

Yet  he  hath  made  with  me  an  everlasting  covenant, 

Ordered  in  all  things,  and  sure  : 

The  second  half  of  7'.  3  draws,  with  a  few  strong  strokes — there  are 
but  six  words  in  the  original — an  outline  portrait  of  an  ideal  king,  ruling 
with  perfect  justice,  controlled  and  guided  by  the  fear  of  God.  v.  4 
depicts  in  figurative  language  the  blessings  of  his  reign. 

His  appearance  will  be  like  the  life-giving  sunsliine  of  a  cloudless 
morning ;  blessings  will  follow  him  as  verdure  clothes  the  earth  from 
the  united  influences  of  sunshine  and  rain. 

In  order  to  appreciate  the  force  of  the  latter  figure,  it  must  be  borne  in 
mind  that  verdure  is  not  perpetual  in  Palestine,  as  with  us.  There  what 
in  June  is  "a  brown,  hard-baked,  gaping  plain,  with  only  here  and 
there  the  withered  stems  of  thistles  and  centaureas  to  tell  that  life 
had  ever  existed  there  "  is  clothed  in  spring  after  the  rains  with  "  a 
deep  solid  growth  of  clovers  and  grasses."  David  had  been  familiar 
with  the  yearly  transformation  of  the  dry  and  dusty  downs  of  Beth-lehem 
into  a  lovely  garden  of  brilliant  flowers;  an  apt  emblem  of  the  gracious 
influences  of  the  perfect  rule  of  an  ideal  king  upon  a  hard  and  desert 
world.  Cp.  Is.  xxxii.  15,  xxxv.  i,  2.  See  Tristram's  A"^/.  Hist,  of  the 
Bible,  p.  454. 

This  prophecy  is  the  companion  and  complement  of  the  prophecy  in 
ch.  vii.  There  the  promise  of  an  eternal  dominion  is  given  to  the 
house  of  David,  finding  a  partial  fulfilment  in  his  descendants,  and 
a  complete  fulfilment  only  in  Christ :  here  David  himself  is  taught  by 
inspiration  to  draw  the  portrait  of  a  ruler,  some  features  of  which  were 
partially  realised  in  Solomon  and  the  better  kings  of  Judah,  but  which 
finds  it  perfect  realisation  only  in  Christ. 

The  features  of  the  portrait  are  developed  and  the  outlines  filled  in 
by  subsequent  prophets,  with  ever  increasing  cleai-ness  pointing  forward 
to  Him  Who  was  to  fulfil  and  more  than  fulfil  all  the  anticipations  of 
prophecy. 

Thus  for  the  ruler  cp.  Micah  v.  2  :  for  the  characteristic  of  rigJiteous- 
iirss  cp.  Ps.  Ixxii.  i — 3  (primarily  referring  to  Solomon);  Is.  xi.  i — 5: 
Zech.  ix.  9  :  and  especially  Jer.  xxiii.  5,  xxxiii.  15:  for  ihe  fear  of  the 
Lord,  cp.  Is.  xi.  2.  The  figure  of  the  fertilising  rain  is  borrowed  in 
Ps.  Ixxii.  6  :  cp.  Is.  xliv.  3,  4:  that  of  the  light  is  repeated  in  Prov, 
iv.  18:  and  the  closing  words  of  the  last  prophet,  "Unto  you  shall  the 
Sun  of  righteousness  arise"  (Mai.  iv.  2),  combine  and  re-echo  these  last 
words  of  David, 

5.  For  is  not  my  house  thus  with  God  ? 

for  an  ebernal  covenant  hath  he  made  for  mo, 
ordered  in  all  and  secured  : 
for  all  my  salvation  and  all  good  pleasure 
shall  he  not  cause  it  to  spring  forth  ? 


2T4  n.  SAMUEL,  XXIII.  [w.  6,  7. 

For  this  is  all  my  salvation,  and  all  my  desire, 

Although  he  make  it  not  to  grow. 

But  the  sons  (T/'BeHal  shall  be  all  of  them  as  thorns  thrust 

away, 
Because  they  cannot  be  taken  with  hands : 
But  the  man  that  shall  touch  them  must  be  fenced  with 

iron  and  the  staff  of  a  spear ; 
And  they  shall  be  utteily  burnt  with  lire  in  the  same 

place. 

This  seems  to  be  the  most  probable  rendering  of  an  obscure  passage. 
The  meaning  then  will  be :  Is  not  my  house  in  such  a  relation  to  God, 
because  He  has  made  an  eternal  covenant  with  me,  that  I  may  look 
for  the  righteous  ruler  to  arise  out  of  it,  bringing  with  him  all  these 
attendant  blessings? 

"The  eternal  covenant"  is  the  promise  in  ch.  vii.  1-2  fif.,  to  which 
David  refers  as  the  ground  of  his  confidence  in  the  fulfihnent  of  this 
prophecy  in  and  through  his  house.  The  epithets  "ordered  in  all  and 
secured "  compare  the  covenant  to  a  carefully  drawn  and  properly 
attested  legal  document. 

Finally  he  expresses  his  confidence  that  God  will  in  due  time  cause 
the  salvation  promised  to  him  and  his  house,  and  all  His  own  good 
pleasure,  to  grow  and  prosper,  using  a  metaphor  suggested  by  that  in 
V.  4.  Cp.  Ps.  cxxxii.  17;  Jer.  xxxiii.  15;  and  for  God's  "good 
pleasure,"  cp.  Is.  liii.  10. 

6.  Bid  the  sons  of  Belial^  But  the  ■V7icked,  &c.  All  ungodly 
men  and  evil  things  are  described  as  wortlilessiiess  or  wickedness. 
Their  judgment  and  destruction  is  the  necessary  consequence  of  the 
perfect  rule  of  the  righteous  king.     Cp.  Matt.  xiii.  41. 

7.  Btit  the  7nan,  &c.]  But  the  man  who  toucheth  them  must  arm 
himself  with  iron  and  a  spear  shaft.  The  thorns  cannot  be  touched  by 
hand,  but  must  be  torn  up  with  an  iron  hook  fastened  to  a  long  handle. 
The  expression  is  chosen  so  as  to  be  applicable  to  the  enemies  who  are 
figured,  as  well  as  to  the  thorns  which  figure  them. 

^ burnt    with  Jin]      Cp.  Matt.  iii.  10,  xiii.  30;   Lk.  xix.  27;    Heb. 
vi.  8. 

in  the  same  place]  Or  perhaps,  Jintil  they  are  consumed.  But  the 
word  is  probably  not  part  of  the  true  text,  and  should  be  omitted 
altogether. 

8—39.    David's  Heroes  and  their  exploits. 
=  I  Chr.  xi.  II — 41. 

This  section  is  placed  in  Chronicles  after  the  account  of  David's 
election  as  King  of  Israel  and  his  capture  of  Zion,  and  is  prefaced  by  the 
heading:  "These  also  are  the  chief  of  the  mighty  men  whom  David  had, 
who  shewed  themselves  strong  with  him  in  his  kingdom  with  all  Israel, 
to  make  him   king,   according  to  the  word  of  the  Lord  concerning 


vv.  8,  9.]  II.  SAMUEL,  XXIII.  215 

8 — 39.    David's  Heroes  and  their  exploits. 

8—12.     The  first  Three. 

These  he  the  names  of  the  mighty  men  whom  David  had  :  s 
The  Tachmonite' that  sat  in  the  seat,  chief  among  the  cap- 
tains ;  the  same  ivas  Adino  the  Eznite  :  he  lift  up  his  spear 
against  eight  hundred,  whom  he  slew  at  one  time.  And  9 
after  him  zvas  Eleazar  the  son  of  Dodo  the  Ahohite,  one  of 
the  three  mighty  men  with  David,  when  they  defied  the 
Philistines  that  were  there  gathered  together  to  battle,  and 

Israel."     The  list  therefore  belongs,  at  any  rate  in  substance,  to  the 
earlier  part  of  David's  reign. 

8—12.    The  FIRST  Three. 

8.  the  mighty  meit]  Used  here  in  a  narrower  sense,  not  of  the  whole 
body-guard  of  six  hundred.     See  note  on  ch.  xv.  18. 

The  Tachmonite  that  sat  in  the  seat]  The  text  is  corrupt,  and  we 
must  follow  I  Chr.  xi.  1 1  in  reading  Jashobeam  the  Haclinionite.  He 
joined  David  at  Ziklag  (i  Chr.  xii.  6),  and  was  afterwards  made  general 
of  the  first  division  of  the  army  (i  Chr.  xxvii.  2).  Jehiel,  the  tutor 
of  the  king^'s  sons,  belonged  to  tlie  same  family  (r  Chr.  xxvii.  32). 

chief  aviong  the  captains']  The  word  translated  captains  probably 
means  aides-de-camp,  or  personal  attendants  on  the  king.  See  i  Kings 
ix.  22  (E.V.  captains);  2  Kings  vii.  2,  17,  19  (E.V.  lord),  ix.  25,  x.  25, 
XV.  25.  But  it  is  possible  that  we  should  alter  the  text  slightly,  and 
read  chief  of  the  three  (Vulg.,  E.V.,  viarg.).  Cp.  v.  23.  In  fact  all 
through  this  section  there  is  a  constant  confusion  between  the  words  for 
captain  or  aide-di-cainp^  three,  and  thirty,  which  are  all  closely  similar 
in  the  Heb. 

the  same  was  Adino  the  Eznite\  These  words  are  probably  a  cor- 
ruption of  some  words  equivalent  to  those  in  i  Chr.  xi.  11,  which  are 
needed  to  complete  the  sense  here:  lie  brandislied  his  spear.  The 
Sept.  reads  "Adinon  the  Asonosan,  he  drew  his  sword." 

eight  hundred]  Chr.  reads  three  hundred^  perhaps  by  confusion  with 
V.  18,  There  is  no  ground  for  supposing  that  two  different  occasions 
are  referred  to. 

slew  at  one  time]  With  the  help  perhaps  of  some  of  his  men.  Yet 
cp.  Jud.  iii.  31,  XV.  15. 

9.  Dodo]  The  Kthibh  may  be  read  Dodai,  as  the  name  is  given  in 
I  Chr.  xxvii.  4,  where  we  learn  that  Dodai,  as  next  in  rank  to  Jasho- 
beam,  was  general  of  the  second  division  of  the  army. 

the  Ahohite]  A  patronymic  derived  from  Ahoah,  the  son  of  Benja- 
min's eldest  son  Bela  (i  Chron.  viii.  4).  Perhaps  Dodo,  like  Jasho- 
beam,  was  one  of  the  Benjamites  who  joined  David  at  Ziklag  (i  Chron. 
xii.  I,  2). 

that  7uere  there  gathered  together]  There  implies  the  previous  mention  of 
the  name  of  some  place,  and  certain  anomalies  of  construction  also  indi- 


2i6  II.    SAMUEL,  XXIII.  [vv.  10—13. 

10  the  men  of  Israel  were  gone  away :  he  arose,  and  smote 
the  Philistines  until  his  hand  was  weary,  and  his  hand  clave 

.  unto  the  sword  :  and  the  Lord  wrought  a  great  victory  that 

11  day;  and  the  people  returned  after  him  only  to  spoil.  And 
after  him  was  Shammah  the  son  of  Agee  the  Hararite.  And 
the  Philistines  were  gathered  together  into  a  troop,  where 
was  a  piece  of  ground  full  ^lentiles :  and  the  people  fled  from 

t2  the  Philistines.  But  he  stood  in  the  midst  of  the  ground, 
and  defended  it,  and  slew  the  Philistines :  and  the  Lord 
wrought  a  great  victory. 

1 3 — 1 7.     The  water  of  the  well  at  Beth-lehem. 
13      And  three  of  the  thirty  chief  went  down,  and  came  to 

cate  that  the  text  is  defective,  i  Chr.  xi.  13  reads:  "Eleazar...one  of 
the  three  mighty  men.  He  was  with  David  at  Pas-dammim,  and  there 
the  PhiHstines  were  gathered  together  to  battle."  Pas-dammim,  or  Ephes- 
dammim,  where  David  slew  Goliath,  was  in  the  valley  of  Elah,  between 
Shochoh  and  Azekah.  The  name,  signifying  "boundary  of  blood,"  was 
probably  due  to  its  being  the  scene  of  frequent  skirmishes  with  the 
Philistines.     See  i  Sam.  xvii.  i. 

were g07ie  azvay\  Rather,  went  up  to  battle.  The  words  "and  the 
people  fled  from  before  the  Philistines,"  which  appear  to  correspond  to 
this  in  1  Chr.  xi.  13,  really  belong  to  Shammah's  exploit  {v.  11). 
Several  lines  have  been  lost  from  the  text  there. 

10.  his  hand  clave  tinto  the  swo7'd'\  At  the  close  of  the  massacre  of 
the  Christians  of  Mount  Lebanon  by  the  Druses,  in  i860.  Sheikh  All 
Amad's  hand  so  clave  to  the  handle  of  his  sword  that  he  could  not  open 
it  until  the  muscles  were  relaxed  by  fomentation  of  hot  water.  Van 
Lennep's  Bible  Lands,  ii.  p.  679. 

wrought  a  great  victory\  Lit.  wi-onght  a  great  delivei'ance  or  salvation. 
Cp.  I  Sam.  xi.  13,  xix.  5. 

returned  after  hini\  Were  turning  after  Mm,  were  following  him : 
not  necessarily  implying  that  they  had  fled  previously. 

11.  into  a  troop\  Probably  the  consonants  should  be  read  M'ith 
different  vowels  to  Lehi,  the  scene  of  Samson's  victory  over  the  Philis- 
tines (Jud.  XV.  9,  14,  19). 

lentiles']  Chr.  reads  barley.  The  two  words  might  easily  be  confused 
in  Hebrew.  The  Philistines  came  up  to  cany  off  the  ripe  crops.  Cp. 
I  Sam.  xxiii.  i. 

13 — 17.    The  water  of  the  well  at  Beth-lehem. 

13.  three  of  the  thirty  chiefs  Not  the  three  mentioned  before,  but  in 
all  probabiHty  Abishai,  Benaiah,  and  a  third  not  named,  who  were  pro- 
moted from  the  "Thirty"  to  form  a  second  triad  as  a  reward  for  this 
feat  of  valour. 


vv.  14—17.]  II.  SAMUEL,  XXIII.  217 

David  in  the  harvest  time  unto  the  cave  of  Adullam :  and 
the    troop  of  the  PhiHstines  pitched  in  the  valley   of  Re- 
phaim.     And  David  ivas  then  in  a  hold,  and  the  garrison  14 
of  the  Philistines  was   then  in  Beth-lehem.      And  David  15 
longed,  and  said,  Oh  that  one  would  give  me  drink  of  the 
water  of  the  well  of  Beth-lehem,  which  is  by  the  gate.     And  16 
the  three  mighty  7ne?i  brake  through  the  host  of  the  Phi- 
listines, and  drew   water   out   of  the  well    of  Beth-lehem, 
that  was  by  the  gate,  and  took  it,  and  brought  it  to  David  : 
nevertheless  he  would  not  drink  thereof,  but  poured  it  out 
unto  the  Lord.     And  he  said,  Be  it  far  from  me,  O  Lord,  17 

in  the  harvest  time]  The  preposition  does  not  mean  ift,  and  the  read- 
ing of  r  Chr.  xi.  15  to  the  rock  is  perhaps  the  true  one. 

the  cave  of  Adtdlam]  David's  old  haunt  in  the  valley  of  Elah.  See 
note  on  i  Sam.  xxii.  i. 

the  valley  of  Rephaim]  See  note  on  eh.  v.  18.  The  mention  of  the 
"hold"  and  this  valley  together  in  both  narratives  makes  it  not  im- 
probable that  the  exploit  of  the  three  heroes  occurred  in  the  invasion 
related  in  ch.  v.  1 7  ff, 

14.  iti  a  hold\  In  the  strong-hold,  probably  the  same  as  that 
mentioned  in  ch.  v.  17,  \vhere  see  note.  The  ruins  bearing  the  name 
Aid  el  Ma,  M'hich  is  supposed  to  be  a  corruption  oi  Adiillam^  lie  at  the 
foot  of  a  high  rounded  hill  almost  isolated  by  subordinate  valleys.  This 
forms  a  natural  fortress,  and  may  have  been  "the  rock"  which  was  the 
site  of  David's  stronghold  ;  while  numerous  caves,  still  used  for  habita- 
tions, are  found  in  the  neighbouring  valleys. 

the  garrison  of  the  Philistines]  The  same  term  is  used  of  the  military 
posts  of  the  Philistines  in  Israelite  territory  in  i  Sam.  xiii.  23,  xiv.  i  ff; 
and  a  similar  word  in  i  Sam.  x.  5,  xiii.  3. 

15.  the  well  of  Beth-lehem]  The  traditional  "  David's  well"  is  half 
a  mile  N.N.E.  of  Beth-lehem.  Ritter  [Geogr.  of  Pal.  in.  340)  speaks 
of  its  "deep  shaft  and  clear  cool  water;"  but  it  is  too  far  from  the  town 
to  be  described  as  "at  the  gate." 

16.  brake  throzigh  the  host  of  the  Philistines]  A  striking  proof  of  the 
enthusiasm  which  David  inspired  in  his  followers,  and  a  noble  instance 
of  the  true  spirit  of  chivalry,  which  fears  no  danger  and  shrinks  from  no 
self-sacrifice,  in  order  to  do  the  smallest  service  for  the  object  of  its 
devotion;  the  spirit  which  is  perfected  in  the  highest  example  of  love 
(John  XV.  13). 

ponred  it  ottt  unto  the  Lord]  The  sacrificial  term  for  pouring  out  a 
drink-offering  or  libation  (Gen.  xxxv.  14,  &c.).  "That  which  had  been 
won  by  the  lives  of  those  three  gallant  chiefs  was  too  sacred  for  him  to 
drink,  but  it  was  on  that  very  account  deemed  by  him  as  worthy  to  be 
consecrated  in  sacrifice  to  God,  as  any  of  the  prescribed  offerings  of  the 
Levitical  ritual.  Pure  Chivalry  and  pure  Religion  there  formed  an 
absolute  union."     Stanley's  Led.  ii.  54. 


2i8  II.  SAMUEL,  XXIII.  [vv.  18—20. 

that  I  should  do  this :  is  not  this  the  blood  of  the  men  that 
.went  m Jeopai'dy  of  thoir  lives?  therefore  he  would  not  drink 
it.     These  things  did  these  three  mighty  7nen. 

18 — 23.    Exploits  of  Abishai  and  Benaiah. 

c3  And  Abishai,  the  brother  of  Joab,  the  son  of  Zeruiah, 
ivas  chief  among  three.  And  he  lift  up  his  spear  against 
three  hundred,  and  slew  them,  and  had  the  name  among 

19  three.  Was  he  not  most  honourable  of  three  ?  there- 
fore he  was  their  captain  :  howbeit  he  attained  not  unto 

JO  the  first  three.  And  Benaiah  the  son  of  Jehoiada,  the 
son  of  a  valiant  man,  of  Kabzeel,  who  had  done  many 
acts,    he    slew    two    lion-Uke    men    of    Moab :    he    went 

17.  is  not  this  the  bloody  As  the  text  stands,  the  sentence  is  simply 
an  interrogative  exclamation  :  The  blood  of  the  men...?  But  Sept., 
Vulg.  and  Chron.read:  Shall  I  drink  the  blood...?  The  water  fetched  at 
the  risk  of  his  comrades'  lives  seemed  to  him  the  very  blood  in  which 
the  life  resides  (Lev.  xvii.  10,  11). 

18 — 23.     Exploits  of  Abishai  and  Benaiah. 

18.  Abishai]  David's  valiant  but  hard-hearted  nephew,  who  shared 
the  command  of  the  army  with  his  brother  Joab  in  the  Amnionite  war 
and  in  Absalom's  rebellion  (ch.  x.  10,  14,  xviii.  2).  The  characteristic 
trait  of  his  nature  was  a  blunt  impetuous  ferocity.  See  i  Sam.  xxvi.  8; 
1  Sam.  xvi.  9,  xix.  21. 

chief  among  three]  The  Qri  reads  chief  of  the  three  ;  those  namely 
who  were  mentioned  in  v.  17.  But  the  Kthibh  has  chief  of  the  aides- 
de-camp.,  as  in  V.  8. 

among  three]    As  before,  among  the  three. 

20.  Benaiah  the  son  of  Jehoiada]  Commander  of  the  body-guard 
(ch.  viii.  18,  XX.  23),  and  general  of  the  third  division  of  the  army  (i  Chr. 
xxvii.  5,  6).  He  was  an  active  supporter  of  Solomon  against  Adonijah, 
and  was  rewarded  by  being  made  commander-in-chief  in  place  of  Joab. 
See  I  Kings  i.  8,  26,  32  ff.,  ii.  25 — 35,  46,  iv.  4.  His  father  Jehoiada 
was  "the  chief  priest"  (i  Chr.  xxvii.  5),  that  is,  probably,  the  high  priest's 
deputy,  and  leader  of  the  "  Aaronites,"  i.e.  priests,  who  joined  David 
at  Hebron  (i  Chr.  xii.  27). 

the  son  of  a  valiant  man]     Better,  a  valiant  man. 

Kabzeel]  A  town  in  the  extreme  south  of  Judah  towards  the  border 
of  Edom  (Josh.  xv.  21),  reoccupied  after  the  Captivity  and  called 
Jekabzeel.     Its  exact  site  is  unknown. 

tzvo  lion-like  men  of  Moab]  Ariel,  translated  lion-liJce  mail,  means  lion 
of  God,  a  title  applied  by  the  Arabs  and  Persians  to  celebrated  warriors. 
The  Sept.  reads  "  the  two  sons  of  Ariel,"  and  it  has  been  conjectured 
that  Ariel  was  a  title  of  the  Moabite  king;  but  i  Chr.  xi.  22  supports  the 


rv.  21— 24-]  II.  SAMUEL,  XXIII.  219 


down  also  and  slew  a  lion  in  the  midst  of  a  pit  in  time 
of  snow:  and  he  slew  an  Egyptian,  a  goodly  man:  and  the  21 
Egyptian  had  a  spear  in  his  hand;  but  he  went  down  to 
him  with  a  staff,  and  plucked  the  spear  out  of  the  Egyptian's 
hand,  and  slew  him  with  his  own  spear.     These  things  did  22 
Benaiah  the  son  of  Jehoiada,  and  had  the  name  among 
three  mighty  me7i.    He  was  more  honourable  thon  the  thirty,  23 
but  he  attained  not  to  the  fiist  three.     And  David  set  him 
over  his  guard. 

24 — 39.     The  Thirty  Heroes. 
Asahel  the  brother  of  Joab  zuas  one  of  the  thirty;  Elhanan  24 

reading  of  the  Heb.  text.     The  exploit  may  have  been  an  incident  in 
the  Moabite  war  recorded  in  ch.  viii.  1. 

a  lion,  &c.]  The  lion  had  probably  been  driven  by  the  severity  of 
the  winter  into  the  neighbourhood  of  some  village,  to  the  terror  of  the 
inhabitants. 

21.  a  goodly  mai{\  Lit.  a  man  of  appearance,  a  notable  man  ;  which 
is  explained  in  i  Chr.  xi.  23  to  mean  "a  man  of  great  stature,"  with 
the  addition,  "  five  cubits  high." 

a  spear]  The  Sept.  adds,  li/ce  the  beam  of  a  bridge  (or,  of  a  ladder-): 
Chron.  like  a  weaver's  beam,  as  in  ch.  xxi.  19. 

with  a  staff]     Cp.  (though  the  word  is  different)  i  Sam.  xvii.  40,  43. 

22.  among  three  mighty  men]  Among  the  three  mighty  men  of  tlie 
second  rank. 

23.  set  him  over  his  gtmrd]  Made  Mm  a  member  of  his  privy- 
council  :  lit.  appointed  hi/n  to  his  audience.  Cp.  i  Sam.  xxii.  14  (note). 
If,  as  seems  not  improbable,  Jehoiada  the  son  of  Benaiah  in  i  Chr. 
xxvii.  34  is  a  textual  error  for  Benaiah  the  son  of  Jehoiada,  we  have 
another  reference  to  his  tenure  of  this  office,  which  was  distinct  Irom 
that  of  commander  of  the  body  guard  (ch.  viii.  iS,  xx.  -23). 

24 — 39.     The  Thirty  Heroes. 

The  names  in  this  liit  vary  considerably  from  those  in  the  corresponding 
list  in  I  Chron.  xi.  26 — 41.  In  all  probability  both  lists  have  suffered 
considerably  from  lextual  corruption,  by  which  names  are  especially  liable 
to  be  affected,  and  many  of  the  differences  can  clearly  be  traced  to  this 
source.  But  it  cannot  be  assumed  as  absolutely  certain  that  the  lists 
were  originally  identical.  This  catalogue  may  possibly  have  been 
revised  at  a  later  period  of  David's  reign,  when  the  body  was  to  some 
extent  differently  constituted. 

The  heroes  are  for  the  most  part  distinguished  by  the  names  of  their 
native  places  or  residences ;  and  these  are  in  some  cases  identical  with 
clan  or  family  names,  because  the  head  of  the  clan  gave  his  name  to  the 
place  where  his  family  settled. 

24.  The  list  in  Chron.  is  headed  *'  And  the  mighty  men  of  valour 
were  Asahel,"  <S:c. 


220  II.  SAMUEL,  XXIII.  [vv.  25—28. 

25  the  son  of  Dodo  of  Beth-lehem,  Shammah  the  Harodite, 
26.  Elika  the  Harodite,  Helez  the  Paltite,  Ira  the  son  of  Ikkesh 

27  the  Tekoite,  Abiezer  the  Anethothite,  Mebunnai  the  Hu- 

28  shathite,   Zahnon  the  Ahohite,  Maharai  the  Netophathite, 

AsahcT\     David's  nephew.     Seenote  on  ch.  ii.  18, 
Elhananl    Apparently  not  the  same  as  Elhanan  the  son  of  Jair   of 
Beth-lehem  (ch.  xxi.  19),  if  the  text  is  sound. 

25.  Shammah  the  Harodite\  Of  Harod,  perhaps  the  place  men- 
tioned in  Jud.  vii.  i,  which  may  be  either  Ain  Jdlud  near  Jezreel,  or 
Ain  el  Jemmaiii  near  Beth-shan.  He  is  probably  to  be  identified  with 
Shamhuth  the  Izrahite,  general  of  the  fifth  division  of  the  army  (i  Chr. 
xxvii.  8),  Izrahite  being  his  family  name. 

Elika]  Omitted  in  Chr.,  probably  by  accident,  owing  to  the  repeti- 
tion of  Harodite. 

26.  Hclez  the  Paltite\  Generally  explained  to  mean  of  Beth-pelet, 
an  unidentified  town  in  the  extreme  south  of  Judah,  named  in  the  same 
group  with  Beer-sheba  (Josh.  xv.  27).  But  this  seems  questionable,  as 
he  is  called  an  Ephraimite  in  i  Chr.  xxvii.  10.  i  Chron.  twice  reads 
Felonite  (xi.  27,  xxvii.  10),  but  there  is  no  known  place  or  family  from 
which  such  a  name  could  be  formed,  and  it  is  either  a  corruption,  or 
the  Hebrew  word  meaning  of  so  and  so,  inserted  by  a  scribe  who  could 
not  read  the  original  word  in  the  text  which  he  was  copying.  Helez 
was  general  of  the  seventh  division  of  the  army  (i  Chr.  xxvii.  10). 

Ira. ..the  Tekoite']  Of  Tekoa,  see  note  on  ch.  xiv.  2.  He  was 
general  of  the  sixth  division  of  the  army  (i  Chr.  xxvii.  9),  and  a  differ- 
ent person  from  David's  minister  (ch.  xx.  26). 

27.  Abiezer  the  Anethothite]  Of  Anathoth  in  Benjamin.  The  mo- 
dern village  oi  Andta,  three  miles  N.N.E.  of  Jerusalem,  preserves  the 
name  and  marks  the  site.  It  was  a  priests'  city  (Josh.  xxi.  18);  the 
home  of  Abiathar  (i  Kings  ii.  26);  and  the  birth-place  of  the  prophet 
Jeremiah  (Jer,  i.  i).  Antothite  (i  Chr.  xi.  28),  %n<l  Anetothite  {1  Chr. 
xxvii.  12),  are  merely  different  transliterations  of  the  same  Heb.  word. 
In  the  latter  passage  Abiezer  is  named  as  the  general  of  the  ftinth  divi- 
sion of  the  army. 

Mebunnai  the  Ilitshathite]  Mebunnai  C^IIJO)  is  doubtless  a  textual 
error  for  Sibbechai  CDQD),  the  consonants  being  very  similar  and  easily 
confused  in  the  original  text,  which  had  no  vowels.  Sibbechai  won 
renown  by  slaying  the  giant  Saph  (ch.  xxi.  18),  and  commanded  the  eighth 
division  of  the  army  (i  Chr.  xxvii.  11).  His  native  place  Hiishah  must 
have  been  in  Judah,  as  it  is  mentioned  among  the  places  occupied  by 
the  descendants  of  Judah  (i  Chr.  iv.  4),  but  nothing  further  is  known 
about  it.  He  belonged  to  the  important  clan  of  the  Zarhites,  descended 
from  Zerah  the  son  of  Judah  (i  Chr.  ii.  4). 

28.  Zalmon  the  Ahohite]  Chron.  has  Ilai.  Whether  the  difference 
is  original,  or  due  to  corruption  of  the  text,  it  is  impossible  to  decide. 
On  Ahohite  see  v.  9. 

Maharai  the  Netophathite]  Of  Netophah,  perhaps  the  modern  Umin 
Tobay  three  miles  N.E.  of  Beth-lehem,  a  place  inhabited  by  Levites 


vv.  29—33.]  n.  SAMUEL,  XXIII.  221 

Heleb  the  son  of  Baanah,  a  Netophathite,  Ittai  the  son  29 
of  Ribai  out  of  Gibeah  of  the  children  of  Benjamin,  Benaiah  30 
the  Pirathonite,  Hiddai  of  the  brooks  of  Gaash,  Abi-albon  31 
the  Arbathite,  Azmaveth  the  Barhumite,  EUahba  the  Shaal-  32 
bonite,  of  the    sons  of  Jashen,    Jonathan,    Shammah   the  33 

(i  Chr.  ix.  16),  and  mentioned  in  the  accounts  of  the  Return  from  the 
Captivity  (Ezra  ii.  22;  Neh.  vii.  26).  Maharai  commanded  the  tenth 
division  of  the  army,  and,  like  Sibbechai,  was  a  Zarhite. 

29.  Heleb]  Or  Heled  (i  Chr.  xi.  7,0),  ox  Heldai  {1  Chr.  xxvii.  15), 
of  the  house  of  Othniel,  commander  of  the  twelfth  division. 

Ittai\  Ithai  in  Chron.  is  merely  a  different  way  of  pronouncing  the 
same  name.     He  must  of  course  be  distinguished  from  Ittai  the  Gittite. 

30.  Beiiaiah  the  Pirathonite]  Of  Pirathon  in  Ephraim  (Jud.  xii.  13, 
15),  perhaps  the  modern  Fo'dta,  six  miles  W.S.W.  of  Shechem. 
Benaiah  was  general  of  the  eleventh  division  (i  Chr.  xxvii.  14). 

Hiddai]  In  i  Chr.  xi.  32  Hurai,  owing  to  the  common  confusion  of 
d  and  r. 

the  brooks  of  Gaash]  Or  NaMle- Gaash,  a  proper  name  meaning  the 
ravijies  of  the  earthqtiake,  "The  hill  of  Gaash"  was  on  the  south  of 
Joshua's  property  at  Timnath-serah  in  Mount  Ephraim  (Josh.  xix.  50, 
xxiv.  30;  Jud.  ii.  9),  the  traditional  site  of  which  is  Kefr  Hdris,  nine 
miles  S.W.  of  Shechem.  But  no  trace  of  the  name  Gaash  has  yet  been 
discovered. 

31.  Abi-albon  the  Arbathite]  Called  in  i  Chr.  xi.  32  Abie!^  which 
is  probably  the  true  reading,  as  Abi-albon  is  an  unknown  name,  and 
may  easily  have  arisen  from  confusion  with  Shaalbonite  in  the  line 
below.  For  a  similar  confusion  cp.  ch.  xxi.  19.  He  was  a  native 
of  Arabah  or  Beth-arabah,  a  town  in  the  wilderness  of  Judah,  on  the 
border  between  Judah  and  Benjamin  (Josh.  xv.  6,  61,  xviii.  18,  22). 

the  Barhtunite]  Of  Bahurim  :  see  note  on  ch.  iii.  16  :  a  corruption  or 
transposition  for  Bahariwiite,  which  is  found  in  i  Chr.  xi.  33. 

32.  the  Shaalbonite]  of  Shaalabbin  in  the  tribe  of  Dan  (Josh.  xix. 
42  ;  Jud.  i.  35  ;  i  Kings  iv.  9) ;  pei-haps  the  modern  Selbit,  3  miles 
N.  W.  of  Ydlo  (Aijalon),  and  about  15  miles  W.  N.W.  of  Jerusalem. 

oi  the  sons  of  y ashen,  fonathan,  Shammah  the  Hararite]  Of  \s  not 
in  the  Heb.  text;  Chron.  reads  "the  sons  of  Hashem  the  Gizonite, 
Jonathan  the  son  of  Shage  the  Hararite."  The  word  bni  (  =  sons) 
seems  quite  out  of  place,  and  must  either  be  omitted  as  an  erroneous 
repetition  of  the  last  three  letters  of  the  preceding  word,  or  regarded  as 
a  part  of  the  hero's  name.  The  name  of  his  native  place  must  also  be 
inserted  from  Chron.  Thus  we  get  Jashen  (Chron.  Hashem),  or 
BneJasheJt  (Chron.  Bnehashem)  the  Gizonite  as  the  probable  reading. 

33.  Shammah  the  Hararite]  Shammah  has  already  been  mentioned 
'\xiv.  II  as  one  of  the  first  Three,  so  that  his  name  is  evidently  out  of 
place  among  the  Thirty.  A  comparison  of  the  text  of  i  Chron.  xi.  34 
makes  it  tolerably  certain  that  we  should  read  either  Jonathan  the  son 
of  Agee  the  Hararite,  or  Jonathan  the  son  of  Shammah  the  Hararite, 
making  Jonathan  either  brother  or  son  of  the  hero  mentioned  'm.v.  11. 


222  II.  SAMUEL,  XXIII.  [vv.  34—39. 

34  Hararite,  Ahiam  the  son  of  Sharar  the  Hararite,  EHphelet 
"  the  son  of  Ahasbai,  the  son  of  the  Maachathite,  Eliam  the 

35  son  of  Ahithophel  the  Gilonite,  Hezrai  the  Carmehte,  Paarai 

36  the   Arbite,   Igal  the   son  of  Nathan  of  Zobah,   Bani  the 

37  Gadite,  Zelek  the  Ammonite,  Naharai  the  Beerothite,  armour- 
3S  bearer  to  Joab  the  son  of  Zeruiah,  Ira  an  Ithrite,  Gareb  an 
39  Ithrite,  Uriah  the  Hittite :  thirty  and  seven  in  all. 

Sharar'\     In  Chron.  Sacar,  a  name  found  also  in  i  Chr.  xxvi.  4. 

34.  Here  the  text  of  i  Chr.  xi.  35,  36  diverges  widely,  and  in  place 
of  the  names  in  this  verse  reads  "Eliphal  the  son  of  Ur,  Hepher  the 
Mecherathite,  Ahijah  the  Pelonite." 

the  son  of  the  Maachathite\  Better,  the  Maachatliite,  a  member  of 
the  clan  or  family  of  Maachah,  settled  at  Abel-beth-Maachah  (ch.  xx.  14 
ff.);  or  possibly  a  native  of  the  Syrian  kingdom  of  Maaclrah  (ch.  x.  6). 

Eliam']  Son  of  David's  clever  but  treacherous  counsellor  (ch.  xv.  12) ; 
supposed  by  some  to  be  the  father  of  Bath-sheba.  But  the  identification 
is  doubtful  :  see  note  on  ch.  xi.  3. 

35.  Hezrai  the  Carmelite]  The  Kthihh  agrees  with  i  Chr.  xi.  37  in 
reading  Hezro.  He  belonged  to  Carmel  in  the  mountainous  covmtry  of 
Judah,  now  Kicrmtd,  about  seven  miles  S.  S.E.  of  Hebron.  Cp.  i 
Sam.  XXV.  1. 

Paarai  the  Arbite]  Of  Arab,  a  city  also  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Hebron  (Josh.  xv.  52),  perhaps  er-Kabiyeh,  about  five  miles  S.  of 
Hebron.     Chron.  reads  "Naarai  the  son  of  Ezbai." 

36.  Igal  the  son  of  Nathan  of  Zobah]  .In  Chron.  "Joel,  the  brother 
of  Nathan."  The  consonants  of  Igal  (aS^)  and  Joel  (PN^)  are  so 
similar  that  one  or  other  of  the  names  is  probably  corrupt.  Igal 
occurs  in  Num.  xiii.  7  ;  i  Chr.  iii.  11.  If  the  text  is  correct  lie  was  a 
Syrian  of  Zobah.     See  note  on  ch.  viii.  3. 

Bani  the  Gadite]  This  is  probably  the  true  reading,  and  Ulibhar  the 
son  of  Haggeri  in  i  Chr.  xi.  38  is  a  corruption  of  the  words  here  of 
Zobah  Bani  the  Gadite. 

37.  Zelek  the  Ammonite]  Like  Igal  the  Syrian,  and  Ittai  the  Philis- 
tine, a  foreigner  who  rose  to  distinction  in  David's  service. 

Naharai  the  Beerothite]  Of  Beeroth  (see  note  on  ch.  iv.  2),  and  there- 
fore perhaps  a  Gibeonite  by  race. 

armouj-bearer]  The  Kthtbh  has  the  plural  armoiirbearers,  but  the 
singular  is  supported  by  the  Sept.  and  Chron.,  and  is  probably  the 
correct  reading.  Joab  had  ten  armourbearers  or  attendant  squires 
(ch.  xviii.  15). 

38.  Ithrite]  Belonging  to  the  family  of  Jether,  which  settled  at 
Kirjath-jearim  (i  Chr.  ii.  53). 

39.  Uriah]     See  on  ch.  xi.  3. 

thirty  and  seven  in  all]  This  total  is  obtained  either  {a)  by  reckoning 
three  in  the  first  class  {vv.  8 — 12),  two  in  the  second  {vv.  18 — 23),  and 
thirty-two  in  the  third  {vv.  24—39),  emending  v.  34  by  the  help  of 
Chron.  so  as  to  contain  three  names  :  or  {b)  if  the  text  of  v.  34  is 


V.  I.]  II.  SAMUEL,  XXIV.  223 

Ch.  XXIV.     The  nwnbering  of  the  People  and  the  Plague. 

I — 9.     The  Numheriiig  of  the  People. 

And  again  the  anger  of  the  Lord  was  kindled  against  24 
Israel,  and  he   moved    David   against   them   to    say,    Go, 

retained,  by  counting  three  in  the  second  class,  though  only  two  are 
mentioned  by  name.  Joab,  as  commander-in-chief,  is  not  reckoned  in 
the  total. 

In  I  Chr.  xi.  41 — 47  sixteen  additional  names  are  given,  possibly 
either  of  those  who  became  members  of  the  body  when  its  number  was 
not  rigidly  limited  to  thirty,  or  of  those  who  took  the  places  vacated  by 
death. 

Ch.  XXIV.    The  numbering  of  the  People  and  the  Plague. 
=  I  Chr.  xxi.  I — 27. 

There  is  no  definite  note  of  time  to  shew  when  the  events  here  re- 
corded took  place,  but  several  indications  point  to  the  later  years  of 
David's  reign,  {a)  The  language  oiv.  i,  *^  agam  the  anger  of  the  Lord 
was  kindled  against  Israel "  evidently  refers  to  the  famine  recorded  in 
ch.  xxi.  and  points  to  a  date  after  that  occurrence,  {b)  It  would  have 
been  impossible  for  the  commander-in-chief  to  spend  nearly  ten  months 
in  taking  the  census,  except  at  a  time  of  permanent  peace,  [c)  David's 
preparations  for  building  the  Temple,  which  occupied  the  last  years  of 
his  reign,  are  narrated  in  Chronicles  as  the  immediate  sequel  of  his 
purchase  of  Araunah's  threshing-floor. 

The  corresponding  narrative  in  Chronicles  agrees  much  less  closely 
than  usual  with  Samuel.  Either  its  writer  drew  from  other  sources,  or 
the  compiler  of  Samuel  has  omitted  much  of  the  original  account. 

For  a  discussion  of  the  nature  of  David's  sin  see  Additional  Note  V. 
p.  238. 

1—9.    The  Numbering  of  the  People. 

1.  agalji]  The  previous  manifestation  of  God's  anger  referred  to 
M-as  the  famine  (ch.  xxi.).  It  is  possible  that  the  two  narratives  stood  in 
close  juxtaposition  in  the  original  document  used  by  the  compiler. 

and  he  moved  David  against  theni]  The  subject  of  the  verb  is 
Jehovah.  The  nation  had  sinned  and  incurred  His  anger,  and  He 
instigated  David  to  an  act  which  brought  down  a  sharp  punishment  on 
the  nation.  The  statement  that  God  incited  David  to  do  what  was 
afterwards  condemned  and  punished  as  a  heinous  sin  cannot  of  course 
mean  that  He  compelled  David  to  sin,  but  that  in  order  to  test  and  prove 
his  character  He  allowed  the  temptation  to  assault  him.  Thus  while 
we  read  that  "God  himself  tempteth  no  man"  (James  i.  13),  we  are 
taught  to  pray  "Bring  us  not  into  temptation"  (Matt.  vi.  13).  In 
I  Chr.  xxi.  I  we  read  "  Satan  stood  up  against  Israel  and  moved  David 
to  number  Israel."  The  older  record  speaks  only  of  God's  permissive 
action  :  the  latter  tells  us  of  the  malicious  instrumentality  of  Satan. 
The  case  is  like  that  of  Job  (Job  i.  12,  ii.  10). 


224  11.  SAMUEL,  XXIV.  [vv.  2—5. 

2  number  Israel  and  Judah.  For  the  king  said  to  Joab  the 
"captain  of  the  host,  which  was  with  him.  Go  now  through 

all  the  tribes  of  Israel,  from  Dan  even  to  Beer-sheba,  and 
number  ye  the  people,  that  I  may  know  the  number  of  the 

3  people.  And  Joab  said  unto  the  king,  Now  the  Lord  thy 
God  add  unto  the  people,  how  many  soever  they  be,  an 
hundredfold,  and  that  the  eyes  of  my  lord  the  king  may  see 
//.•  but  why  doth  my  lord  the  king  delight  in  this  thing? 

4  Notwithstanding  the  king's  word  prevailed  against  Joab,  and 
against  the  captains  of  the  host.  And  Joab  and  the  captains 
of  the  host  went  out  from  the  presence  of  the  king,  to  num- 

5  ber  the  people  ^Israel.    And  they  passed  over  Jordan, and 

Go,  nutJibe)-']  Go,  count ;  a  different  word  from  that  translated 
munber  in  the  rest  of  the  chapter,  for  the  meaning  of  which  sec  note 
on  ch.  xviii.  i. 

Israel  and  JiuiaJil  The  designation  of  the  people  as  Israel  and 
Judah  seems  to  have  been  in  use  even  before  the  Division  of  the 
Kingdoms.  In  the  next  verse  Israel  includes  the  whole  nation.  See 
Introd.  p.  13. 

2.  For  the  king  said]  And  the  king  said :  yielding  to  the  tempta- 
tion to  which  he  was  subjected  by  permission  of  God  through  the 
instrumentality  of  Satan. 

ike  host]  The  word  for  host  in  vv.  1,  ^  is  different  from  that  gene- 
rally used  of  the  Israelite  army,  and  perhaps  indicates  that  this  chapter 
was  derived  from  a  different  source. 

number  ye]  It  is  stated  in  i  Chron.  xxi.  1  that  the  commission  was  given 
to  "Joab  and  to  the  captains  (or  princes)  of  the  people."  Their 
cooperation  is  here  implied  by  the  use  of  the  plural,  and  by  v.  4.  They 
were  associated  with  Joab  in  the  work,  just  as  the  princes  of  the  tribes 
were  associated  with  Moses  and  Aaron  in  taking  the  census  (Num.  i. 
4  ff.),  and  this  indicates  that  the  census  had  some  military  object  in 
view. 

3.  the  Lord  thy  God  add,  &c.]     Cp.  Deut.  i.  ir. 

and  that  the  eyes,  &c.]  That  is,  may  it  happen  in  the  king's  life- 
time. 

why  doth  my  loj'd,  &c.]  *'  Why  will  he  be  a  cause  of  trespass  to 
Israel?"  is  the  further  explanation  of  Joab's  thoughts  given  in  i  Chr.  xxi.  3. 
It  is  probable  that  a  shrewd  practical  man  like  Joab,  whose  life  shews 
no  signs  of  being  influenced  by  religious  motives,  opposed  the  king's 
purpose  more  from  the  fear  of  exciting  disaffection  among  the  people  by 
a  scheme  to  increase  the  burdens  of  miUtary  service,  than  from  a  sense 
that  the  king's  spirit  was  displeasing  to  God,  though  the  latter  motive 
may  not  have  been  altogether  absent. 

4.  against  Joab,  and  against  the  captains  of  the  host]  A  council  of 
the  officers  of  the  army  was  held,  in  which  the  scheme  was  discussed. 


V.  6.]  II.  SAMUEL,  XXIV.  225 

pitched  in  Aroer,  on  the  right  side  of  the  city  that  lieth  in 
the  midst  of  the  river  of  Gad,  and  toward  Jazer  :  then  they  6 
came  to  Gilead,   and  to  the  land  of  Tahtim-hodshi ;  and 


5.  /;/  Aroer'\  This  Aroer  is  generally  thought  to  be  Aroer  near 
Rabbah  in  the  tribe  of  Gad  (Josh.  xiii.  25) :  but  since  it  is  natural  to 
suppose  that  the  census  began  from  the  southern  boundary  of  the  Trans- 
Jordanic  territory,  which  was  the  river  Arnon,  and  since  the  city  that  is 
in  the  midst  of  the  ravine  is  repeatedly  mentioned  in  connexion  with 
Aroer  upon  the  Arnon  (Deut.  ii.  36  ;  Josh.  xiii.  9,  16;  cp.  Josh.  xii.  2) 
in  describing  the  southern  boundary  of  the  tribe  of  Reuben,  it  seems 
far  better  to  understand  Aroer  to  be  the  Aroer  on  the  Arnon. 

The  site  of  Aroer  on  the  Arnon  is  marked  by  the  ruins  of  Ara^ar  on 
the  northern  edge  of  the  Wady  Mojeb.  This  deep  gorge  in  the  level 
plateau  is  the  ravine  (E.  V.  river)  of  the  Arnon,  The  latest  explorer 
of  Moab  says:  "Above  the  Roman  bridge  are  some  faint  remains  of 
early  buildings  ;  perhaps  '  the  city  that  is  in  the  midst  of  the  river.' 
At  least  it  is  scarcely  possible  that  such  exuberant  vegetation,  with 
perennial  moisture,  should  have  remained  unappropriated  in  the  time  of 
Israel's  greatness;  and  whether  the  place  so  vaguely  spoken  of  were 
above  or  below  the  fords ; — '  cities '  or  villages  there  were  sure  to  be 
in  the  midst  of  the  'river'  or  wady^  Tristram's  Lajid  of  Moab,  p. 
128. 

0)1  the  right  side]  On  the  south,  for  the  Hebrews  reckoned  the  points 
of  the  compass  facing  the  east. 

of  Gad]  If  the  view  taken  above  with  regard  to  Aroer  is  correct, 
of  Gad  must  be  separated  from  the  river,  and  rendered  towards  Gad. 
Probably  some  such  words  as  and  they  came  have  dropped  out,  as  the 
preposition  towards  before  Jazer  requires  a  verb  of  motion.  Indeed 
there  are  good  reasons  for  supposing  that  the  Heb.  text  is  corrupt,  and 
that  we  should  read  with  some  MSS.  of  the  Sept.:  "And  they  began 
from  Aroer,  and  from  the  city  which  is  in  the  midst  of  the  ravine;  and 
they  came  to  Gad  and  towards  Jazer." 

Jazer]  Or  Jaazer,  a  city  captured  by  Israel  from  the  Amorites  (Num. 
xxi.  32),  rebuilt  by  the  tribe  of  Gad  (Num.  xxxii.  35;  Josh.  xiii.  25), 
allotted  to  the  Levites  (Josh.  xxi.  39),  subsequently  Moabite  (Is.  xvi. 
8,  9),  and  recaptured  by  Judas  Maccabaeus  from  the  Ammonites  (i  Mace. 
v.  6).  Its  site  is  probably  to  be  placed  at  es  Szir,  7  miles  W.  S.W.  of 
A?nmdu  (Rabbah)  and  9  miles  N.  of  Heshbon. 

6.  Gilead]  The  mountainous  district  partly  to  the  north  and  partly 
to  the  south  of  the  River  Jabbok. 

the  land  of  Tahti/n-hodshi]  No  such  district  is  known,  and  the  form 
of  the  words  also  makes  it  probable  that  the  text  is  corrupt.  Some 
conjecture  that  we  should  read  (with  some  MSS.  of  the  Sept.)  to  the 
land  of  the  Hitlites  to  Kedesh,  the  famous  Hittite  capital  on  the  Orontes, 
but  this  seems  too  far  north ;  others  conjecture  the  regions  hehno  mount 
Hermon;  and  so  forth.  All  that  can  be  said  is  that  some  district,  ap- 
parently east  of  the  Jordan  and  north  of  Gilead,  is  meant. 


II.  SAMUEL 


15 


226  II.  SAMUEL.   XXIV.  [vv.  7—9. 

7  they  came  to  Dan-jaan,  and  about  to  Zidon,  and  came  to 
-  the  strong  hold  of  Tyre,  and  to  all  the  cities  of  the  Hivites, 

and  of  the  Canaanites :  and  they  went  out  to  the  south  of 

8  Judah,  even  to  Beer-sheba.  So  when  they  had  gone  through 
all  the  land,  they  came  to  Jerusalem  at  the  end  of  nine 

9  months  and  twenty  days.  And  Joab  gave  ///  the  sum  of  the 
number  of  the  people  unto  the  king :  and  there  were  in 
Israel  eight  hundred  thousand  valiant  men  that  drew  the 
sword  j  and  the  men  of  Judah  were  five  hundred  thousand 
men. 

Dan-jaan']  Perhaps  the  well  known  Dan,  but  if  so,  it  is  strange  that 
it  should  here  and  nowhere  else  be  distinguished  as  Dan-jaan.  The 
meaning  oi  jaan  is  uncertain,  and  perhaps  we  should  follow  the  Sept. 
(A)  and  Vulg.  in  reading  Dan-jaar,  i.e.  Dan  in  the  forest. 

a7id  about  to  Zidon']  Shaping  their  course  westward  to  the  famous  city 
of  Zidon,  the  extreme  north-western  limit  of  the  kingdom,  on  the  border 
of  Asher  (Josh.  xix.  28),  but  never  occupied  by  that  tribe  (Jud.  i.  31). 
Zidon  was  anciently  the  most  important  city  of  Phoenicia,  and  hence 
the  Phoenicians  are  generally  called  Zidonians  in  the  O.  T.  (Josh.  xiii. 
6  ;  Jud.  xviii.  7  ;  i  Kings  v.  6) ;  but  at  this  time  it  was  inferior  and  pro- 
bably subject  to  Tyre. 

7.  the  strojig  hold  of  Tyre]  The  same  term — generally  rendered 
fenced  city  in  the  E.V.— is  applied  to  Tyre  in  Josh,  xix,  29,  where  Tyre 

is  named  among  the  places  on  the  border  of  Asher.  Like  Zidon  it  was 
never  occupied  by  the  Israelites,  and  we  must  suppose  either  that  the 
region  traversed  by  the  enumerators  is  defined  as  reaching  up  to  though 
not  including  Tyre  and  Zidon,  or  that  these  cities  were  actually  visited 
in  order  to  take  a  census  of  Israelites  resident  in  them. 

the  cities  oj  the  Hivites,  and  of  the  Canaanites]  The  old  inhabitants 
were  never  exterminated  from  the  northern  part  of  Palestine,  but  made 
tributary,  and  apparently  allowed  to  dwell  in  communities  of  their  own. 
The  district  round  Kedesh-Naphtali  in  particular  was  called  the  region 
of  the  nations  or  Galilee  of  the  Gentiles  (Josh.  xx.  7  ;  i  Kings  ix.  11 ;  Is. 
ix.  i).  The  Hivites  dwelt  principally  in  this  northern  region  (Josh. 
xi.  3;  Jud.  iii.  3),  and  also  round  Gibeon  (Josh.xi.  19),  and  are  probably 
specified  as  the  tribe  of  which  most  survived:  the  Canaanites  would 
include  all  the  other  native  tribes  in  general. 

8.  through  all  the  land]  Joab  however  omitted  the  Levites,  in  ac- 
•  cordance  with  the  direction  given  to  Moses  (Num.  i.  47  ff.),  because 

they  were  exempt  from  military  service;  and  the  Benjamites,  possibly 
in  order  to  avoid  exciting  disaffection  in  a  tribe  specially  ready  to  take 
offence. 

9.  eight  hundred  thousand.,  fve  hundred  thousand]  In  i  Chr.  xxi.  5 
the  numbers  are  given  as  1,100,000  for  Israel,  and  470,000  for  Judah. 
This  discrepancy  may  be  due  to  textual  corruption,  but  more  probably 
arises  from  a  difference  in  the  original  estimates,  or  in  the  oral  tradition 


vv.  lo— 12.]  II.  SAMUEL,  XXIV.  227 

10 — 14.     The  choice  of  pimishments. 

And  David's  heart  smote  him  after  that  he  had  num- 10 
bered  the  people.  And  David  said  unto  the  Lord,  I  have 
sinned  greatly  in  that  I  have  done  :  and  now,  I  beseech 
thee,  O  Lord,  take  away  the  iniquity  of  thy  servant ;  for  I 
have  done  very  foolishly.  For  when  David  was  up  in  the  " 
morning,  the  word  of  the  Lord  came  unto  the  prophet  Gad, 
David's  seer,  saying.  Go  and  say  unto  David,  Thus  saith  the  12 

with  respect  to  them,  since  the  result  of  the  census  was  not  authorita- 
tively registered  in  the  state  records  (i  Chr.  xxvii.  24).  The  conjecture 
that  the  standing  army  of  288,000  men  (i  Chr.  xxvii.  i — 15)  is  here  de- 
ducted from  Israel,  and  some  body  of  30,000  troops  added  to  Judah,  is 
ingenious,  but  rendered  improbable  by  the  fact  that  it  is  necessary  to 
add  to  the  one  and  subtract  from  the  other  to  make  the  totals  equal  to 
those  of  I  Chron. 

The  numbers  have  been  attacked  as  exaggerated,  and  far  exceeding 
the  possible  capacity  of  the  country.  The  numbers  given  imply  a  total 
population  of  live  or  six  millions  at  least,  and  the  area  of  the  country 
is  estimated  at  about  ir,ooo  square  miles.  This  gives  (making  allow- 
ance for  the  excepted  tribes)  between  500  and  600  to  the  square  mile,  a 
high  but  not  impossible  rate  of  population  when  the  extreme  fertility 
of  the  country  in  ancient  times  is  taken  into  consideration.  The  ruins 
with  which  Palestine  is  covered  in  every  direction  prove  that  the 
population  was  exceptionally  dense.  See  Smith's  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  Art. 
Census, 

10 — 14.     Tpie  choice  of  punishments. 

10.  David'' s  heart  sinote  him'\  Conscience  accused  him,  and  he  be- 
came aware  of  his  guilt.  He  recognised  the  sinfulness  of  the  proud  and 
vainglorious  spirit  of  self-confidence  and  desire  for  worldly  aggrandise- 
ment which  had  induced  him  to  take  the  census.  See  Additional  Note 
V.  p.  238. 

I  have  done  very  foolishly']  Cp.  i  Sam.  xiii.  13;  2  Chr.  xvi.  9.  In 
both  these  cases,  as  in  effect  here,  the  folly  was  sin  springing  from 
distrust  of  God. 

11.  For  when  David  was  up  in  the  morning]  And  David  arose  in 
the  morning,  and,  »S:c. :  after  the  recognition  and  confession  of  his  sin. 
The  E.V,  gives  the  false  impression  that  the  conviction  of  his  sin  was 
the  result  of  Gad's  visit,  which  is  not  the  meaning  of  the  passage.  Gad 
was  not  sent  until  after  his  confession  and  prayer  for  pardon. 

the  prophet  Gad,  David^s  seer]  Gad  has  not  been  mentioned  since  he 
was  with  David  in  his  wanderings  (i  Sam.  xxii.  5),  but  no  doubt  had 
been  acting  as  his  confidential  counsellor  throughout.  The  word  for 
"seer"  is  chozeh,  literally  "gazer,"  a  term  first  used  here  in  place  of  the 
older  word  "seer,"  roeh.  See  note  on  i  Sam.  ix.  9.  The  narrative 
before  us  was  not  improbably  written  by  Gad  himself  (i  Chr.  xxix.  29). 

15—2 


228  II.  SAMUEL,  XXIV.  [vv.  13-15. 

Lord,  I  offer  thee  three  things ;  choose  thee  one  of  them, 
.3  that  I  may  do  it  unto  thee.  So  Gad  came  to  David,  and 
told  him,  and  said  unto  him,  Shall  seven  years  of  famine 
come  unto  thee  in  thy  land  ?  or  wilt  thou  flee  three  months 
before  thine  enemies,  while  they  pursue  thee?  or  that  there 
be  three  days'  pestilence  in  thy  land  ?  now  advise,  and  see 
[4  what  answer  I  shall  return  to  him  that  sent  me.  And  David 
said  unto  Gad,  I  am  in  a  great  strait  :  let  us  fall  now  into 
the  hand  of  the  Lord;  for  his  mercies  are  great:  and  let 
me  not  fall  into  the  hand  of  man. 

1 5 — T  7.     The  Plague. 

15      So  the  Lord  sent  a  pestilence  upon  Israel  from  the  morn- 
ing even  to  the  time  appointed :  and  there  died  of  the  people 

13.  seven  years  of  famine]  The  reading  of  the  Sept.  and  Chron.  is 
three  years,  and  this  is  unquestionably  to  be  preferred,  as  required  by  the 
symmetry  of  the  statement.  Famine,  war,  and  pestilence  are  three  of 
Jehovah's  four  sore  judgments  (Ezek.  xiv.  21).  Two  of  them  David 
had  already  experienced.  Note  the  expanded  form  in  which  Gad's 
speech  is  given  in  i  Chr.  xxi.  1 2,  especially  the  representation  of  the 
pestilence  as  "the  angel  of  the  Lord  destroying  throughout  all  the 
coasts  of  Israel." 

advise]     Lit.  kiiow  or  consider.     Advise,  like  advise  thyself  in  i  Chr. 
xxi.  12  means  reflect  or  consider      So  Milton,  Par.  Lost,  II.  376: 
Advise,  if  this  be  worth 
Attempting. 

14.  his  mercies  are  great]  Cp.  Ps.  li.  i ;  and  the  reference  to  this 
passage  in  Ecclus.  ii.  17,  18:  "They  that  fear  the  Lord  will  prepare 
their  hearts,  and  humble  their  souls  in  his  sight,  saying,  We  will  fall 
into  the  hands  of  the  Lord,  and  not  into  the  hands  of  men:  for  as  his 
majesty  is,  so  is  his  mercy." 

The  Sept.  adds  at  the  close  of  the  verse:  "And  David  chose  him  the 
pestilence  (lit.  death).  And  it  was  the  days  of  wheat  harvest."  War 
would  place  the  nation  at  the  mercy  of  its  enemies :  famine  would  make 
it  dependent  on  corn-merchants,  who  might  greatly  aggravate  the 
miseries  of  scarcity:  only  in  the  pestilence — some  form  of  plague 
sudden  and  mysterious  in  its  attack,  and  baffling  the  medical  know- 
ledge of  the  time — would  the  punishment  come  directly  from  God,  and 
depend  immediately  upon  His  Will. 

15—17.     The  Plague. 

15.  even  to  the  time  appointed]  The  meaning  of  these  words,  which 
are  not  found  in  Chron.,  is  very  doubtful,  (i)  The  E.V.  follows  the 
Vulg.  tisqiie  ad  iempus  constitzitnm.     This  would  naturally  mean  until 


vv.  i6,  17.]  II.  SAMUEL,   XXIV.  229 

from  Dan  even  to  Beer-sheba  seventy  thousand  men. 
And  when  the  angel  stretched  out  his  hand  upon  Jerusa- 
lem to  destroy  it,  the  Lord  repented  him  of  the  evil,  and 
said  to  the  angel  that  destroyed  the  people,  //  is  enough: 
stay  now  thine  hand.  And  the  angel  of  the  Lord  was  by 
the  threshingplace  of  Araunah  the  Jebusite.     And  David 

the  end  of  the  third  day;  but  the  duration  of  the  plague  seems  to  have 
been  mercifully  shortened  {v.  16).  Perhaps  a  time  appointed  (there  is 
no  definite  article)  might  mean  a  time  determined  in  the  counsel  of  God, 
before  the  expiration  of  the  period  originally  named.  (2)  Most  com- 
mentators render  until  the  time  of  assembly,  i.e.  the  hour  for  oftering 
the  evening  sacrifice,  about  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  Cp,  i  Kings 
xviii.  29,  36;  Dan.  ix.  21;  Acts  iii.  i.  This  is  supported  by  the  ex- 
planation given  in  the  Targum  :  "  from  the  time  of  the  slaying  of  the 
perpetual  sacrifice  until  it  is  burned  ;"  and  by  Jerome  {Qnaest.  Hebr.  in 
libros  Regitm):  "By  the  time  appointed  is  meant  that  at  which  the 
evening  sacrifice  was  offered."  (3)  The  Sept.  rendering,  until  the  time 
of  breakfast,  i.e.  noon,  is  improbat)le. 

16.  the  angelX  Angels  are  God's  ministers  in  temporal  judgment 
now,  as  well  as  in  the  final  judgment  hereafter.  Cp.  Ex.  xii.  23;  Ps. 
Ixxviii.  49;  2  Kings  xix.  35;  Acts  xii.  23;  Matt.  xiii.  41. 

the  Lord  repented  him  of  the  evil]  Cp.  Ex.  xxxii.  14;  Jer.  xxvi.  13, 
19;  Jon.  iii.  10.  On  the  one  hand  Scripture  teaches  us  that  "God  is 
not  a  man  that  he  should  repent"  (Num.  xxiii.  19;  i  Sam.  xv.  29);  on 
the  other  hand  it  does  not  shrink  from  saying  that  God  repents  (a)  when, 
as  here,  upon  man's  penitence  He  withdraws  or  mitigates  a  punisliment : 
{b)  when,  upon  man's  faithlessness  or  disobedience,  He  cancels  a  promise 
or  revokes  a  blessing  which  He  had  given.  God's  repentance  does  not 
mean  that  He  who  foreknows  all  things  regrets  His  action,  nor  is  it  a 
sign  of  mutability.  Scripture  boldly  states  the  two  apparently  contra- 
dictory truths,  and  leaves  conscience  to  harmonize  them.  See  notes  on 
I  Sam.  XV.  II,  29. 

the  threshingplace  of  Arawiah  the  febtisitel  The  threshingfloor : 
precisely  the  same  word  as  in  vv.  18,  21,  24.  Threshingfloors  were 
constructed  on  eminences,  to  catch  the  wind  for  winnowing  the  grain. 
Araunah's  threshingfloor  was  on  Mount  Moriah,  the  hill  to  the  east- 
ward of  Jerusalem,  and  was  the  site  upon  which  the  Temple  was  after- 
wards built  (2  Chr.  iii.  i).  See  Additional  Note  vi.  p.  240.  This 
Mount  Moriah  was  identified  by  Jewish  tradition  (e.g.  Josephus  Ant. 
VII.  13.4)  with  the  mountain  in  the  land  of  Moriah  which  was  the  scene 
of  the  sacrifice  of  Isaac  (Gen.  xxii.  2  ff. ),  but  the  identification  has 
been  questioned,     '^^o.  Sinai  and  Pal.  ^.  251. 

It  has  been  supposed  by  some  that  the  sacred  rock  of  the  Moslems, 
which  is  the  highest  point  of  the  Temple  hill,  and  is  now  covered  by 
the  Kiibbet  es  Sakhrah  or  "Dome  of  the  Rock,"  marks  the  actual  site 
of  Araunah's  threshing-floor.     See  Sinai  and  Pal.  p.  178  ff. 

Araiinah'\     The  name  is  variously  spelt  Aravnah  {v.  16  Qri),  Avar- 


16 


230  II.  SAMUEL,  XXIV.  [v.  i8. 

spake  unto  the  Lord  when  he  saw  the  angel  that  smote  the 
people,  and  said,  Lo,  I  have  smned,  and  I  have  done 
wickedly :  but  these  sheep,  what  have  they  done  ?  let  thine 
hand,  I  pray  thee,  be  against  me,  and  against  my  father's 
house. 

1 8 — 25.    Piu'chase  of  Arawtah^s  threshmgfloor  and  erection 
of  an  altar  there. 

is      And  Gad  came  that  day  to  David,  and  said  unto  him, 

nah  (z;.  16  Kthfbh),  Aranyah  {v.  18  KtMbh)',  in  Chron.  it  is  written 
Oman;  and  in  the  Sept.  in  both  books  "Opva  {Orna).  This  variety  of 
form  is  probably  due  to  different  attempts  to  represent  a  non-Hebraic 
name.  There  is  no  ground  for  the  popular  belief  (based  on  a  misunder- 
standing of  z/.  23)  that  Araunah  was  the  old  king  of  Jebus  before  its 
conquest  by  David,  and  had  been  permitted  by  David  to  reside  on  his 
estate  just  outside  Jerusalem.  But  his  presence  there  is  an  evidence 
that  the  old  inhabitants  had  been  allowed  to  remain,  and  even  to  retain 
their  property.     Cp.  i  Kings  ix.  20. 

17.  'when  he  sazv  the  angel]  The  writer  of  Chronicles,  dwelling 
upon  the  details  of  the  miraculous  circumstances  which  attended  the 
designation  of  the  site  of  the  Temple,  records  that  "David  lifted  up  his 
eyes,  and  saw  the  angel  of  the  Lord  standing  between  the  eailh  and 
the  heaven,  having  a  drawn  sword  in  his  hand  stretched  out  over  Jeru- 
salem. And  David  and  the  elders,  who  were  clothed  in  sackcloth,  fell 
upon  their  faces  "  (xxi.  16). 

I  have  sinned,  and  I  have  done  wickedly]  It  is  I  that  have  sinned 
and  I  that  have  done  perversely.  The  pronoun  is  twice  emphatically 
expressed.  Sin  is  doubly  described  as  missing  an  aim,  coming  short  of 
the  mark  of  duty;  and  as  crooked  or  perverse  action,  following  the 
leadings  of  self-will  instead  of  the  straightforward  path  of  right.  Cp. 
I  Kings  viii.  47;  Ps.  xxxii.  I,  2. 

these  sheep,  what  have  they  done]  Cp.  ch.  vii.  8 ;  Ps.  Ixxiv.  i ;  xcv.  7. 
David  takes  all  the  blame  upon  himself,  for  his  offence  had  been  the 
immediate  cause  of  the  plague,  and  it  is  characteristic  of  true  penitence 
to  dwell  exclusively  on  its  own  sin,  without  respect  to  the  complicity  of 
others.  But  it  is  clear  from  v.  i  that  the  sin  was  the  sin  of  the  people 
as  well  as  of  David.     See  Additional  Note  V.  p.  238. 

18 — 25.     Purchase  of  Araunah's  threshingfloor  and 
erection  of  an  altar  there. 

18.  Gad  came]  By  direction  of  the  angel,  according  to  i  Chr.  xxi. 
18.  Gad's  message  was  the  answer  to  David's  prayer,  the  announce- 
ment to  him  of  the  purpose  of  mercy  described  in  v.  16.  David  was 
still  in  Jerusalem,  praying  perhaps  at  the  tent  in  which  the  Ark  was, 
when  he  saw  the  appearance  of  the  angel  hovering  above  the  neigh- 
bouring hill,  and  apparently  about  to  strike  the  city. 


vv.  19—23]  11.  SAMUEL,  XXIV.  231 

Go   up,  rear  an  altar   unto   the   Lord    in   the   threshing- 
floor  of  Araunah  the  Jebusite.     And  David,  according  to  19 
the  saying  of  Gad,  went  up  as  the  Lord  commanded.     And  20 
Araunah  looked,  and  saw  the  king  and  his  servants  coming 
on  toward  him :  and  Araunah  went  out,  and  bowed  himself 
before  the  king  on  his  face  upon  the  ground.    And  Araunah  21 
said,  Wherefore  is  my  lord  the  king  come  to  his  servant? 
And   David   said,    To  buy   the   threshingfloor  of  thee,  to 
build  an  altar  unto  the   Lord,   that    the  plague   may  be 
stayed  from  the  people.    And  Araunah  said  unto  David,  Let  22 
my  lord  the  king  take  and  offer  up  what  seemeth  good  unto 
him  :  behold,  here  be  oxen  for  burnt  sacrifice,  and  threshing 
instruments  and  other  instruments  of  the  oxen  for  wood.    All  23 
these  things  did  Araunah,   as  a  king,  give  unto   the   king. 
And  Araunah  said  unto  the  king.  The  Lord  thy  God  accept 


20.  saw  the  king\  In  Chron.  sazv  the  angel,  but  the  words  angel 
and  king  in  Heb.  are  very  similar,  and  probably  king  is  the  true  reading 
there  also. 

xvent  oni\  From  the  threshingfloor  where  he  was  at  work  threshing 
wheat. 

22.  threshing  instruments']  The  threshing'  sledges,  drawn  by  the 
oxen  which  Araunah  ofifers  for  sacrifice.  For  a  description  of  this  im- 
plement see  note  on  ch.  xii.  31.  The  word  there  is  different,  and  that 
used  here  is  found  only  in  i  Chr.  xxi.  23  and  Is.  xli.  15.  Corn  was  either 
trampled  out  by  oxen  (Deut.  xxv.  4),  or  beaten  out  by  these  machines. 
See  Smith's  Diet,  of  Bible,  Art.  Agricnltnre. 

other  instruments  of  the  oxen]  Omit  other.  The  instruments  of  the 
oxen  were  the  wooden  yokes.  Cp.  i  Kings  xix.  21;  i  Sam.  vi.  14. 
Chron.  adds,  "  and  the  wheat  for  the  meat  offering. " 

23.  All  these  things,  &c.]  Render,  The  whole  doth  Araunah,  0 
Mug-,  give  unto  the  king.  The  words  are  a  continuation  of  Araunah's 
speech  in  £/.  22.  Cp.  i  Chr.  xxi.  23.  Although  the  rendering,  "the 
whole  did  king  Araunah  give  unto  the  king,"  is  grammatically  possible, 
it  is  inconceivable  that  so  important  a  fact  as  that  Araunah  was  the 
former  king  of  Jebus  should  be  only  mentioned  in  so  incidental  a  way, 
and  the  striking  picture  drawn  by  Dean  Stanley  {Led.  II.  in)  of  the 
meeting  of  the  two  princes — "the  fallen  king  of  the  ancient  fortress, 
the  new  king  of  the  restored  capital,  each  moved  alike  by  the  misfortune 
of  a  city  which  in  different  senses  belonged  to  each" — must  be  given 
up  as  destitute  of  historical  foundation.  But  the  word  O  king  is  not 
found  in  the  Sept.  or  Vulg.,  and  should  probably  be  omitted.  In  this 
case  the  words  will  be  the  narrator's  summary  of  Araunah's  offer:  "  the 
whole  did  Araunah  give  unto  the  king:"  give,  as  in  the  strikingly 
similar  offer  of  Ephron  to  Abraham,  meaning  oj'er.     See  Gen.  xxiii.  1 1 . 


232  II.  SAMUEL,   XXIV.  [vv.  24,  25. 

24  thee.  And  the  king  said  unto  Araunah,  Nay;  but  I  will 
surely  buy  it  of  thee  at  a  price:  neither  will  I  offer  burnt 
offerings  unto  the  Lord  my  God  of  that  which  doth  cost  me 
nothing.     So    David    bought    the    threshingfloor   and   the 

25  oxen  for  fifty  shekels  of  silver.  And  David  built  there  an 
altar  unto  the  Lord,  and  offered  burnt  offerings  and  peace 
offerings.  So  the  Lord  was  intreated  for  the  land,  and  the 
plague  was  stayed  from  Israel. 

accept  thee]  The  same  word  is  used  of  God's  acceptance  of  prayer 
and  sacrifice  in  Job  xxxiii.  26  (E.  V.  be  favourable);  Ezek.  xx.  40,  4I, 
xliii.  27,  &c. 

24.  licit hcj'  will  I  offer.,. of  that  which  doth  cost  7iie  nothing]  For 
that  would  contradict  the  essential  idea  of  sacrifice.  "  It  is  an  heart- 
less piety  of  those  base-minded  Christians  that  care  only  to  serve  God 
good  cheap."     Bp.  Hall.     Cp.  Mai.  i.  13,  14. 

David  bought  the  threshingfloor  and  the  oxen  for  ffty  shekels  of  silver] 
The  corresponding  statement  in  i  Chr.  xxi.  25  is  that  "David  gave  to 
Oman  for  the  place  six  hundred  shekels  of  gold  by  weight."  If  this 
refers  to  the  same  purchase,  we  can  only  suppose  that  the  numbers  in 
one  or  both  of  the  passages  are  corrupt :  but  it  is  possible  that  the  im- 
mediate purchase  of  the  threshingfloor  and  the  oxen  for  fifty  shekels  of 
silver  was  a  distinct  transaction  from  the  subsequent  purchase  of  "  the 
place,"  that  is,  the  whole  area  upon  which  the  Temple  was  erected,  for 
six  hundred  shekels  of  gold. 

25.  bitrnt  offerings  and  peace  offerings]  The  Sept.  adds;  "And 
Solomon  added  to  the  altar  afterwards,  for  it  was  small  at  the  first:" 
and  this,  whether  merely  a  gloss  or  part  of  the  original  text,  agrees 
with  the  statement  in  Chronicles,  that  David  chose  the  spot  for  the  site 
of  the  Temple.     See  i  Chron.  xxii.  i ;  2  Chr.  iii.  i. 

So  the  Lord  was  intreated  for  the  land]    See  note  on  ch.  xxi.  14. 


APPENDIX. 


NOTE  I. 

The  Messianic  Interpretation  of  Nathan's  Prophecy  to 
David  in  Chap.  vii. 

This  prophecy  marks  an  important  stage  in  the  Old  Testament 
revelation  which  prepared  the  way  for  the  Messiah's  coming.  The 
primeval  promise  to  Adam  held  out  the  hope  of  deliverance  through 
"the  seed  of  the  woman M"  Abraham  received  the  assurance  that  "in 
his  seed  should  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  be  blessed"-;"  Jacob  in  his 
dying  blessing  assigned  the  sceptre  to  Judah^.  Thus  the  whole  human 
race,  one  nation  of  the  race,  and  one  tribe  of  the  nation,  were  succes- 
sively designated  to  be  the  means  of  realising  the  promise  of  blessing  to 
mankind.  And  now  by  this  prophetic  declaration  a  further  limitation 
was  made,  and  the  family  of  David  was  chosen  out  of  the  tribe  of  Judah 
as  the  depositary  of  the  promise. 

At  this  epoch  of  the  national  history,  Israel's  hopes  centred  in  the 
theocratic  kingdom,  in  the  establishment  of  a  government  whose  head 
was  to  be  the  visible  representative  of  Jehovah.  And  now  by  God's 
message  thi^ough  Nathan  this  kingdom  was  for  ever  promised  to  the 
house  of  David.  To  it  therefore  men's  hopes  were  now  directed  as  the 
destined  instrument  of  salvation. 

But  this  prophecy  does  not  speak  of  the  Messiah  as  an  individual ; 
it  does  not  predict  the  perfect  reign  of  a  sinless  king.  It  contemplates 
a  succession  of  kings  of  David's  line,  who  would  be  liable  to  fall  into 
sin  and  would  need  the  discipline  of  chastisement.  The  perfect  king  in 
whom,  as  we  now  know,  the  line  was  to  culminate,  and  the  prophecy 
receive  its  highest  fulfilment,  is  not  yet  foreshadowed. 

It  remained  for  prophet  and  psalmist,  developing  this  fundamental 
revelation,  to  draw  the  picture  of  the  ideal  king  who  should  spring 
from  David's  seed,  and  exercise  dominion  as  the  true  representative  of 
Jehovah  on  earth.     As  each  human  heir  of  David's  line  failed  to  fulfil 

^  Gen.  iii.  15.  ^  Gen.  xxii.  18. 

'  Gen.  xlix.  10.     Cp.  i  Cliron.  xxvlii.  4. 


234  APPENDIX. 


the  expectation,  hope  was  carried  forward  and  elevated,  until  He  came 
to  Whom  is  given  the  throne  of  His  father  David,  and  of  Whose  king- 
dom there  shall  be  no  end^. 

The  subsequent  references  to  this  great  promise  should  be  carefully 
studied. 

(a)     David  applies  it  to  Solomon,      i  Chr.  xxii.  9,  10,  xxviii.  2  ff. 

(d)  Solomon  claims  it  for  himself,  i  Kings  v.  5;  2  Chr.  vi.  7  fF.; 
I  Kings  viii.  1 7 — 20. 

{c)     It  is  confirmed  to  Solomon,     i  Kings  ix.  4,  5. 

(d)  It  is  repeatedly  affirmed,  that  in  spite  of  the  sin  of  individual 
kings,  the  kingdom  shall  not  be  withdrawn  from  David's  house  for  his 
sake.     I  Kings  xi.  31 — 39,  xv.  4,  5;  2  Kings  viii.  18,  19. 

(e)  Ps.  Ixxxix.,  written  no  doubt  in  the  dark  days  when  the  mo- 
narchy was  already  tottering  to  its  fall,  recapitulates  this  promise,  and 
pleads  with  God  that  He  should  not  suffer  it  to  be  frustrated.  See 
especially  vv.  19 — 37.  Ps.  cxxxii.  11,  12,  and  Is.  Iv.  3,  also  contain 
distinct  references  to  it. 


NOTE  II. 
On  the  execution  of  Saul's  sons. 

The  narrative  of  the  famine  for  Saul's  sin,  and  the  consequent  sur- 
render of  his  sons  to  the  Gibeonites  for  execution  calls  for  some  comment 
beyond  the  compass  of  an  ordinary  note.  Both  punishments  seem  to 
fall  on  the  heads  of  those  who  were  not  personally  guilty. 

1.  The  nation  was  punished  for  the  sin  of  its  ruler  committed  many 
years  before.  With  regard  to  this,  Waterland^  justly  observes:  "It 
ought  not  to  be  said,  because  it  cannot  be  proved,  that  the  Israelites  of 
that  time  were  punished  for  crimes  that  they  were  in  no  way  guilty  of. 
We  know  not  how  many,  or  who,  were  confederate  with  Saul  in  mur- 
dering the  Gibeonites,  or  guilty  in  not  hindering  it.  We  know  not  how 
many,  or  who,  made  the  crime  their  own  by  approving  it  afterwards." 
Further  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  king  was  the  representative  of 
the  people.  The  sins  of  an  individual  member  of  a  community  must 
necessarily  in  many  instances  be  regarded  as  implicating  the  whole  com- 
munity, until  they  are  detected  and  repudiated^.  Much  more  then 
must  the  sins  of  the  national  representative  involve  the  whole  nation  in 
their  consequences. 

The  fact  that  the  punishment  did  not  come  until  years  after  the  sin 
was  committed  is  "a  recognition  of  the  continuance  of  a  nation's  life,  of 
its  obligations  and  its  sins  from  age  to  age.  All  national  morality,  nay 
the  meaning  and  possibility  of  history,  depends  upon  this  trutli'^." 

'  Luke  i.  32,  33. 

2  Scripture  Vindicated:  Works,  IV.  269. 

3  See  for  example  the  law  of  murder  (Deut.  xxi.  i — g)  :  the  case  of  Achan  (Josh, 
vi;.  iff). 

*  '^\z.\xx\z^'%  Prophets  and  Kings,  p.  6g. 


APPENDIX.  235 


2.  Saul's  sons,  who  were  not  charged  with  being  in  any  way  per- 
sonally accessory  to  their  father's  crime,  were  put  to  death  to  expiate  it. 
The  sins  of  the  father  were  visited  upon  the  children.  Now,  as  Ezekiel 
clearly  teaches,  no  innocent  man  can  be  regarded  as  justly  punishable 
for  another's  sin^:  but  in  those  early  ages  the  family  was  regarded 
as  an  unit,  and  the  sins  of  the  head  of  the  family  were  regarded  as  in- 
volving all  its  members  in  their  consequences.  The  sense  of  the  rights 
and  the  responsibilities  of  each  individual  was  as  yet  undeveloped. 
Consequently,  as  seen  by  the  people,  the  execution  of  Saul's  sons  was 
z.  judicial  z.z\.  of  retribution  ;  but  this  aspect  of  the  transaction  was  only 
an  "accommodation"  to  the  current  ideas  of  the  age.  Viewed  in  its 
essential  character  as  sanctioned  by  God,  it  was  a  didactic  act,  designed 
to  teach  the  guilt  of  sin. 

God  has  an  absolute  power  of  life  and  death  over  His  creatures,  and 
may  at  any  time  take  away  the  life  which  He  has  given.  "  The  exter- 
mination of  the  Canaanites,  and  the  destruction  of  the  families  of  Korah, 
Dathan,  and  Abiram,  of  Achan,  and  of  Saul,  were  great  lessons,  and 
lessons  which  the  great  Master  could  give  by  the  simple  exercise  of  His 
right  as  the  Lord  of  human  life..,.  They  were  real tizXs,  and  expressed 
the  real  mind  of  the  Deity,  only  as  acts  of  instruction.  God  cannot 
punish  a  man  for  the  reason  of  another's  sin;  but  it  is  open  to  God 
to  inflict  death  upon  His  creatures,  zvithout  a  reason,  if  it  so  pleases 
Him ;  and  of  course  for  a  reason  if  it  be  a  good  one : — in  order  to 
strike  wholesome  terror,  in  order  to  keep  a  standing  memento,  in  order 
to  associate  sin  with  a  spectacle  of  horror  and  destruction 2." 

3.  The  act  was  no  doubt  one  which  would  not  have  been  sanctioned 
in  a  more  enlightened  age;  but  the  supposition  that  "David  seized 
this  opportunity  to  rid  himself  of  seven  possible  claimants  to  the 
throne"  (Smith's  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  III.  1133)  is  a  baseless  calumny, 
sufficiently  refuted  by  his  care  for  Mephibosheth,  and  by  the  obscurity 
of  the  victims ;  and  the  idea  that  he  may  have  been,  for  a  while  at 
least,  "infected  by  the  baneful  example  of  the  Phoenicians"  in  offering 
human  sacrifices,  is  contradicted  by  all  that  we  know  of  his  character. 
The  omission  of  this  incident  in  i  Chronicles  is  quite  in  accordance 
with  the  plan  of  that  work,  and  need  not  be  explained  by  assuming 
that  when  that  book  was  written  it  had  come  to  be  regarded  as  a 
barbarous  act  of  superstition,  too  horrible  to  be  retained  in  the  history. 
See  Introd.,  ch.  III.  p.  22. 


NOTE  in. 
1  Samuel  xxii.  and  Psalm  xviii. 

The  variations  between  the  two  texts  of  this  Psalm  in  the  Book  of 
Samuel  and  in  the  Psalter  present  a  critical  problem  of  great  interest 

'  Ezek.  xviii.  2 — 4,  19,  20. 

2  Mozley's  Lectures  on  the  Old  Testament,  Lect.  V.    The  whole  lecture  deserves 
careful  study  as  bearing  upon  the  question. 


APPENDIX. 


and  importance  in  its  bearing  on  the  integrity  of  the  text  of  the  O.T. 
Two  questions  obviously  arise:  (i)  How  are  the  variations  to  be  ac- 
counted for :  and  (2)  which  text  is  to  be  preferred  as  nearest  to  the 
original. 

1.  It  has  been  maintained  by  some  critics  that  both  recensions  pro- 
ceeded from  the  author,  and  are  equally  authentic.  That  in  Samuel 
is  supposed  to  be  the  original  form :  that  in  the  Psalter  is  supposed  to 
be  a  revision  prepared  by  David  himself,  probably  towards  the  close 
of  his  life,  for  public  recitation. 

This  is  a  conjecture  which  can  neither  be  proved  nor  disproved :  but 
while  many  of  the  variations  are  certainly  intentional,  and  due  to  the 
hand  of  a  reviser,  many  are  as  certainly  due  to  accidental  errors  of 
transcription. 

The  confusion  of  similar  letters^:  the  omission  and  repetition  of 
clauses-:  the  transposition  of  words^:  are  phenomena  familiar  to  the 
student  of  the  MSS.  of  the  N.T. ;  and  both  texts  have  suffered  to  some 
extent  from  these  causes. 

2.  Those  who  reject  the  hypothesis  that  both  recensions  proceeded 
from  David's  own  pen,  are  not  agreed  which  is  nearest  to  the  original. 
The  text  in  the  Psalter  appears  to  present  the  more  polished  literary 
form  :  that  in  Samuel  is  marked  by  several  roughnesses  of  language  and 
expression. 

Some  reserve  is  necessary  in  expressing  an  opinion  on  the  question: 
but  the  present  editor  is  inclined  to  believe  that  the  text  in  1  Samuel, 
although  in  many  respects  defective,  is  as  a  whole  the  better  represen- 
tative of  the  original  form :  and  that  the  text  in  the  Psalter  has  been 
subjected  to  a  careful  revision  at  a  later  date,  in  which  peculiar  forms, 
which  perhaps  were  "licenses  of  popular  usage,"  have  been  replaced 
by  classical  forms;  unusual  constructions  simplified;  archaisms  and 
obscure  expressions  explained. 

The  existing  Hebrew  text  of  the  O.T.  is  so  commonly  regarded  as 
free  from  errors  that  it  may  be  worth  while  to  note  the  following  con- 
clusions which  seem  to  follow  from  a  comparison  of  the  two  texts. 

(i)  That  in  all  probability  there  was  a  period  before  the  final  close 
of  the  Canon  when  the  letter  of  the  text  was  not  regarded  with  the 
same  reverence  as  in  a  later  age,  and  the  scribes  considered  revision 
and  alteration  allowable. 

(2)  That  it  is  certain  that  there  was  a  long  period  in  the  history 
of  the  text  of  the  O.T.,  during  which  it  was  not  copied  with  the  scru- 
pulous accuracy  which  characterized  the  later  Jewish  scribes,  and  con- 
sequently errors  of  transcription  crept  in,  as  in  the  case  of  the  N.T. 

(3)  That  nevertheless  the  extent  of  the  possible  alteration  or  corrup- 
tion of  the  text  of  the  O.T.  must  not  be  exaggerated.  In  spite  of  con- 
siderable variations  in  detail,  the  general  sense  and  spirit  of  the  Psalm 
remain  the  same  in  the  two  recensions:  and  so,  although  the  present 
"received  text"  of  the  O.T.  may  vary  considerably  in  detail  from  the 
original  autographs,  it  still  preserves  the  substantial  sense. 

^  See  notes  on  vv.  11,  42,  43.  ^  See  vv.  13,  14.  ^  See  vv.  5,  6. 


APPENDIX.  237 


NOTE   IV. 
The  Targum  of  2  Sam.  xxiii.  1—7. 

A  translation  of  the  Targum  of  Jonathan,  or  Aramaic  Paraphrase  of 
David's  Last  Words,  is  here  given  as  a  specimen  of  ancient  Jewish 
exegesis,  specially  interesting  because  it  interprets  the  passage  as  a  direct 
prophecy  of  the  Messiah.  It  is  right  to  remark  that  it  is  only  in  poetical 
passages  that  the  Targum  adds  so  largely  to  the  original.  For  the  most 
part  it  is  a  baldly  literal  translation. 

1.  And  these  are  the  words  of  the  prophecy  of  David,  which  he 
prophesied  concerning  the  end  of  the  age  ^,  concerning  the  days  of  con- 
solation- which  are  to  come.  David  the  son  of  Jesse  said,  and  the  man 
who  was  exalted  to  the  kingdom  said,  the  anointed  by  the  Word  of  the 
God  of  Jacob,  and  chief  in  presiding  over  the  sweetness  of  the  praises  of 
Israel : 

2.  David  said,  By  the  spirit  of  prophecy  of  Jehovah  I  speak  these 
things,  and  His  holy  words  do  I  order  in  my  mouth : 

3.  David  said.  The  God  of  Israel  spake  concerning  me,  the  Strong 
One  of  Israel  who  ruleth  over  the  sons  of  men,  judging  in  truth,  said 
that  he  would  appoint  for  me  a  king,  who  is  the  Messiah,  who  shall  arise 
and  rule  in  the  fear  of  Jehovah. 

4.  Blessed  are  ye  righteous  who  have  wrought  for  yourselves  good 
deeds,  for  ye  shall  shine  as  the  light  of  His  glory,  as  the  brightness  of  the 
dawn  which  cometh  forth  in  its  strength,  and  like  the  sun  which  shall 
shine  as  the  brightness  of  his  glory,  three  hundred  and  forty-three  fold^, 
as  the  light  of  seven  stars  for  seven  days.  More  than  this  shall  ye  be 
magnified  and  prospered,  who  have  been  desiring  the  years  of  consola- 
tion that  are  coming,  like  the  husbandman  who  waiteth  in  the  years  of 
drought  for  the  rain  to  descend  upon  the  earth. 

5.  David  said,  More  than  this  is  my  house  before  God,  for  He  hath 
sworn  an  eternal  oath  unto  me,  that  my  kingdom  should  be  established 
as  the  orders  of  Creation  are  established,  and  should  be  preserved  for 
the  age  which  is  to  come;  for  all  my  needs  and  all  my  petitions  are 
set  before  Him :  therefore  no  kingdom  shall  be  established  against  it 
any  more. 

6.  But  wicked  sinners  are  like  thorns,  which,  when  they  spring  up, 
are  soft  to  pluck  up,  but  when  a  man  spareth  them,  and  leaveth  them 
alone,  they  grow  and  wax  strong  until  it  is  impossible  to  approach  them 
with  the  hand. 

7.  So  likewise  if  any  man  beginneth  to  approach  unto  trespasses, 
they  grow  and  wax  strong  over  him,  until  they  cover  him  like  a  garment 
of  iron,  against  which  men  cannot  prevail  with  shafts  of  spears  and 
lances.  Therefore  vengeance  on  them  is  not  in  the  power  of  man,  but 
with  fire  shall  they  be  utterly  consumed  when  the  court  of  the  great 
judgment  shall  be  revealed  and  sit  on  the  seat  of  judgment  to  judge 
the  world. 

'  Cp.  Mt.  xiii.  39,  40.  2  Cp.  Lk.  ii.  25. 

*  The  cube  of  the  perfect  number  seven. 


2-,3  APPEiNDIX. 


NOTE  V. 
The  numbering  of  the  people. 

What  were  David's  motives  for  taking  the  census,  and  why  was  the 
act  sinful?  An  ordinary  census  was  perfectly  legitimate;  it  was  ex- 
pressly provided  for  by  the  Mosaic  law^;  and  upon  three  occasions  at 
least  a  census  of  the  people  was  taken  by  Moses  without  offence^.  It  was 
not  then  the  census  itself  which  was  displeasing  to  God,  but  the  motive 
which  inspired  David  to  take  it.  Various  conjectures  have  been  sug- 
gested to  account  for  David's  wish  to  number  the  people.  Some  suppose 
that  he  intended  to  develope  the  military  power  of  the  nation  with  a  view 
to  foreign  conquest ;  others  that  he  meditated  the  organization  of  an  im- 
perial despotism  and  the  imposition  of  fresh  taxes.  The  military 
character  of  the  whole  proceeding,  which  was  discussed  in  a  council  of 
officers^  and  carried  out  under  Joab's  superintendence,  makes  it  probable 
that  it  was  connected  with  some  plan  for  increasing  the  effective  army, 
possibly  with  a  view  to  foreign  conquests.  But  whether  any  definite 
design  of  increased  armaments  or  heavier  taxation  lay  behind  it  or  not, 
it  seems  clear  that  what  constituted  the  sin  of  the  act  was  the  vain- 
glorious spirit  which  prompted  it.  In  a  moment  of  pride  and  ambition 
— pride  at  the  prosperity  of  the  kingdom,  ambition  to  be  like  the  kings 
of  the  nations  round  about, — he  desired  to  know  to  the  full  over  how 
vast  and  populous  a  kingdom  he  ruled,  forgetting  that  the  strength  of 
Israel  consisted  not  in  the  number  of  its  people,  but  in  the  protecting 
care  of  God.  This  view  is  strongly  corroborated  by  Joab's  expostula- 
tion, "The  Lord  thy  God  add  unto  the  people,  how  many  soever  they 
be,  an  hundredfold,  and  that  the  eyes  of  my  lord  the  king  may  see  it: 
but  why  doth  my  lord  the  king  delight  in  this  thing^?"  It  was  a 
momentary  apostasy  from  Jehovah;  an  oblivion  of  that  spirit  of  depen- 
dence which  was  the  duty  and  the  glory  of  the  kings  of  Israel ;  the  sin 
denounced  by  Jeremiah  when  he  said:  "Cursed  be  the  man  that 
trusteth  in  man,  and  maketh  flesh  his  arm,  and  whose  heart  departeth 
from  Jehovah^." 

The  sin  was  not  confined  to  David:  it  had  infected  the  nation.  It  is 
expressly  said  that  "the  anger  of  Jehovah  was  kindled  against  Israel^ ^ 
It  may  be  that  now,  on  the  very  threshold  of  their  national  existence, 
they  were  tempted  by  visions  of  worldly  glory  to  forget  that  Israel  was 
not  to  realise  its  vocation  to  the  world  in  the  guise  of  a  conquering 
secular  state,  but  as  Jehovah's  witness  among  the  nations.  If  so,  if  pride 
was  alienating  the  heart  of  king  and  people  from  their  allegiance  to 
Jehovah,  a  prompt  chastisement  was  the  truest  mercy. 

But  it  was  needful  for  an  external,  visible,  manifestation  of  the  sin  to 
precede  the  judgment,  in  order  to  justify  the  ways  of  God  to  men.    The 

*  Ex.  XXX.   12  ff. 

"^  See  Ex.  xxxviii.  26 ;  Num.  i.  2,  3  ;  Num.  xxvi.  i  ff. 

3  2  Sam.  xxiv.  4.  ■*  2  Sam.  xxiv.  3. 

*  Jer.  xvii.  5.  ^2  Sam.  xxiv.  i. 


APPENDIX.  239 


temptation  was  presented  to  David;  he  fell,  and  in  his  fall  represented 
truly  and  faithfully  the  fall  of  the  nation.  The  nation  was  not  punished 
vicariously  for  its  ruler's  sin,  but  for  a  sin  which  was  its  own,  and  was 
only  embodied  and  made  visible  by  its  ruler's  act.  And  the  punishment 
struck  the  very  point  of  their  pride,  by  diminishing  the  numbers  which 
had  been  the  ground  of  their  self-confident  elation.  The  Jewish  tra- 
dition^ that  the  sin  consisted  in  the  omission  to  pay  the  atonement 
money  prescribed  on  the  occasion  of  a  census^,  has  a  certain  truth  under- 
lying it.  That  ordinance  was  designed  to  teach  the  people  that  they 
were  not  their  own,  but  Jehovah's;  and  though  there  is  no  ground  for 
supposing  that  the  letter  of  the  regulation  was  neglected,  the  spirit  of  it 
seems  to  have  been  forgotten. 


NOTE  VI. 
The  Topography  of  Jerusalem. 

The  topography  of  Jerusalem  is  a  much-disputed  problem.  The 
data  of  the  O.  T.,  the  Apocrypha,  and  Josephus  are  extremely  difficult 
to  reconcile,  and  the  changes  which  the  natural  features  of  the  site  have 
undergone  in  the  course  of  centuries  by  the  levelling  of  heights  and 
filling  up  of  valleys,  make  a  satisfactory  determination  of  the  sites 
almost  hopeless. 

The  places  mentioned  in  the  Second  Book  of  Samuel  are  (a)  Zion  or 
the  City  of  David:  (I?)  the  threshing-floor  of  Araunah,  on  which  the 
Temple  was  afterwards  built :  (r)  the  Millo. 

The  natural  features  of  the  site  of  Jerusalem  are  briefly  as  follows. 
The  plateau  on  which  the  city  stands  is  enclosed  on  three  sides  by  deep 
ravines :  on  the  East  by  the  Valley  of  the  Kidron,  dividing  the  Temple 
Mount  from  the  Mount  of  Olives:  on  the  West  and  South  by  the  Valley 
of  Hinnom.  It  was  originally  divided  by  another  valley,  called  by 
Josephus  the  Tyropoeon  Valley,  now  in  great  part  filled  up  with  debris, 
which  extended  northwards  from  a  point  near  the  junction  of  the  Valley 
of  Hinnom  with  the  Kidron,  and  separated  into  two  branches  one 
running  west,  the  other  north-west.  "The  ancient  site  thus  consisted 
of  three  principal  hills,  to  east,  north-west,  and  south-west,  separated  by 
deep  valleys^.' 

i.  All  authorities  agree  in  placing  the  Temple  on  the  eastern  hilH, 
but  where  Zion  should  be  fixed  is  a  question  hotly  disputed. 

(i)  Since  the  fourth  century  it  has  been  generally  supposed  that 
Zion  or  the  City  of  David  (for  the  two  are  clearly  identified  in  2  Sam.  v. 
7 — 9)  occupied  the  south-western  hill,  and   was  identical  with  what 

*  Jos.  Ant  VII.  13.  I.  "But  when  David  desired  to  know  the  number  of  the 
people,  he  forgot  the  commandment  of  Moses,  who  enjoined  that  if  the  people  were 
numbered  half  a  shekel  should  be  offered  to  God  for  each  person." 

*  Ex.  XXX.  12. 

3  Warren's  Tem/Ie  or  Tomb,  p.  33. 

*  Marked  3  in  the  map  of  the  Environs  of  Jerusalem. 


240  APPENDIX. 


Josephus  calls  the  Upper  City^"  This  view  is  maintained  by  Lieut. 
Conder,  who  says^:  "The  southern,  higher,  and  larger  hill  must  be  the 
Upper  City,  the  "Mountain  Fort"  of  Zion  :  the  knoll  north  of  it  is 
Akra,  the  site  of  the  lower  city^." 

(2)  Captain  Warren,  whose  excavations  for  the  Palestine  Exploration 
Fund  have  brought  to  light  much  valuable  information,  places  Zion  on 
the  north-western  hill,  where  stood  the  "Lower  City"  or  "Akra"  of 
Josephus.  The  hill  was  originally  considerably  higher,  but  was  cut  down 
by  Simon  Maccabeus,  when  he  took  it  from  the  Macedonians,  because 
it  commanded  the  Temple,  and  had  afforded  the  enemy  a  post  of  vantage 
from  which  to  annoy  the  Jews  as  they  went  to  the  Temple'*. 

(3)  Mr  Fergusson  (in  Smith's  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  i.  1026)  main- 
tains that  the  evidence  of  the  O.  T.  distinctly  leads  to  the  identification 
of  Zion  with  the  eastern  hill,  on  which  the  Temple  stood.  Zion,  he 
says,  is  constantly  spoken  of  as  in  some  way  distinct  from  Jerusalem^: 
it  is  spoken  of  as  a  Holy  Place  in  terms  such  as  are  never  applied  to 
Jerusalem,  but  are  easily  intelligible  if  Zion  was  the  hill  upon  which 
the  Temple  stood.  Thus  it  is  called  "the  hill  of  the  Lord;"  "the 
holy  hill;  "the  dwelling-place  of  Jehovah s."  And  in  the  First  Book 
of  Maccabees  the  name  Mount  Sion  is  unquestionably  applied  to  the 
hill  upon  which  the  Temple  stood.  For  example,  we  read:  "Then 
said  Judas  and  his  brethren:... let  us  go  up  to  cleanse  and  dedicate  the 
Sanctuary.  Upon  this  all  the  host  assembled  themselves  together,  and 
went  up  into  Mount  Sion.  And  when  they  saw  the  Sanctuary  desolate, 
and  the  altar  profaned... they  rent  their  clothes''."  According  to  this 
view  the  fortress  captured  by  David  occupied  the  northern  part  of  the 
ridge,  on  which  the  Temple  was  afterwards  built. 

None  of  these  theories  is  free  from  serious  difficulties,  and  a  discussion 
of  the  arguments  would  exceed  the  limits  of  our  space.  The  following 
points  may  however  be  noticed. 

{a)  The  site  of  the  Temple  was  outside  the  limits  of  the  City  of 
David.  This  is  clear  from  the  statement  in  i  Kings  viii.  i,  that  the  Ark 
was  brought  up  to  the  Temple  out  of  the  City  of  David ;  and  from 
the  fact  that  Araunah's  threshing  floor  cannot  have  been  inside  the 
walls,  but  must  have  been  on  the  bare  unoccupied  hill  outside. 

{b)  The  sanctity  of  Zion  may  be  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  it 
was  for  many  years  the  resting-place  of  the  Ark,  and  was  celebrated  as 
such  by  David  in  his  Psalms.  The  name  of  Zion  thus  became  the  title 
for  Jerusalem  in  its  quality  of  a  holy  city,  and  on  the  Return  from  the 
Captivity  the  name  may  have  been  applied  to  the  most  sacred  part  of 
it,  the  Temple  Mount,  although  this  was  not  the  original  Zion. 

ii.  The  Temple  undoubtedly  stood  on  the  eastern  hill,  called,  in  one 
passage  only,  Mount  Moriah  (2  Chr.  iii.  i),  where  the  threshingfloor  of 

^  Marked  i  in  the  map. 

2   Tent  IVork  in  Palestine,  I.  366. 

•'  Marked  2  in  the  map. 

*■  Jo<;.  Ant.  XIII.  6.  6. 

•"'  2  Kings  xix.  31 ;  Ps.  li.  18;  Is.  xxx.  19. 

*>  See  Ps.  ii.  6,  ix.  11,  xxiv.  3,  cxxxii.  13,  &C. 

'   I  Mace.  iv.  36 — 38.     Cp.  I  Mace.  iv.  60,  vii.  33. 


APPENDIX. 


241 


Araunah  had  previously  been.  The  top  of  this  hill  has  been  artificially 
levelled,  and  its  sides  sustained  by  immense  walls.  On  the  platform 
thus  constructed  the  Temple  stood,  but  whether  in  the  centre  as 
Captain  Warren  maintains,  or  at  the  south-west  angle,  as  Mr  Fergusson 
supposes,  is  a  disputed  question,  on  which  it  is  not  necessary  to  enter 
here. 

iii.  The  Millo — the  word  always  has  the  definite  article — appears  to 
have  been  some  important  fortification  already  in  existence.  It  may 
have  protected  the  city  on  the  north,  the  only  side  on  which  it  had  not 
the  defence  of  precipitous  ravines.  Solomon  rebuilt  it  (i  Kings  ix. 
15,  24,  xi.  27),  and  Hezekiah  repaired  it  as  a  defence  against  the 
Assyrians  {2  Chr.  xxxii.  5).  Millo  may  have  been  an  old  Canaanite 
name :  the  only  other  place  in  which  it  occurs  is  in  connexion  with  the 
ancient  Canaanite  city  of  Shechem  (Jud.  ix.  6,  20).  The  Sept.  renders 
Millo  by  77  dicpa  "the  citadel"  (except  in  2  Chr.),  and  this  is  the  term 
constantly  used  in  the  books  of  Maccabees  for  the  fortress  which  was 
occupied  by  the  Macedonians,  and  at  last  captured  and  razed  by  Simon 
Maccabceus. 


II.  SAMUEL  16 


INDEX. 


Words  explained  and  modern  names  of  places  are  printed  in  Italics. 
The  references  are  in  all  cases  to  pages. 


Abel-beth-Maachah,  i88 

Abel-meholah,  194 

Abiathar,  iii,  155,  178 

Abigal,  168 

Abimelech,  125 

Abishai,  63,  160,  180,  218 

Abner,  59  ff;  relationship  to  Saul,  59; 
mainstay  of  Saul's  family,  67 ;  kills 
Asahel,  63  ;  negotiations  with  David, 
69;  great  influence,  71;  murdered  by 
Joab,  72  ;  David's  lament  for,  74 

Absalom,  meaning  of  name,  66 ;  murder 
of  Amnon,  138;  flight,  139;  David's 
feelings  towards,  141 ;  recall,  146  ;  per- 
son and  family,  147 
his  rebeUion,  148  ff;  choice  of  Hebron 
as  its  centre,  151 ;  reasons  for  its  tem- 
porary success,  36  ;  its  progress,  168  ; 
suppression,  169!?.;  death,  171  ;  monu- 
ment, 173;  David's  grief  for,  176 

Adonai,  loi 

Adonijah,  67 

Adoram,  191 

Adullam,  86,  217 

adultery,  punishable  with  death,  122, 
130 

advise,  228 

Ahimaaz,  158,  166,  174  ff. 

Ahimelech,  in 

Ahithophel,  supposed  relationship  to 
Bath-sheba,  122;  joins  Absalom,  151; 
type  of  Judas,  151;  counsel  of,  162; 
suicide,  167 

Ahohite,  215 

A  in  Arik,  157 

Aift  Sareh,  72 

Almlt,  70,  166 

Amasa,  relationship  to  David,  168;  joins 
Absalom,  168 ;  made  general  in  place 
of  Joab,  179;  murdered  by  Joab,  186 

ambassadors,  insults  to,  116 

Avunan,  132 

Ammiei,  meaning  of,  122 

Ammonites,  war  with  the,  ii4ff. 

Amnon,  David's  eldest  son,  66 ;  his  out- 


rpge,  134;  weak  treatment  of  by  his 
father,  138;  death,  139;  evil  effects 
of  David's  example  on,  27,  129 

Amorites,  192 

Anata,  220 

Anathoth,  220 

angels,  ministry  of,  229 

anointing  of  David,  thrice  repeated,  58 

anointing,  use  of  in  the  East,  131 

Ara'ar,  225 

Arab,  222 

Arabah,  65,  78 

Aramaisms,  12 

Araunah,  229  ff. ;  various  forms  of  the 
name,  229 

Archite,  157 

ark,  brought  up  to  Zion,  89  ff. ;  Psalms 
written  for  the  occasion,  46  ;  length  of 
itsstayatKirjath-jearim,  gi ;  symbol  of 
God's  presence,  92,  94,  123;  reverence 
due  to,  92;  taken  to  war,  123;  David 
refuses  to  take  with  him  into  exile,  155 

armlets,  worn  by  men,  51 

Aroer,  225 

Asahel,  63 

Askelon,  54 

atonement,  192 

Augustine,  quoted,  121,  129 

haal,  altered  to  boshetk  in  proper  names, 
59,  77,  125 

Baale  of  Judah,  89 

Baal-hazor,  138 

Baal-perazim,  87 

Bahurim,  70,  166 

barbarities  committed  by  David,  how  to 
be  regarded,  134 

Barzillai,  169,  182 

Bath-sheba,  122,  126;  supposed  relation- 
ship to  Ahithophel,  122;  her  children, 
85 

bear,  164 

beard.  Oriental  regard  for,  116,  18 1 

Beeroth,  76 

Benaiah,  218 


'■U 


INDEX. 


Berites,  189 

Berothai,  108 

Betah,  107 

Beth-lehem,  well  of,  217 

Beth-pelet,  220 

Beth-rehob,  116 

Beth-shan,  195 

birds  of  prey,  194 

Bireh,  76 

Bithron,  65 

blood-guiltiness,  curse  of,  73,  79,  192 

blood-revenge  for  murder,  143 

bosheth  =  ^7im&,  substituted  for  laal  in 

proper  names,  59,  77,  125 
brass,  108 
brick-kiln,  causing  to  pass  through  the, 

butter,  169 

Canaanites  still  left  in  Palestine,  81,  226 

captains,  215 

Cari,  191 

Carlyle,  on  David's  character,  quoted,  41 

Carmel,  222 

cedar  wood,  85 

census  tax,  239 

Cherethites  and  Pelethites,  iii,  191 

cherubim,  202 

chief  r  tiler,  112 

Chileab,  66 

Chimham,  183 

chozeh  =  s&er,  227 

Christ,  types  of;  the  kings  of  Israel,  42  ; 
David,  44  ;  lives  of  O.  T.  saints,  44 

Chronicles,  book  of,  its  relation  to  Sa- 
muel, 22 — 25  ;  omissions  in,  22  ;  addi- 
tions in,  23 ;  sections  of,  contained  in 
Samuel,  22;  date,  24;  object,  24;  au- 
thor, 24 ;  sources,  25 ;  priestly  character, 
24 

differences   between   Chron.   and   Sa- 
muel, 83,  117,  223,  and  notes  generally 

Chronicles  of  David,  12 

chronology  of  2  Samuel,  25 

Cid,  inscription  on  tomb  of  the,  56 

city  of  David,  82,  239 

civil  organization  of  David's  reign,  38 

coasts,  193 

coat,  157 

coat  of  many  colours,  137 

companions,  danger  of  bad,  135 

congregation  of  Israel,  80 

cornet,  91 

Cushi,  174 

cymbals,  91 

d  and  r,  confusion  of  in  Hebrew,  105 

Damascus,  connexion  of  with  Israel,  106 

dances,  religious,  94 

Dan-jaan,  226 

David :  life  and  character  of,  32 — 41 ; 
early  training,  32 ;  difficulties  of  his 
posilfon,  32 ;  qualifications  for  ruling, 


33,  208;  periods  of  reign,  33;  thrice 
anointed,  58 ;  family,  66,  85 
reign  at  Hebron,  34,  57  ff ;  message  to 
the  Gileadites,  58 ;  war  with  Ish- 
bosheth,  59  ff;  negotiations  with  Ab- 
ner,  69 ;  demand  for  restoration  of 
Michal,  69 ;  lament  for  Abner,  74 ; 
punishment  of  Ish-bosheth's  mur- 
derers, 78 

reign  at  Jerusalem,  34,  79  ff;  capture  of 
Jebus,  81 ;  palace,  84;  wars,  35  ;  with 
Philistines,  86,  104, 215  ;  Moabites,  104, 
218;  Syrians,  105;  Edom,  109  ;  Ammo- 
nites and  Syrians,  114  ff;  capture  of 
Rabbah,  132 

kindness  to  Mephlbosheth,  112;  burial 
of  the  bones  of  Saul  and  his  sons,  19^ 
translation  of  the  ark  to  Zion,  35,  88ff; 
desire  to  build  a  Temple,  35,  97 ;  why 
not  allowed,  97  ;  promise  of  perpetual 
dominion  to  his  house,  97  ff 
his  fall,  36,  121  ff ;  why  not  mentioned 
in  Chronicles,  24  ;  confession  and  re- 
pentance, 129  ;  punishment,  129,  130 
flight  from  Absalom,  152  ff;  fullaccount 
of  day  of,  152;  mourning  for  Absalom, 
176;   restoration,  178  ff;  not  guilty  of 
neglecting  his  duties,  36,  149  ;  reasons 
for    temporary   success  of  Absalom's 
rebellion,  36,  151 

numbering  of  the  people,  223,  238 ;  the 
plague,  228,  238 

organization  of  kingdom,  military,  37; 
civil,  38  ;  religious,  39 ;  administration 
and  officers,  no,  193;  corps  of  mighty 
men,  153  . 

general  prosperity  of  end  of  his  reign, 

37 

results  of  his  reign,  39 
character,  40;  breadth  of  sympathy,  44 ; 
generosity  to  enemies,  53;  impetuous- 
ness,    159  ;  power  of  inspiring  enthu- 
siasm,   217;    sincerity   of  repentance, 
129,  227  ;  cruelties  not  to  be  judged  bj- 
a  Christian  standard,  134 
prophet,  44 ;  priest,  43,  94 
Psalm  of  thanksgiving,  iggff 
Last  Words,  211  ff 

Psalms  illustrative  of  his  reign,  45 — 4S 
typical    significance   of  his  reign  and 
life,  42 — 45,  no 
David  a  name  for  the  Messiah,  44 

deal,  95 

de7nand,  123 

discoinfit,  203 

discover,  203 

Dodo,  215 

dogs  in  the  East,  68 

Dryden's    Absalom    and    Achithophel, 
149 

Edom,  conquest  of,  109 
Eglah.  67 
£/=God,  207 


INDEX. 


!45 


elders,  70,  80,  164,  178 

Elhanan,  197 
„         220 

Eliam,  father  of  Bath-sheba,  122  ;  son  of 
Ahithophel,  222 ;  theory  of  their  iden- 
tity, 122;  meaning  of  name,  122 

Elohim  =  God,  207 

En-rogel,  166 

entertainment  at  the  king's  table,  113 

Ephraim,  wood  of,  170 

Erma,  90 

Esh-baal,  original  name  of  Ish-bosheth,  59 

execution  of  Saul's  sons,  193;  difficulties 
of  discussed,  234 

falsehoods,  how  regarded  by  Scripture, 

157,  167 
famines  in  Palestme,  191 
fasting,  a  sign  of  mourning,  51,  75 
feed,  lit.  shepherd,  80,  98 
Fe7-ata,  221 
fet,  113 

fetch  a  compass,  87 
ffth  rib,  64 
fool,  74,  136 
foreigners  in  David's  service,  iii,  152, 


Gaash,  221 

Gad:  chronicler  of  David's  reign,  10,  it; 
sent  to  offer  David  choice  of  punish- 
ments, 227 

garment  of  divers  colo7irs,  137 

garrisons,  107 

gate  of  palace  or  city  as  place  of  audi- 
ence, 149,  17S 

Oath,  1^4,  105 

Geba,  88 

generally,  164 

Geshur,  66 

Geshurites,  60 

Gezer,  88 

Gibborim,  152 

Gibeon,  61,  88;  pool  of,  61 

Gibeonites,  murder  of,  76,  192,  234 

Gilead,  59 

Giloh,  151 

Gittaim,  76 

Gittite  =  of  Gath-rimmon,  93 

Gittites,  152 

Gob,  197 

God,  when  printed  in  capitals  in  E.  V., 
loi ;  different  Hebrew  words  for,  207; 
vindicates  His  holiness,  92;  in  what 
sense  said  to  command  or  incite  to 
evil  actions,  161,  223;  description  of 
His  advent,  201 ;  law  of  His  dealings 
with  men,  205;  life  an  essential  at- 
tribute of,  210;  vengeance  His  pre- 
rogative, 210;  repentance  of,  229; 
power  of  life  and  death  over  His 
creatures,  235 

Cod  of  Jacob,  212 


Hadadezer,  105,  119  ff. 

Hadarezer,  105,  119  ff. 

hair,  worn  long  by  men  in  the  East,  147 

Hamath,  108 

Hanun,  115 

Haphtarah,  89,  198 

Harapha  in  Samson  Agonites,  196 

Harod,  220 

harp,  91 

heathen,  to  be  brought  to  knowledge  of 
Jehovah,  211 

Hebrew  narrative,  peculiarities  of,  77, 
141,  26 

Hebrew  MSS.,  14 

Hebrew  text  of  Samuel,  16,  235;  ap- 
parent errors  of,  60,  66,  88,  90,  91,  100, 
103,  109,  III,  114,  119,  137,  150,  178, 
197,  215,  221,  225 

confusion  of  similar  letters  in,   105, 
202,  220,  222 

comparison  of  text  of  ch.  xxii.  and 
Ps.  xviii.,  235 

Hebron,  why  chosen  by  David  for 
capital,  57;  why  chosen  by  Absalom 
for  centre  of  his  rebellion,  151 

Helam,  119 

Heleb,  222 

Helez,  220 

Helkath-hazzurim,  62 

hell,  200 

Hezrai,  222 

Hierarchy,  period  of  the,  30 

high  places,  worship  at,  157 

high-priesthood,  reasons  for  double,  89 

Hiram,  84 

Hivites,  226 

horn,  symbol  of  strength,  199 

household,   arrangements  of  the  royal, 

134 

Hushah,  220 

Hushai,  157 ;  the  king's  friend,  158 ;  mora- 
lity of  his  conduct,  157 ;  defeats  Ahi- 
thophel's  counsel,  165 


Igal,  222 

imagery  of  Psalms  derived  from  events  in 
David's  life,  199 

Incarnation,  O.  T.  preparation  for  the, 
28 

inquire  of  the  Lord,  57 

intreated,  to  be,  195 

irreverence,  penalty  of,  92 

Ishbi-benob,  196 

Ish-bosheth:  name  changed  from  Esh- 
baal,  59;  length  of  his  reign,  60; 
character,  67  ;  death,  76 

Israel  and  Judah,  early  tendency  to 
separation  between,  13,  123  ;  jealousies 
of,  184  ;  early  use  of  the  double  name, 
224 

Israel,  epochs  in  the  history  of,  {a) 
Theocracy,  29,  ((^)  Monarchy,  30,  (t) 
Hierarchy,   30;   congregation  of,  80; 


246 


INDEX. 


elders  of,  So ;  limited  nature  of  mon- 
archy in,  80;  holiness  of,  136 

-Israel,  in  what  sense  used  of  Absalom's 
supporters,  162 

Ithra,  108 

Ithrite,  222 

Ittai,  153 

Jabesh-Gilead,  58,  195 

Jacob,  God  of ,  212 

Jashar,  Book  of,  53 

Jashobeam,  215 

Jazer,  225 

Jebus,  81 

Jedidiah,  132 

Jehovah,  when  represented  by  God  in 
E.  v.,  loi 

Jerome,  translator  of  the  Vulgate,  16; 
quoted,  67,  133,  197,  229 

Jerubbesheth,  125 

Jerusalem  :  religious  as  well  as  political 
centre,  35 ;  early  history,  82 ;  reasons 
for  choice  of  as  capital,  82;  the  habita- 
tion of  Jehovah,  155;  topography,  239 

Jezreel  of  Judah,  57 

El-jib,  61 

Joab  :  life  and  character  of,  61 ;  murder 
of  Abner,  72  ;  hardheartedness,  75  ; 
stratagem  to  procure  Absalom's  re- 
call, 141  ;  service  to  David,  75,  177 ; 
sagacity,  224 

Jonadab,  135 

Jonathan  :  David's  lamentation  for,  53  ff; 
supposed  to  have  been  called  "the 
Gazelle,"  54;  David's  oath  to,  112,  193 

Jonathan,  son  of  Shimea,  198 

Joseph,  house  of,  180 
„       birthright  of,  185 

Josephus  quoted,  84,  239 

Judas,  Ahithophel  a  type  of,  151 

Judges,  period  of  the,  its  character,  29; 
reference  to  history  of,  125 

Kabzeel,  218 

Kefr  Haris,  221 

Kidron,  ravine  of,  154 

/^//i'<^«r=  plain,  174 

Kings  of  Israel:  typical  of  Christ,  42, 
43 ;  sacredness  of  person,  52  ;  limita- 
tion of  power,  80;  special  guilt  of  curs- 
ing, t8o 

king's/riend,  the,  158 

Kirjath-jearim,  90 

Ktliibh,  term  explained,  15.  See  106, 
146,  156,  160,  161,  172,  191,  211,  215, 
218,  222 

Kurmul,  222 

lame7itation,  53 

lamp,  metaphor  of,  197,  206 

el-Lejah,  66 

levy,  iQi 

life,  belief  in  a  future,  131 

Lo-debar,  113 


Lord    God,    distinguished    from    Lord 

God,  ioi 
Lord  God,  meaning  of,  loi 

Maacah,  kingdom  of,  117 
,,         David's  wife,  66 

Maachathite,  222 

Machir,  112 

Mahanaim,  59,  168 

Maharai,  220 

Malcham,  133 

Mebunnai,  false  reading  for  Sibbechai, 
220 

Medeba,  118 

w/^«  — citizens,  195 

Mephibosheth,  change  of  name,  77; 
David's  kindness  to,  112,  193  ;  meets 
David,  181;  not  a  traitor,  182 

Merab,  194 

Merib-baal,  77 

Messiah,  explanation  of  word,  42;  ex- 
pectation of,  how  developed  by  the 
monarchy,  30 ;  kings  of  Israel  a  type 
of,  42 — 44;  David  a  type  of,  42 — 45; 
called  David,  44 ;  blessings  of  his 
advent,  213;  characteristics  of,  213; 
Nathan's  prophecy  of,  99,  233 

Metheg-ammah,  105 

Michal,  David's  demand  for  restoration 
of,  69 ;  traditionally  supposed  to  be 
Eglah,  67  ;  her  pride  rebuked,  95 

mighty  men,  David's,  153 

military  organization  of  David's  reign,  37 

Millo,  83,  241 

■mo,  85 

Moabites,  war  with,  105  ;  special  reasons 
for  vengeance  inflicted  on,  105 

Moloch,  idol  of  the  Ammonites,  133  ; 
human  sacrifices  to,  134 

monarchy,  period  of  the,  30 

monarchy,  limitations  of  in  Israel,  80 

moral  difficulties  of  the  execution  of 
Saul's  sons  discussed,  234;  of  the 
plague,  238 

More,  Sir  Thomas,  96 

Moriah,  229,  240 

Morland,  Sir  Samuel,  157 

most  High,  a  title  of  God,  203 

mourning,  duration  of,  126;  signs  of,  50, 
SI,  75.  131.  137,  156,  181 

in7clberry  trees,  87 

mules,  use  of,  139,  171 

murder,  blood-revenge  for,  143;  money 
compensation  for,  193;  abiding  guilt 
of,  79,  234 

music  at  feasts,  183 

Naharai,  222 
Nahash,  168 

,,        the  Ammonite,  115 
Name  of  God,  100 
Name,  the  =  God,  90 
Nathan,   the  prophet,  97;  chronicler  of 
David's  reign,   10,    u,   152;  his  pro- 


INDEX. 


247 


phecy,  97,  233  ;  his  parable,  127  ;  Solo- 
mon's tutor,  132 

Nathan,  son  of  David,  85 

Netophah,  220 

numbering  of  the  people,  223  ff.  ;  motives 
for  discussed,  238;  reasons  why  pun- 
ished, 238 

oak,  171 

Obed-edom,  93 

obeisance,  50 

of—\\'\'Cn,  183 

officers  of  state,  110,  191 

Old  Testament :  Hebrew  division  of, 
27  ;  difference  from  secular  histories, 
27;  record  of  preparation  for  the  In- 
carnation, 28  ;  periods  of  history  in, 
28—32;  contemplates  admission  of 
Gentiles  to  blessings  of  salvation,  211; 
text  of,  t6,  236.    See  also  Hebrew  text 

Olives,  mount  of,  156 

Olivet,  156 

Oriental  custom  of  kings  murdering 
their  predecessor's  family,  113,  177 

Oman,  230 

Paarai,  222 

parables  of  O.  T.,  127 

paronomasia,  201 

Pelonite,  220 

people=2xm.y,  52 

people,  the  special  term  for  David's  fol- 
lowers in  Absalom's  rebellion,  162 

Phihstines,  wars  with,  86,  104,  196, 215  ff. 

Pirathon,  221 

plague,  the,  228;  reasons  for  discussed, 
238 

p]am=Ardbd/i,  65,  78 

plain  =  kiiA-ar,  174 

/oil,  147 

polygamy,  67,  36 

population  of  Palestine,  227 

prevent,  204 

pride,  sin  of,  238  ;  Michal's,  rebuked  by 
David,  96 

promise  of  dominion  to  David,  subse- 
quent references  to  in  O.  T.,  234 

prophets,  the  national  historians,  10,  11 ; 
see  Gad,  Nat/ian;  courage  of,  128 

prophetic  order,  founded  by  Samuel,  31 

prostration  before  the  king,  143 

Psalms  illustrative  of  David's  reign,  45 — 
48;  referred  to,  xxx.,  85;  Ix.,  109; 
xxix.,  201 

Psalter,  influence  of  on  development  of 
religion  in  Israel,  31 ;  David's  share  of, 
40 

psaltery,  91 

Qri,  term  explained,  15.  See  106,  146, 
156,  160,  161,  172,  191,  211,  218 

Rabbah,  history  of,  120;  capture  of,  132 
er-Rabijeh,  222 


rain,  symbolic  significance  of,  213;  effects 
of  in  Palestine,  213 

Raphah,  196 

recorder,  no 

Red  Sea,  reference  to  passage  of,  203 

religious  organization  of  David's  reign,  39 

repentance,  David's  history  an  encourage- 
ment to,  121 

repentance,  God's,  229 

Rephaim,  valley  of,  86,  217 

reverence,  Uzzah's  death  intended  to 
teach,  92 

righteousness,  in  what  sense  claimed  by 
David,  204 

river,  the  =  Euphrates,  106 

Rizpah,  68,  194 

rock,  a  title  of  God,  199 

roe,  63 

rdeh- sQ^r,  227 

roofs.  Oriental  use  of,  121 

room,  179 

Ruhaibeh,  117 

sackcloth,  74 

Salt,  valley  of,  109 

Samuel:  not  mentioned  in  this  book,  10; 
why  this  book  is  called  by  his  name, 
10;  his  work,  29  ff. 

Samuel,  Books  of:  originally  one,  9; 
title  in  LXX  and  Vulgate,  9;  meaning 
of  title,  9;  author,  10;  sources,  10 — 
12;  date,  12;  canonicity,  13;  his- 
torical accuracy,  14;  materials  for  de- 
termining the  text,  14 — 17 

analysis  of  contents,  17 — 2  r ;  not  chro- 
nologically arranged,  84,  97;  relation 
to  Chronicles,  22 — 25;  sections  con- 
tained in  Chronicles,  22 ;  prophetic  cha- 
racter, 24;  chronology,  25 — 27;  place 
in  the  history  of  the  kingdom  of  God, 
27 — 32;  references  to  in  N.  T.,  14 

Satan,  agency  of  in  temptation,  223 

Saul:  death  scene  of,  50;  two  accounts 
of  his  death,  52 ;  David's  lament  for, 
53 ;  massacre  of  the  Gibeonites,  192 ; 
burial  of  his  bones,  195;  execution  of 
his  sons,  191  ff. ;  its  moral  difficulty 
discussed,  234 ;  perhaps  referred  to 
by  Shimei,  160 

scribe,  in 

seer,  227 

Selbit,  221 

self-sacrifice,  examples  of,  176,  217 

servant  of  Jehovah,  44,  98 

Septuagint:  date  and  character  of,  15; 
MSS.,  15  ;  value  and  interest,  16 

variations  from  Heb.  text,  66,  77,  83, 
88,  90,  91,  93,  100,  103,  107,  108,  109, 
114,  126,  138,  139,  140,  147,  148,  153, 
154,  163,  164,  165,  i6g,  172,  178,  181, 
182,  190,  196,  197,  218,  219,  225,  226, 
228,  and  notes  generally 

additions  bearing  on  date  of  book, 
13 


248 


INDEX. 


Shaalabbin,  221 
Shammah,  216,  221 

,,  220 

"Sheba's  rebellion,  185  ff. 
shepherd ■=-x\x\&r,  first  used  of  David,  80 
Shimei,  159,  179 
Shobi,  169 
Sibbechai,  197,  220 
siege  mounds,  189 
sin.  Scripture  treatment  of,  121 
Sinai,  reference  to  Theophany  at,  201 
Sirah,  well  of,  72 
Solomon,  youngest  son  of  David,  26,  85 ; 

birth  of,  131;   meaning  of  name,  132; 

brought  up  by  Nathan,  132 
son  of  Jehovah,  a  title  of  the  king,  43, 

100 
stablish,  100 
strake,  130,  188 
Siibliine  Porte,  149 
symbolism,   characteristics  of    Hebrew, 

201 
Syrians,  106  ff.,  114  ff 
es  Sztr,  225 

tabernacle,  left  at  Gibeon,  89 

Tacitus  quoted,  122,  136,  165 

Tahtim-hodshi,  225 

Talmai,  66 

Tamar,  134 

Tamar,  Absalom's  daughter,  147 

Targura  of  Jonathan,   16;   specimen  of, 

237;    quoted,   69,   87,    169,   189,    194, 

197,  229 
Tekoa,  142 
Tell-Asur,  138 
Tell  Jezar,  88 
temple,  lessons  conveyed  by,  31 ;  David's 

desire  to  build,  97;  why  not  permitted, 

97;  his  preparations  for,  37,   39;  site 

of,  240 
temptation,   in  what  sense   from    God, 

223 
/^«:?=home,  186 
terebinth,  171 

Testament,  Old;  see  Old  Tcsiament. 
Thebez,  125 

Theocracy,  period  of  the,  29 
theocratic  king,  42 


theophany,  description  of  a,  201 

thirty,  age  of,  81 

threshing-sledges,  133,  231 

timbrel,  gi 

Tob,  117 

Toi  or  Tou,  108 

topography  of  Jerusalem,  239 

tretick,  189 

tribes,  supremacy  of  different  at  different 
times,  98 

tribute ,  19  r 

tribute  paid  to  David,  105 

Tubas,  126 

typical,  meaning  of,  42;  kings  of  Israel 
and  David  how  typical  of  Christ,  42 — 
44;  Ahithophel  typical  of  Judas,  151 

Tyre,  84,  226 

Um7n  Toia,  220 

uncircumcised,  standing  epithet  of  Phi- 
listines, 54 
iincover  the  ear,  104 
upright,  205 
Uriah,  122  ff.,  222 
Uzzah,  91  ff 

versions  of  the  O.  T. :   Septuagint,   15 ; 

Targum,  16;  Vulgate,  16 
victory,  176 
vision,  101 
visitation  of  sins  of  fathers  on  children, 

235 
Vulgate,   16;    referred  to,  83,   127,   138, 

141,  148,  153,  154,  165,  196,  218,  226 

wench,  166 

Zadok,  no,  155,  178 

Zelah,  195 

Zelek,  222 

Zeruiah,    sons    of,   63;    how  related  to 

David,  168;  name  of  her  husband,  65 
Ziba,  112  ff . ;  calumniates  Mephibosheth, 
^.159,  179 
Zidon,  226 
Ziklag,  49 

Zion,  capture  of,  82  ;  site  of,  239 
Zobah,  105 


CAMBRIDGE; 


TRINTED    BY    C.    J.    CLAY,    M.A.    AND    SONS,    AT    THE    UNIVERSITY    I'KE.SS. 


THE    CAMBRIDGE     BIBLE    FOR 
SCHOOLS    AND    COLLEGES. 

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Dean  of  Peterborough. 

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the  less  are  they  adapted  to  the  wants  of  all  Bible  students  who  are  not 
specialists.  We  doubt,  indeed,  whether  ajiy  of  the  nutnerous  popular 
commentaries  recently  issued  in  this  countiy  zuill  be  found  inord  service- 
able for  general  tise.''' — Academy, 

"  0}te  of  the  most  popular  and  ttscful  literary  enterprises  of  the 
nineteenth  century^ — Baptist  Magazine. 

''  Of  great  value.  The  whole  series  of  comments  for  schools  is  highly 
esteemed  by  students  capable  of  forming  a  judgment.  The  books  aie 
scholarly  ivithout  being  pretentious :  and  i7iformation  is  so  given  as  to  be 
easily  understood.''^ — Sword  and  Trowel. 

*'  The  value  of  the  work  as  an  aid  to  Biblical  study,  not  merely  in 
schools  but  among  people  of  all  classes  who  are  desirous  to  have  intelligent 
knowledge  of  the  Scriptures,  cannot  easily  be  over-estifnated. "—Th.Q 
Scotsman. 


Tte  Book  of  Judges.  J.  J.  Lias,  M.A.  "  His  introduction  is  clear 
and  concise,  full  of  the  information  which  young  students  require,  and 
indicating  the  lines  on  which  the  various  problems  suggested  by  the 
Book  of  Judges  may  be  solved." — Baptist  Magazine. 

1  Samuel,  by  A.  F.  Kirkpatrick.  "Remembering  the  interest 
with  which  we  read  \.h.e.  Books  of  tJie  Kingdom  when  they  were  appointed 
as  a  subject  for  school  work  in  our  boyhood,  we  have  looked  with  some 
eagerness  into  Mr  Kirkpatrick's  volume,  which  contains  the  first  instal- 
ment of  them.  We  are  struck  with  the  great  improvement  in  character, 
and  variety  in  the  materials,  with  which  schools  are  now  supplied.  A 
clear  map  inserted  in  each  volume,  notes  suiting  the  convenience  of  the 
scholar  and  the  difficulty  of  the  passage,  and  not  merely  dictated  by  the 
fancy  of  the  commentator,  were  luxuries  which  a  quarter  of  a  century 
ago  the  Biblical  student  could  not  buy. " — Church  Quarterly  Review. 

"To  the  valuable  series  of  Scriptural  expositions  and  elementary 
commentaries  which  is  being  issued  at  the  Cambridge  University  Press, 
under  the  title  'The  Cambridge  Bible  for  Schools,'  has  been  added 
The  First  Book  of  Samuel  by  the  Rev.  A.  F.  Kirkpatrick.  Like 
other  volumes  of  the  series,  it  contains  a  carefully  written  historical  and 
critical  introduction,  while  the  text  is  profusely  illustrated  and  explained 
by  notes." — The  Scotsinan. 

20,000 

s/Ws"? 


2      CAMBRIDGE  BIBLE  FOR  SCHOOLS  &  COLLEGES. 

"To  the  volume  on  I.  Samuel  we  give  our  very  warm  commenda- 
tion. It  is  designed,  not  for  teachers,  but  for  learners,  and  especially 
for  young  men  in  schools  and  colleges. " — Alethodist  Recorder. 

II.  Samuel.  A.  F.  Kirkpatrick,  M.A.  "Small  as  this  work  is 
in  mere  dimensions,  it  is  every  way  the  best  on  its  subject  and  for  its 
purpose  that  we  know  of.  The  opening  sections  at  once  prove  the 
thorough  competence  of  the  writer  for  dealing  with  questions  of  criti- 
cism in  an  earnest,  faithful  and  devout  spirit ;  and  the  appendices  discuss 
a  few  special  difficulties  with  a  full  knowledge  of  the  data,  and  a  judicial 
reserve,  which  contrast  most  favourably  with  the  superficial  dogmatism 
which  has  too  often  made  the  exegesis  of  the  Old  Testament  a  field  for 
the  play  of  unlimited  paradox  and  the  ostentation  of  personal  infalli- 
bility. The  notes  are  always  clear  and  suggestive;  never  trifling  or 
irrelevant ;  and  they  everywhere  demonstrate  the  great  difference  in 
value  between  the  work  of  a  commentator  who  is  also  a  Hebraist,  and 
that  of  one  who  has  to  depend  for  his  Hebrew  upon  secondhand 
sources. " — Academy, 

"The  Rev.  A.  F.  Kirkpatrick  has  now  completed  his  commentary 
on  the  two  books  of  Samuel.  This  second  volume,  like  the  first,  is 
furnished  with  a  scholarly  and  carefully  prepared  critical  and  historical 
introduction,  and  the  notes  supply  everything  necessary  to  enable  the 
merely  English  scholar — so  far  as  is  possible  for  one  ignorant  of  the 
original  language — to  gather  up  the  precise  meaning  of  the  text.  Even 
Hebrew  scholars  may  consult  this  small  volume  with  profit." — Scotsman. 

I.  Kings  and  Ephesians.  "  With  great  heartiness  we  commend 
these  most  valuable  little  commentaries.  We  had  rather  purchase 
these  than  nine  out  of  ten  of  the  big  blown  up  expositions.  Quality  is 
far  better  than  quantity,  and  we  have  it  here." — Sword  and  Trowel. 

I.  Kings.  "  This  is  really  admirably  well  done,  and  from  first  to 
last  there  is  nothing  but  commendation  to  give  to  such  honest  work." — 
Bookseller. 

II.  Kings.  "The  Introduction  is  scholarly  and  wholly  admirable, 
while  the  notes  must  be  of  incalculable  value  to  students." — Glasgow 
Herald. 

"It  is  equipped  with  a  valuable  introduction  and  commentary,  and 
makes  an  admirable  text  book  for  Bible-classes." — Scotsman. 

The  Book  of  Job.  "Able  and  scholarly  as  the  Introduction  is,  it  is 
far  surpassed  by  the  detailed  exegesis  of  the  book.  In  this  Dr  Davidson's 
strength  is  at  its  greatest.  His  linguistic  knowledge,  his  artistic  habit, 
his  scientific  insight,  and  his  literary  power  have  full  scope  when  he 
comes  to  exegesis.  ...The  book  is  worthy  of  the  reputation  of  Dr  Davidson; 
it  represents  the  results  of  many  years  of  labour,  and  it  will  greatly  help 
to  the  right  understanding  of  one  of  the  greatest  works  in  the  literature 
of  the  world," — The  Spectator. 

"  In  the  course  of  a  long  introduction,  Dr  Davidson  has  presented 
us  with  a  very  able  and  very  interesting  criticism  of  this  wonderful 
book.  Its  contents,  the  nature  of  its  composition,  its  idea  and  purpose, 
its  integrity,  and  its  age  are  all  exhaustively  treated  of.... We  have  not 
space  to  examine  fully  the  text  and  notes  before  us,  but  we  can,  and  do 
heartily,  recommend  the  book,  not  only  for  the  upper  forms  in  schools, 
but  to  Bible  students  and  teachers  generally.  As  we  wrote  of  a  previous 
volume  in  the  same  series,  this  one  leaves  nothing  to  be  desired.     The 


OPINIONS  OF  THE  PRESS. 


notes  are  full  and  suggestive,  without  being  too  long,  and,  in  itself,  the 
introduction  forms  a  valuable  addition  to  modern  Bible  literature." — The 
Educational  Titnes. 

"Already  we  have  frequently  called  attention  to  this  exceedingly 
valuable  work  as  its  volumes  have  successively  appeared.  But  we  have 
never  done  so  with  greater  pleasure,  very  seldom  with  so  great  pleasure, 
as  wt  now  refer  to  the  last  published  volume,  that  on  the  Book  of  Job, 
by  Dr  Davidson,  of  Edinburgh....  We  cordially  commend  the  volume  to 
all  our  readers.  The  least  instructed  will  understand  and  enjoy  it  ; 
and  mature  scholars  will  learn  from  it." — Methodist  Recorder. 

Job — Hosea.  "  It  is  difficult  to  commend  too  highly  this  excellent 
series,  the  volumes  of  which  are  now  becoming  numerous.  The  two 
books  before  us,  small  as  they  are  in  size,  comprise  almost  everything 
that  the  young  student  can  reasonably  expect  to  find  in  the  way  of  helps 
towards  such  general  knowledge  of  their  subjects  as  may  be  gained 
without  an  attempt  to  grapple  with  the  Hebrew  ;  and  even  the  learned 
scholar  can  hardly  read  without  interest  and  benefit  the  very  able  intro- 
ductory matter  which  both  these  commentators  have  prefixed  to  their 
volumes.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  these  works  have  brought 
within  the  reach  of  the  ordinary  reader  resources  which  were  until 
lately  quite  unknown  for  understanding  some  of  the  most  difficult  and 
obscure  portions  of  Old  Testament  literature." — Guardian, 

Ecclesiastes ;  or,  the  Preaclier. — "Of  the  Notes,  it  is  sufficient  to 
say  that  they  are  in  every  respect  worthy  of  Dr  Plumptre's  high  repu- 
tation as  a  scholar  and  a  critic,  being  at  once  learned,  sensible,  and 
practical.  .  .  .  An  appendix,  in  which  it  is  clearly  proved  that  the 
author  of  Ecclesiastes  anticipated  Shakspeare  and  Tennyson  in  some 
of  their  finest  thoughts  and  reflections,  will  be  read  with  interest  by 
students  both  of  Hebrew  and  of  English  literature.  Commentaries  are 
seldom  attractive  reading.  This  little  volume  is  a  notable  exception." — 
The  Scotsman. 

"In  short,  this  little  book  is  of  far  greater  value  than  most  of  the 
larger  and  more  elaborate  commentaries  on  this  Scripture.  Indispens- 
able to  the  scholar,  it  will  render  real  and  large  help  to  all  who  have  to 
expound  the  dramatic  utterances  of  The  Preacher  whether  in  the  Church 
or  in  the  School." — The  Expositor. 

"The  '•ideal  biography'  of  the  author  is  one  of  the  most  exquisite 
and  fascinating  pieces  of  writing  we  have  met  with,  and,  granting  its 
starting-point,  throws  wonderful  light  on  many  problems  connected  with 
the  book.  The  notes  illustrating  the  text  are  full  of  delicate  criticism, 
fine  glowing  insight,  and  apt  historical  allusion.  An  abler  volume 
than  Professor  Plumptre's  we  could  not  desire." — Baptist  Magazine. 

Jeremiah,  by  A.  W.  Streane.  "The  arrangement  of  the  book  is 
well  treated  on  pp.  xxx.,  396,  and  the  question  of  Baruch's  relations 
with  its  composition  on  pp.  xxvii.,  xxxiv.,  317.  The  illustrations  from 
English  literature,  history,  monuments,  works  on  botany,  topography, 
etc.,  are  good  and  plentiful,  as  indeed  they  are  in  other  volumes  of  this 
series." — Church  Quarterly  Review,  April,  i88i. 

"  Mr  Streane's  Jeremiah  consists  of  a  series  of  admirable  and  well- 
nigh  exhaustive  notes  on  the  text,  with  introduction  and  appendices, 
drawing  the  life,  times,  and  character  of  the  prophet,  the  style,  contents. 


4     CAMBRIDGE  BIBLE   FOR  SCHOOLS  &  COLLEGES. 

and  arrangement  of  his  prophecies,  the  traditions  relating  to  Jeremiah, 
meant  as  a  type  of  Christ  (a  most  remarkable  chapter),  and  other 
prophecies  relating  to  Jeremiah." — The  English  Chiirchjiian  and  Clerical 
Journal. 

Obadiah  and  Jonah.  "  This  number  of  the  admirable  series  of 
Scriptural  expositions  issued  by  the  Syndics  of  the  Cambridge  Uni- 
versity Press  is  well  up  to  the  mark.  The  numerous  notes  are 
excellent.  No  difficulty  is  shirked,  and  much  light  is  thrown  on  the 
contents  both  of  Obadiah  and  Jonah.  Scholars  and  students  of  to-day 
are  to  be  congratulated  on  having  so  large  an  amount  of  information  on 
Biblical  subjects,  so  clearly  and  ably  put  together,  placed  within  their 
reach  in  such  small  bulk.  To  all  Biblical  students  the  series  will  be 
acceptable,  and  for  the  use  of  Sabbath-school  teachers  will  prove 
invaluable." — North  British  Daily  Mail. 

"  It  is  a  very  useful  and  sensible  exposition  of  these  two  Minor 
Prophets,  and  deals  very  thoroughly  and  honestly  with  the  immense 
difficulties  of  the  later-named  of  the  two,  from  the  orthodox  point  of 
view.' ' — Expositor. 

"  Haggai  and  Zechariali.  This  interesting  little  volume  is  of  great 
value.  It  is  one  of  the  best  books  in  that  well-known  series  of 
scholarly  and  popular  commentaries,  '  the  Cambridge  Bible  for  Schools 
and  Colleges '  of  which  Dean  Perowne  is  the  General  Editor.  In  the 
expositions  of  Archdeacon  Perowne  we  are  always  sure  to  notice 
learning,  ability, .  judgment  and  reverence  ....  The  notes  are  terse 
and  pointed,  but  full  and  reliable." — Churchman. 

"  The  Gospel  according  to  St  Matthew,  by  the  Rev.  A.  Carr.  The 
introduction  is  able,  scholarly,  and  eminently  practical,  as  it  bears 
on  the  authorship  and  contents  of  the  Gospel,  and  the  original  form 
in  which  it  is  supposed  to  have  been  written.  It  is  well  illustrated  by 
two  excellent  maps  of  the  Holy  Land  and  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee." — 
English  Churchman. 

*'St  Matthew,  edited  by  A.  Carr,  M.A.  The  Book  of  Joshua, 
edited  by  G.  F.  Maclear,  D.D,  The  General  Epistle  of  St  James, 
edited  by  E.  H.  Plumptre,  D.D.  The  introductions  and  notes  are 
scholarly,  and  generally  such  as  young  readers  need  and  can  appre- 
ciate. The  maps  in  both  Joshua  and  Matthew  are  very  good,  and  all 
matters  of  editing  are  faultless.  Professor  Plumptre's  notes  on  'The 
Epistle  of  St  James'  are  models  of  terse,  exact,  and  elegant  renderings 
of  the  original,  which  is  too  often  obscured  in  the  authorised  version." — 
Nonconfor7nist. 

"St  Mark,  with  Notes  by  the  Rev.  G.  F.  Maclear,  D.D.  Into 
this  small  volume  Dr  Maclear,  besides  a  clear  and  able  Introduc- 
tion to  the  Gospel,  and  the  text  of  St  Mark,  has  compressed  many 
hundreds  of  valuable  and  helpful  notes.  In  short,  he  has  given  us 
a  capital  manual  of  the  kind  required — containing  all  that  is  needed  to 
illustrate  the  text,  i.e.  all  that  can  be  drawn  from  the  history,  geography, 
customs,  and  manners  of  the  time.  But  as  a  handbook,  giving  in  a 
clear  and  succinct  form  the  information  which  a  lad  requires  in  order 

to  stand  an  examination  in  the  Gospel,  it  is  admirable I  can  very 

heartily  commend  it,  not  only  to  the  senior  boys  and  girls  in  our  Pligh 
Schools,  but  also  to  Sunday-school  teachers,  who  may  get  from  it  the 
very  kind  of  knowledge  they  often  fmd  it  hardest  to  get. " — Expositor. 


OPINIONS   OF  THE   PRESS. 


"  With  the  help  of  a  book  like  this,  an  intelligent  teacher  may  make 
•Divinity'  as  interesting  a  lesson  as  any  in  the  school  course.  The 
notes  are  of  a  kind  that  will  be,  for  the  most  part,  intelligible  to  boys 
of  the  lower  forms  of  our  public  schools ;  but  they  may  be  read  with 
greater  profit  by  the  fifth  and  sixth,  in  conjunction  with  the  original 
text." — The  Academy. 

** St  Luke.  Canon  Farrar  has  supplied  students  of  the  Gospel 
with  an  admirable  manual  in  this  volume.  It  has  all  that  copious 
variety  of  illustration,  ingenuity  of  suggestion,  and  general  soundness  of 
interpretation  which  readers  are  accustomed  to  expect  from  the  learned 
and  eloquent  editor.  Any  one  who  has  been  accustomed  to  associate 
the  idea  of  'dryness'  with  a  commentary,  should  go  to  Canon  Farrar's 
St  Luke  for  a  more  correct  impression.  He  will  find  that  a  commen- 
tary may  be  made  interesting  in  the  highest  degree,  and  that  without 
losing  anything  of  its  solid  value.  .  .  .  But,  so  to  speak,  it  is  too  good 
for  some  of  the  readers  for  whom  it  is  intended." — The  Spectator. 

"Canon  Farrar's  contribution  to  The  Cambridge  School  Bible 
is  one  of  the  most  valuable  yet  made.  His  annotations  on  The  Gospel 
according  to  St  Luke,  while  they  display  a  scholarship  at  least  as  sound, 
and  an  erudition  at  least  as  wide  and  varied  as  those  of  the  editors  of 
St  Matthew  and  St  Mark,  are  rendered  telling  and  attractive  by  a 
more  lively  imagination,  a  keener  intellectual  and  spiritual  insight,  a 
more  incisive  and  picturesque  style.  His  St  Ltike  is  worthy  to  be  ranked 
with  Professor  Plumptre's  St  James,  than  which  no  higher  commend- 
ation can  well  be  given." — The  Expositor. 

"St  Luke.  Edited  by  Canon  Farrar,  D.D.  We  have  received  with 
pleasure  this  edition  of  the  Gospel  by  St  Luke,  by  Canon  Farrar.  It  is 
another  instalment  of  the  best  school  commentary  of  the  Bible  we  pos- 
sess. Of  the  expository  part  of  the  work  we  cannot  speak  too  highly. 
It  is  admirable  in  every  way,  and  contains  just  the  sort  of  informa- 
tion needed  for  Students  of  the  English  text  unable  to  make  use  of  the 
original  Greek  for  themselves." — The  N'oiiconformist  and  Independejit. 

**As  a  handbook  to  the  third  gospel,  this  small  work  is  invaluable. 
The  author  has  compressed  into  little  space  a  vast  mass  of  scholarly  in- 
formation. .  .  The  notes  are  pithy,  vigorous,  and  suggestive,  abounding 
in  pertinent  illustrations  from  general  literature,  and  aiding  the  youngest 
reader  to  an  intelligent  appreciation  of  the  text.  A  finer  contribution  to 
'The  Cambridge  Bible  for  Schools'  has  not  yet  been  made." — Baptist 
Magazine. 

"We  were  quite  prepared  to  find  in  Canon  Farrar's  St  Luke  a 
masterpiece  of  13iblical  criticism  and  comment,  and  we  are  not  dis- 
appointed by  our  examination  of  the  volume  before  us.  It  reflects  very 
faithfully  the  learning  and  critical  insight  of  the  Canon's  greatest  works, 
his  'Life  of  Christ'  and  his  'Life  of  St  Paul',  but  differs  widely  from 
both  in  the  terseness  and  condensation  of  its  style.  What  Canon  Farrar 
has  evidently  aimed  at  is  to  place  before  students  as  much  information 
as  possible  within  the  limits  of  the  smallest  possible  space,  and 
in  this  aim  he  has  hit  the  mark  to  perfection." — The  Examiner. 


6     CAMBRIDGE  BIBLE  FOR  SCHOOLS  &   COLLEGES. 

The  Gospel  according  to  St  John.  "  Of  the  notes  we  can  say  with 
confidence  that  they  are  useful,  necessary,  learned,  and  brief.  To 
Divinity  students,  to  teachers,  and  for  private  use,  this  compact 
Commentary  will  be  found  a  valuable  aid  to  the  better  understanding 
of  the  Sacred  Text." — School  Giiaj-dian. 

"The  new  volume  of  the  'Cambridge  Bible  for  Schools' — the 
Gospel  according-  to  St  John,  by  the  Rev.  A.  Plummer— shows  as 
careful  and  thorough  work  as  either  of  its  predecessors.  The  intro- 
duction concisely  yet  fully  describes  the  life  of  St  John,  the  authenticity 
of  the  Gospel,  its  characteristics,  its  relation  to  the  Synoptic  Gospels, 
and  to  the  Apostle's  First  Epistle,  and  the  usual  subjects  referred  to  in 
an  'introduction'." — The  Christian  Church. 

"The  notes  are  extremely  scholarly  and  valuable,  and  in  most  cases 
exhaustive,  bringing  to  the  elucidation  of  the  text  all  that  is  best  in 
commentaries,  ancient  and  modern." — The  English  Churchnan  and 
Clerical  Journal. 

"(i)  The  Acts  of  the  Apostles.  By  J.  Rawson  Lumby,  D.D. 
(2)  The  Second  Epistle  of  the  Corinthians,  edited  by  Professor  Lias. 
The  introduction  is  pithy,  and  contains  a  mass  of  carefully-selected 
information  on  the  authorship  of  the  Acts,  its  designs,  and  its  sources. 

The  Second  Epistle  of  the  Corinthians  is  a  manual  beyond  all  praise, 

for  the  excellence  of  its  pithy  and  pointed  annotations,  its  analysis  of  the 
contents,  and  the  fulness  and  value  of  its  introduction." — Examiner. 

"The  concluding  portion  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  under  the  very 
competent  editorship  of  Dr  Lumby,  is  a  valuable  addition  to  our 
school-books  on  that  subject.  Detailed  criticism  is  impossible  within 
the  space  at  our  command,  but  we  may  say  that  the  ample  notes  touch 
with  much  exactness  the  very  points  on  which  most  readers  of  the  text 
desire  information.  Due  reference  is  made,  where  necessary,  to  the 
Revised  Version;  the  maps  are  excellent;  and  we  do  not  know  of  any 
other  volume  where  so  much  help  is  given  to  the  complete  understand- 
ing of  one  of  the  most  important  and,  in  many  respects,  difficult  books 
of  the  New  Testament." — School  Guardian. 

"The  Rev.  H.  C  G.  Moule,  M.A.,  has  made  a  valuable  addition 
to  The  Cambridge  Bible  for  Schools  in  his  brief  commentary  on 
the  Epistle  to  the  Romans.  The  "Notes"  are  very  good,  and  lean, 
as  the  notes  of  a  School  Bible  should,  to  the  most  commonly  ac- 
cepted and  orthodox  view  of  the  inspired  author's  meaning ;  while  the 
Introduction,  and  especially  the  Sketch  of  the  Life  of  St  Paul,  is  a  model 
of  condensation.  It  is  as  lively  and  pleasant  to  read  as  if  two  or  three 
facts  had  not  been  crowded  into  well-nigh  every  sentence." — Expositor. 

"The  Epistle  to  the  Romans.  It  is  seldom  we  have  met  with  a 
work  so  remarkable  for  the  compression  and  condensation  of  all  that 
is  valuable  in  the  smallest  possible  space  as  in  the  volume  before  us. 
"Within  its  limited  pages  we  have  *a  sketch  of  the  Life  of  St  Paul,' 
we  have  further  a  critical  account  of  the  date  of  the  Epistle  to  the 
Romans,  of  its  language,  and  of  its  genuineness.  The  notes  are 
numerous,  full  of  matter,  to  the  point,  and  leave  no  real  difficulty 
or  obscurity  unexplained." — The  Examiner. 


OPINIONS   OF  THE  PRESS. 


•*The  First  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians.  Edited  by  Professor  Lias. 
Every  fresh  instalment  of  this  annotated  edition  of  the  Bible  for  Schools 
confirms  the  favourable  opinion  we  formed  of  its  value  from  the  exami- 
nation of  its  first  number.  The  origin  and  plan  of  the  Epistle  are 
discussed  with  its  character  and  genuineness." — The  Nonconformist. 

"The  Second  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians.  By  Professor  Lias.  The 
General  Epistles  of  St  Peter  and  St  Jude.  By  E.  H.  Plumptre,  D.D. 
We  welcome  these  additions  to  the  valuable  series  of  the  Cambridge 
Bible.  We  have  nothing  to  add  to  the  commendation  which  we 
have  from  the  first  publication  given  to  this  edition  of  the  Bible.  It  is 
enough  to  say  that  Professor  Lias  has  completed  his  work  on  the  two 
Epistles  to  the  Corinthians  in  the  same  admirable  manner  as  at  first. 
Dr  Plumptre  has  also  completed  the  Catholic  Epistles." — Nonconformist. 

The  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians.  By  Rev.  H.  C.  G.  Moule,  M.A. 
"  It  seems  to  us  the  model  of  a  School  and  College  Commentary — ■ 
comprehensive,  but  not  cumbersome;  scholarly,  but  not  pedantic." — 
Baptist  Magazijie. 

Hebrews.  "  Like  his  (Cano  i  Farrar's)  commentary  on  Luke  it 
possesses  all  the  best  characteristics  of  his  writing.  It  is  a  work  not 
only  of  an  accomplished  scholar,  but  of  a  skilled  teacher." — Baptist 
Alagazine. 

''  We  heartily  commend  this  volume  of  this  excellent  work." — 
Su7iday  School  Chronicle. 

**The  General  Epistle  of  St  James,  by  Professor  Plumptre,  D.D. 
Nevertheless  it  is,  so  far  as  I  know,  by  far  the  best  exposition  of  the 
Epistle  of  St  James  in  the  English  language.  Not  Schoolboys  or 
Students  going  in  for  an  examination  alone,  but  Ministers  and  Preachers 
of  the  Word,  may  get  more  real  help  from  it  than  from  the  most  costly 
and  elaborate  commentaries." — Expositor. 

The  Epistles  of  St  John.  By  the  Rev.  A.  Plummer,  M.A.,  D.D. 
"This  forms  an  admirable  companion  to  the  'Commentary  on  the 
Gospel  according  to  St  John,'  which  was  reviewed  in  The  Chnrchman 
as  soon  as  it  appeared.  Dr  Plummer  has  some  of  the  highest  qualifica- 
tions for  such  a  task  ;  and  these  two  volumes,  their  size  being  considered, 
will  bear  comparison  with  the  best  Commentaries  of  the  lime." — The 
Churchman. 

"  His  small  volume  is,  for  all  practical  purposes,  complete,  both  in 
the  Introduction  and  Notes.  He  is  an  accomplished  scholar,  a  keen 
dialectician,  a  sound  critic,  and  a  judicious  expositor,  in  full  sympathy, 
also,  with  the  utterances  of  the  great  Apostle  of  Love.  Our  space  does 
not  admit  us  to  enter  into  details,  but  the  estimate  we  have  expressed 
is  the  result  of  a  full  and  minute  acquaintance  with  this  delightful 
little  book." — The  Baptist  Magazine. 

*'  Dr  Plummer's  edition  of  the  Epistles  of  St  John  is  worthy  of  its 
companions  in  the  'Cambridge  Bible  for  Schools'  Series.  The 
subject,  though  not  apparently  extensive,  is  really  one  not  easy  to 
treat,  and  requiring  to  be  treated  at  length,  owing  to  the  constant 
reference  to  obscure  heresies  in  the  Johannine  writings.  Dr  Plummer 
has  done  his  exegctical  task  well." — The  Saturday  Review. 


GREEK  TESTAMENT. 


THE  CAMBRIDGE  GREEK  TESTAMENT 

FOR   SCHOOLS   AND   COLLEGES 

with  a  Revised  Text,  based  on  the  most  recent  critical  authorities,  and 

English  Notes,  prepared  under  the  dh-ection  of  the  General  Editor, 
The  Very  Reverend  J.  J.  S.  PEROWNE,  D.D. 

St  Matthew.  *'  Copious  illustrations,  gathered  from  a  great  variety 
of  sources,  make  his  notes  a  very  valuable  aid  to  the  student.  They 
are  indeed  remarkably  interesting,  while  all  explanations  on  meanings, 
applications,  and  the  like  are  distinguished  by  their  lucidity  and  good 
sense."— /'a//  Mall  Gazette. 

St  Mark.  ' '  The  Cambridge  Greek  Testament  of  which  Dr  Maclear's 
edition  of  the  Gospel  according  to  St  Mark  is  a  volume,  certainly 
supplies  a  want.  Without  pretending  to  compete  with  the  leading 
commentaries,  or  to  embody  very  much  original  research,  it  forms  a 
most  satisfactory  introduction  to  the  study  of  the  New  Testament  in 
the  original. ...Dr  Maclear's  introduction  contains  all  that  is  known  of 
St  Mark's  life;  an  account  of  the  circumstances  in  which  the  Gospel 
was  composed,  with  an  estimate  of  the  influence  of  St  Peter's  teaching 
upon  St  Mark ;  an  excellent  sketch  of  the  special  characteristics  of  this 
Gospel ;  an  analysis,  and  a  chapter  on  the  text  of  the  New  Testament 
generally. " — Saturday  Review. 

St  Luke.  "Of  this  second  series  we  have  a  new  volume  by 
Archdeacon  Farrar  on  St  Litke,  completing  the  four  Gospels. ...It 
gives  us  in  clear  and  beautiful  language  the  best  results  of  modern 
scholarship.  We  have  a  most  attractive  Introduction.  Then  follows 
a  sort  of  composite  Greek  text,  representing  fairly  and  in  very  beautiful 
type  the  consensus  of  modern  textual  critics.  At  the  beginning  of  the 
exposition  of  each  chapter  of  the  Gospel  are  a  few  short  critical  notes 
giving  the  manuscript  evidence  for  such  various  readings  as  seem  to 
deserve  mention.  The  expository  notes  are  short,  but  clear  and  helpful. 
For  young  students  and  those  who  are  not  disposed  to  buy  or  to  study 
the  much  more  costly  work  of  Godet,  this  seems  to  us  to  be  the  best 
book  on  the  Greek  Text  of  the  Third  Gospel."— Tl/i-Z/^ij^/j-/  Recorder. 

St  John.  "  We  take  this  opportunity  of  recommending  to  ministers 
on  probation,  the  very  excellent  volume  of  the  same  series  on  this  part 
of  the  New  Testament.  We  hope  that  most  or  all  of  our  young  ministers 
will  prefer  to  study  the  volume  in  the  Cambridge  Greek  Testament  for 
Schools.^'' — Methodist  Recorder. 

The  Acts  of  the  Apostles.  "Professor  Lumby  has  performed  his 
laborious  task  M'ell,  and  supplied  us  with  a  commentary  the  fulness  and 
freshness  of  which  Bible  students  will  not  be  slow  to  appreciate.  The 
volume  is  enriched  with  the  usual  copious  indexes  and  four  coloured 
maps." — Glasgow  Herald. 

I.  Corinthians.  "Mr  Lias  is  no  novice  in  New  Testament  exposi- 
tion, and  the  present  series  of  essays  and  notes  is  an  able  and  helpful 
addition  to  the  existing  books." — Guardian. 

The  Epistles  of  St  John.  "In  the  very  useful  and  well  annotated 
series  of  the  Cambridge  Greek  Testament  the  volume  on  the  Epistles 
of  St  John  must  hold  a  high  position  ...The  notes  are  brief,  well 
informed  and  intelligent." — Scotsman. 

CAMBRIDGE:    PRINTED    BY    C.    J     CLAY,    M.A.    AND    SONS,  AT    THE    UNIVERSITY    PRESS. 


SOME   PUBLICATIONS   OF   THE 

CAMBRIDGE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS. 


THE    PITT  PRESS  SERIES. 


I.     GREEK. 

Aristophanes.    Aves— Plutus— Ranse.     By  W.   C.  Green, 

M.A.,  late  Assistant  Master  at  Rugby  School.     3^.  6d.  each, 

Aristotle.    Outlines  of  the  Philosophy  of.    Compiled   by 

Edwin  Wallace,  M.A.,  LL.D.     Third  Edition,  Enlarged.     4^.  td. 

Euripides.   Heracleidse.  With  Introduction  and  Critical  Notes. 

By  E.  A.  Beck,  M.A.,  Fellow  of  Trinity  Hall.     zs.  td. 

Euripides.    Hercules  Furens.    With  Introduction,  Notes  and 

Analysis.     By  A.  Gray,  M.A.,  and  J.  T.  Hutchinson,  M.A.     New  Ed.    is. 

Herodotus,  Book  VIII.,  Chaps.  1—90.    Edited  with  Notes  and 

Introduction.     By  E.  S.  Shuckburgh,  M.A.     3J.  dd. 

Book  IX.,  Chaps.  1—89.    By  the  same  Editor,   y.  6d. 

Homer.    Odyssey,  Book  IX.    With  Introduction,  Notes  and 

Appendices  by  G.  M.  Edwards,  M.A.     2S.  6d. 

Luciani  Somnium  Charon  Piscator  et  De  Luctu.    By  W.  E. 

Heitland,  M.A.,  Fellow  of  St  John's  College,  Cambridge,     zs.  6d. 

Platonis  Apologia  Socratis.    With  Introduction,  Notes  and 

Appendices.     By  J.  Adam,  B.A.    3^.  6d. 

Crito.    With  Introduction,  Notes  and  Appendix.     By 

the  same  Editor.    2,?.  6d. 

Plutarch.    Lives  of  the  Gracchi.    With  Introduction,  Notes 

and  Lexicon  by  Rev.  H.  A,  Holden,  M.A.,  LL.D.    6s. 

Life    of  Nicias.    With   Introduction   and  Notes   by 

the  same  Editor.     5^. 

Life    of    Sulla.     With    Introduction,    Notes,    and 


Lexicon.     By  the  same  Editor.     6s. 

Sophocles.    Oedipus  Tyrannus.    School  Edition,  with  Intro- 
duction and  Commentary  by  R,  C.  Jebb,  LittD.,  LL.D.    4J.  6d. 

Xenophon.   Agesilaus.   By  H.  Hailstone,  M.A.,  late  Scholar 

of  Peterhouse,  Cambridge.     2s.  6d. 

Xenophon.    Anabasis.    With  Introduction,  Map  and  English 

Notes,  by  A.  Pretor,  M.A.    Two  vols.    7^.  6d. 

Books  I.  III.  IV.  and  V.    By  the  same.    2s.  each. 

Books  n.  VI.  and  VII.    By  the  same.    2s.  6d.  each. 

Xenophon.    Cyropaedeia.    Books  I.  II.    With  Introduction 

and  Notes  by  Rev.  H.  A,  Holden,  M.A.,  LL.D.    2  vols.    6s. 

Books  III.  IV.  and  V.   By  the  same  Editor.   5^. 

London:    Cambridge   Warehouse^  Ave  Maria  Lane, 

60/12/87 


PUBLICATIONS  OF 


II.     LATIN. 

Beda's  Ecclesiastical  History,  Books  III.,  IV.    Edited  with 

a  life,  Notes,  Glossary,  Onomasticon  and  Index,  by  J.  E.  B.  Mayor,  M.A.,  and 
J.  R.  LuMBY,  D-D.     Revised  Edition.     75.  (yd. 

Books  I.  II.     By  the  same  Editors.  \In  the  Press. 

Caesar.  De  Bello  Gallico,  Comment.  I.    With  Maps  and  Notes 

by  A.  G.  Peskett,  M.A.,  Fellow  of  Magdalene  College,  Cambridge.     \s.  td. 

Comment.  I.  II.  III.    3^- 

Comment.  IV.  V.,  and  Comment.  VII.    is.  each. 

Comment.  VI.  and  Comment.  VIII.    \s.  6d.  each. 

Cicero.    De  Amicitia.    Edited  by  J.  S.  Reid,  Litt.D.,  Fellow 

of  Gonville  and  Caius  College.     Revised  Edition,     -^s.  6d. 

Cicero.    De  Senectute.    By  the  same  Editor,    y.  6d. 
Cicero.    In  Gaium  Verrem  Actio  Prima.    With  Notes,  by 

H.  CowiE,  M.A.     IS.  ed. 

Cicero.    In  Q.  Caecilium  Divinatio  et  in  C.  Verrem  Actio. 

With  Notes  by  W.  E.  Heitland,  M.A.,  and  H.  Cowie,  M.A.     3.?. 

Cicero.  Philippica  Secunda.   With  Introduction  and  Notes  by 

A.  G.  Peskett,  M.A.     3^.  6d. 

Cicero.    Oratio  pro  Archia  Poeta.    By  J.  S.  Reid,  Litt.D. 

Revised  Edition,     zs. 

Cicero.    Pro  L.  Cornelio  Balbo  Oratio.    By  the  same.    is.  6d. 
Cicero.    Oratio  pro  Tito  Annio  Milone,  with  English  Notes, 

&c.,  by  John  Smyth  Purton,  B.D.    2s.  6d. 

Cicero.    Oratio  pro  L.  Murena,  with  English  Introduction 

and  Notes.     By  W.  E.  Heitland,  M.A.     3^. 

Cicero.    Pro  Cn.  Plancio  Oratio,  by  H.  A.  H  olden,  LL.D. 

Second  Edition,     ^s.  6d. 

Pro  P.  Cornelio  Sulla  Oratio.    By  J.  S.  Reid,  Litt.D. 

3J.  6d. 

Cicero.  Somnium  Scipionis.    With  Introduction  and  Notes. 

Edited  by  W.  D.  Pearman,  M.A.     2J. 

Horace.    Epistles,  Book  I.    With  Notes  and  Introduction  by 

E.  S.  Shuckburgh,  M.A.,  late  Fellow  of  Emmanuel  College,     -zs.  6d. 

Livy.     Book  XXL     With  Notes,  Introduction  and  Maps.     By 

M.  S.  DiMSDALE,  M.A.,  Fellow  of  King's  College.     35.  6d. 

Lucan.    Pharsaliae  Liber  Primus,  with  English  Introduction 

and  Notes  by  W.  E.  Heitland,  M.A.,  and  C.  E.  Haskins,  M.A.     is.  6d. 

Ovidii   Nasonis    Fastorum  Liber  VI.    With  Notes  by  A. 

SiDGWiCK,  M.A.,  Tutor  of  Corpus  Christi  College,  Oxford,     is.  6d. 

Quintus  Curtius.   A  Portion  of  the  History  (Alexander  in  India). 

By  W.  E.  Heitland,  M.A.,  and  T.  E.  Raven,  B.A.   With  Two  Maps.    3^.  6d. 

London:    Cambridge   Warehouse,  Ave  Maria  Lane. 


THE   CAMBRIDGE    UNIVERSITY  PRESS.         3 
Vergili  Maronis  Aeneidos  Libri  I.— XII.    Edited  with  Notes 

by  A.  SiDGWiCK,  M.A.    \s.  6d.  each. 

Bucolica.     With  Introduction  and  Notes  by  the  same 


Editor,     ij.  6d. 

Georgicon  Libri  I.  II.    By  the  same  Editor.    2s. 

Libri  III.  IV.     By  the  same  Editor.     2s. 


III.     FRENCH. 

Comeille.    La  Suite  du  Menteur.    A  Comedy  in  Five  Acts. 

With  Notes  Philological  and  Historical,  by  G.  Masson,  B.A,     2s. 

De  Bonnechose.  Lazare  Hoche.  With  three  Maps,  Intro- 
duction and  Commentary,  by  C.  Colbeck,  M.A.    2S. 

D'Harleville.  Le  Vieux  C^libataire.  A  Comedy,  Gram- 
matical and  Historical  Notes,  by  G.  Masson,  B.A.     zs. 

De   Lamartine.    Jeanne    D'Arc.    Edited  with   a  Map  and 

Notes  Historical  and  Philological,  and  a  Vocabulary,  by  Rev.  A.  C.  Clapin, 
M.A.,  St  John's  College,  Cambridge.     2S. 

De    Vigny.    La    Canne  de  Jonc,    Edited   with    Notes   by 

Rev.  H.  A.  Bull,  M.A.,  late  Master  at  Wellington  College,     zs. 

Erckmann-Chatrian.    La  Guerre.    With  Map,  Introduction 

and  Commentary  by  Rev.  A.  C.  Clapin,  M.A.     35. 

La  Baronne  de  Stael-Holstein.  Le  Directoire.  (Considera- 
tions sur  la  Revolution  Fran9aise.  Troisieme  et  quatrieme  parties.)  Revised 
and  enlarged.    With  Notes  by  G.  Masson,  B.A.  and  G.  W.  Prothero,  M.A.   2s. 

Dix  Annies  d'Exil.    Livre  II.   Chapitres  1—8. 

By  the  same  Editors.     New  Edition,  enlarged.     2s. 

Lemercier.    Fredegonde  et  Brunehaut.    A  Tragedy  in  Five 

Acts.    By  GusTAVE  Masson,  B.A.     2j. 

Moli^re.    Le    Bourgeois    Gentilhomme,   Comddie-Ballet   en 

Cinq  Actes.     (1670.)     By  Rev.  A.  C.  Clapin,  M.A.     is.  6d. 

L'Ecole  des  Femmes.    With  Introduction  and  Notes  by 

G.  Saintsbury,  M.A.     2s.  6d. 

Piron.    La   M^tromanie.    A    Comedy,  with    Notes,  by    G. 

Masson,  B.A.    2s. 

Sainte-Beuve.    M.  Daru  (Causeries    du    Lundi,    Vol.    IX.). 

By  G.  Masson,  B.A.     2s. 

Saintine.    Picciola.     With  Introduction,  Notes  and  Map.    By 

Rev.  A.  C.  Clapin,  M.A.     2s. 

Scribe  and  Legouv^.    Bataille  de  Dames.    Edited  by  Rev. 

H.  A.  Bull,  M.A.    2s. 

Scribe.  Le  Verre  d'Eau.  A  Comedy;  with  Memoir,  Gram- 
matical and  Historical  Notes.     Edited  by  C.  Colbeck,  M.A.     2s. 

Sedaine.    Le  Philosophe  sans  le  savoir.    Edited  with  Notes 

by  Rev.  H.  A.  Bull,  M.A.,  late  Master  at  Wellington  College.     2s. 


London:    Cambridge   Warehouse,  Ave  Maria  Lane. 


PUBLICATIONS  OF 


Thierry.    Lettres  sur  I'histoire  de  France  (XIIL— XXIV). 

By  G.  Masson,  B.A.  and  G.  W.  Prothero,  M.A.     7.s.  6d. 


R^cits  des  Temps  M^rovingiens  I— III.    Edited  by 

Gust  AVE  Masson,  B.A.  Univ.  Gallic,  and  A.  R.  Ropes,  M.A.  With  Map.  35. 

Villemain.    Lascaris  ou  Les  Grecs  du  XVe  Si^cle,  Nouvelle 

Historique.     By  G.  Masson,  B.A.     zs. 

Voltaire.    Histoire  du  Si^cle  de  Louis  XIV.    Chaps.  I.— 

XIII.    Edited  with  Notes  by  G.  Masson,  B.A.  and  G.  W.  Prothero,  M.A. 
25.  6d. 


Part  II.    Chaps.  XIV— XXIV.    By  the  same  Editors. 

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2S.  6d. 

Xavier  de  Maistre.    La  Jeune  Siherienne.    Le  L^preux  de 

la  Cit^  D'Aoste.    By  G.  Masson,  B.A.    2s. 


IV.    GERMAN. 


Ballads  on  German  History.    Arranged  and  annotated  by 

WiLHELM  Wagner,  Ph.D.     2s. 

Benedix.    Doctor  Wespe.    Lustspiel  in  funf  Aufziigen.    Edited 

with  Notes  by  Karl  Hermann  Breul,  M.A.     3^. 

Freytag.    Der  Staat  Friedrichs  des  Grossen.    With  Notes. 

By  WiLHELM  Wagner,  Ph.D.     2^. 

German    Dactylic    Poetry.     Arranged    and    annotated    by 

WiLHELM  Wagner,  Ph.D.     2s. 

Goethe's    Knahenjahre.    (i749— 1759-)     Arranged  and  anno- 
tated by  WiLHELM  Wagner,  Ph.D.    2s. 

Hermann  und   Dorothea.    By  Wilhelm  Wagner, 

Ph.D.    Revised  edition  by  J.  W.  Cartmell,  M.A.    3^.  6d. 

Gutzkow.    Zopf  und  Schwert.    Lustspiel  in  fiinf  Aufziigen. 

By  H.  J.  Wolstenholme,  B.A.  (Lend.),     ^s.  6d. 

Hauff.    Das  Wirthshaus  im  Spessart.    By  A.  Schlottmann, 

Ph.D.    3s.6d. 

Hauff.    Die  Karavane.    Edited  with  Notes  by  A.  Schlott- 
mann, Ph.D.    3,y.  6d. 

Immermann.    Der  Oberhof.    A  tale  of  Westphalian  Life,  by 

WiLHELM  Wagner,  Ph.D.    2^. 

Kohlrausch.  Das  Jahr  1 8 1 3.  With  English  Notes  by  Wilhelm 

Wagner,  Ph.D.    2^. 

Lessing  and  Gellert.    Selected  Fables.    Edited  with  Notes 

by  Karl  Hermann  Breul,  M.A.,  Lecturer  in  German  at  the  University  of 
Cambridge.     3^. 

London:    Cambridge  Warehouse,  Ave  Maria  Lane. 


THE  CAMBRIDGE   UNIVERSITY  PRESS.         5 
Mendelssohn's  Letters.    Selections  from.    Edited  by  James 

SiME,  M.A.     3^. 

Raumer.    Der  erste  Kreuzzug  (1095— 1099).    By  Wilhelm 

Wagner,  Ph.D.    3^. 

Riehl.    Culturgeschichtliche   Novellen.    Edited   by   H.    J. 

WoLSTENHOLME,  B.A.  (Lond.)-     4^.  6</. 

Uhland.    Ernst,  Herzog  von  Schwaben.    With  Introduction 

and  Notes.    By  the  same  Editor.    3^.  bd. 


V.     ENGLISH. 


Ancient  Philosophy  from  Thales  to  Cicero,  A  Sketch  of.   By 

Joseph  B.  Mayor,  M.A.     sj.  dd. 

Bacon's  History  of  the  Reign  of  King  Henry  VII.    With 

Notes  by  the  Rev.  Professor  Lumby,  D.D.     3J. 

Cowley's  Essays.    With  Introduction  and  Notes,  by  the  Rev. 

Professor  Lumby,  D.D.    4J. 

More's  History  of  King  Richard  HI.    Edited  with  Notes, 

Glossary,  Index  of  Names.     By  J.  Rawson  Lumby,  D.D.    35.  6d. 

More's  Utopia.    With  Notes,  by  Rev.  Prof.  Lumby,  D.D.    3^-. 
The  Two  Noble  Kinsmen,  edited  with  Introduction  and  Notes, 

by  the  Rev.  Professor  Skeat,  Litt.D.     3J.  6d. 


VI.     EDUCATIONAL  SCIENCE. 

Comenius,  John  Amos,  Bishop  of  the  Moravians.     His  Life 

and  Educational  Works,   by  S.  S.  Laurie,  A.M.,   F.R.S.E.     New  Edition, 
revised.     3J.  6rf. 

Education,  Three  Lectures  on  the  Practice  of.    DeHvered 

under  the  direction  of  the  Teachers'  Training  Syndicate.     2^. 

Locke  on  Education.    With  Introduction  and  Notes  by  the 

Rev.  R.  H.  Quick,  M.A.     3^.  td. 

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the    Edition    of    1673.      Edited,    with    Introduction    and    Notes,    by    Oscar 
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